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FEDERAL EDITION
Limited to 1000 signed and numbered sets,
The Collector's Edition of the Writings of Thomas
Jefferson is limited to six hundred signed and num**
bered setsf of which this is
Number^
We guarantee that no limited, numbered edition,
other than the Federal, shall be printed from these
plates.
The written number must correspond with the
perforated number at the top of this page,
*<^ffi^(fUsl^
From the painting by Mather Bro
The Works of
Thomas Jefferson
Collected and Edited
by
Paul Leicester Ford
Volume XII
G. P. Putnam's Sons
New York and London
Gbe "Rntcherbocfcet press
1905
Ubc Iknfcfecrbocftetr ipress, flew
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII
PAGE
1816
To SAMUEL KERCHEVAL, JULY i2TH .... 3
Virginia Constitution — General principles of govern
ment.
To THOMAS APPLETON, JULY i8TH 16
Death of Mazzei — Jefferson's debt to Mazzei.
To JOHN TAYLOR, JULY 2iST ..... 21
Schools in Virginia — County Courts.
To JOSEPH DELAPLAINE, JULY 26TH .... 28
Peyton Randolph — Invasion of Virginia.
To JAMES MADISON, AUGUST 20 . . . . -30
Visits — Mrs. Randolph's illness.
To WILLIAM WIRT, SEPTEMBER 4TH . . . -32
Life of Patrick Henry.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, SEPTEMBER STH ... 34
Congressional salary and changes — Drought and crops
— Disappearance of Federalists — Virginia Constitution.
To THE SECRETARY OF STATE, OCTOBER i6TH . . 39
Inscription for Capitol.
To MATHEW CAREY, NOVEMBER IITH .... 41
Olive Bratich — Religion.
To GEORGE LOGAN, NOVEMBER i2TH .... 42
Religion — Conduct of U. S. compared with England.
1817
To MRS. JOHN ADAMS, JANUARY IITH .... 44
Events in France — Personal relations.
iv Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
To JOHN ADAMS, JANUARY IITH 46
Reading — Correspondence — Tracy's writings — Religion.
To WILLIAM SAMPSON, JANUARY 26111 .... 49
Farming vs. manufacturing — Situation in Great
Britain.
To CHARLES THOMSON, JANUARY 2pTH . . . .51
Health — Religion.
To DR. THOMAS HUMPHREYS, FEBRUARY STH . . 53
Emancipation and colonization.
To FRANCIS A. VAN DER KEMP, MARCH i6TH . . 54
Threatened publication of Syllabus of Christ' s Doctrines
— Repository .
To TRISTAM DALTON, MAY 20 56
Agriculture.
To GEORGE TICKNOR [May ?] 58
Internal improvements — Rumored law of New York
against Shakers.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, MAY i4TH . . 61
France — United States — Quakers — South America.
To WILSON GARY NICHOLAS, JUNE IOTH ... 64
Byrd's journal — Loan from bank.
To DR. JOHN MANNERS, JUNE i2TH .... 65
Right of expatriation — Common law in U. S.
To BARON F. H. A. VON HUMBOLDT, JUNE 13™ . . 68
Writings — Public improvements.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, JUNE i6TH .... 70
Congressional salaries and changes — Recent acts — In
ternal improvements — New York act against Shakers.
To CHARLES CLAY, JULY i2TH 74
Maxims of conduct.
To GOODMAN, REED, BOYER, AND DUANE, AUGUST
2 IST . . . . . . . «75
Pretended political opinion.
To GEORGE TICKNOR, NOVEMBER 25TH ... 76
Books — French military schools — Education in Vir
ginia — University of Virginia.
Contents of Volume XII v
PAGE
1818
To WILLIAM WIRT, JANUARY $TH .... 79
Life of Patrick Henry — Kosciusko's death and will.
To JOSEPH C. CABELL, JANUARY 14x11 . ... Si
Cost of Virginia schools.
To DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, MARCH 30 87
Statement as to Patrick Henry — John Adams.
To NATHANIEL BURWELL, MARCH I4TH ... 90
French education — Fiction.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, APRIL 9TH .... 93
Ascendency of Republican party.
To JOHN ADAMS, MAY i7TH 94
Holly — Origin of Revolution — South America.
To ARCHIBALD STUART, MAY 28TH .... 96
Merino sheep.
To GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON, JUNE 25™ . . 98
Falsehood in reference to Pike's expedition — Wilson's
Ornithology.
To WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, NOVEMBER IOTH . . 100
Tariff on wines — Evil of whiskey.
To JOHN ADAMS, NOVEMBER i3TH . . . .102
Death of Mrs. Adams.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, NOVEMBER 24TH . . .103
France — Capture of Pensacola — Western and Southern
emigration — Public lands — Health — Cathalan — Tracy.
To ROBERT WALSH, DECEMBER 4TH .... 106
Franklin's enemies — Franklin and France — Anecdotes
of Franklin.
1819
To NATHANIEL MACON, JANUARY 1 2TH . . .109
Reading — Paper money.
To JAMES MONROE, JANUARY i8TH . . . .113
Louisiana boundaries.
To DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, JANUARY 3isx . . 115
Samuel Adams.
vi Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
To JAMES MADISON, MARCH 30 . . .116
"Sour grapes" of William and Mary College — Florida
— Arbuthnot and Ambrister.
To DR. VINE UTLEY, MARCH 2isx . . . .116
Physical habits.
To SAMUEL ADAMS WELLS, MAY I2TH . . . .119
Origin of Committees of Correspondence — Galloway's
history of Declaration of Independence — McKean's recol
lections — Signing of Declaration — Samuel Adams — Secret
Journals.
To RICHARD RUSH, JUNE 220 ..... 126
Books — Banking system.
To WILLIAM WIRT, JUNE 27™ . . . . .129
Kosciusko's property and will.
To JOHN ADAMS, JULY 9TH . . . . . .131
Mecklenburg Declaration — Professors for University of
Virginia.
To JOSEPH MARX, AUGUST 24™ 134
Renewal of notes — Endorser.
To JUDGE SPENCER ROANE, SEPTEMBER 6TH . . 135
Letters of Hampden — Encroachments of national gov
ernment — Right of decision as to constitutionality.
To WILLIAM SHORT, OCTOBER 3iST . . . . 140
Jefferson an Epicurean — Classic writers — Doctrines of
Christ.
To JOHN ADAMS, NOVEMBER ;TH ..... 144
Illnesses — Bank-note bubble burst.
To JOHN NICHOLAS, NOVEMBER IOTH .... 146
Personal relations — Nicholas corps — Invasion of Vir
ginia.
To WILLIAM C. RIVES, NOVEMBER 28TH . . . 149
Bank-notes.
To JOHN ADAMS, DECEMBER IOTH .... 150
Missouri question — Cicero — Caesar.
1820
To JOSEPH C. CABELL, JANUARY 220 . . . 154
University in Kentucky — Missouri question.
Contents of Volume XII vii
PA OB
To ROBERT WALSH, FEBRUARY 6TH .... 156
British criticisms of the United States.
To HUGH NELSON, FEBRUARY ;TH .... 157
Missouri question — Petitions of manufacturers.
To JOHN HOLMES, APRIL 220 ..... 158
Missouri question — Emancipation — Colonization.
To JAMES MONROE, MAY 14™ ..... 160
Spanish Treaty — Texas — Florida — Cuba.
To WILLIAM C. JARVIS, SEPTEMBER 28TH . . .161
Right of decision on constitutionality.
To CHARLES PINCKNEY, SEPTEMBER 30TH . . . 164
Age — Paper vs. metallic money — Missouri question.
TO J. CORREA DE SERRA, OCTOBER 24TH . . . 166
University of Virginia — Portugal — Piracy.
To JOSEPH C. CABELL, NOVEMBER 28TH . . . 169
University of Virginia — Virginia threatened with being
the Barbary of United States — Elementary schools.
To JAMES MADISON, NOVEMBER 2QTH .... 174
Tenche Coxe — Removals from office — Correa.
To THOMAS RITCHIE, DECEMBER 25TH .... 175
Taylor's Construction Construed — Judiciary the danger
ous branch of the United States Government.
To DAVID B. WARDEN, DECEMBER 26TH . . . 179
European revolutions — Banks — Missouri question —
Botta's History.
To A. C. V. C. DESTUTT DE TRACY, DECEMBER 26TH . 181
Writings — South America.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, DECEMBER 26TH . . . 185
European revolutions — Paper money — Governmental
revenues and expenditures — Missouri question — Pennsyl
vania and Virginia — Emancipation and colonization.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, DECEMBER 26TH . 189
Health — Republicanization of Europe — Relations with
Spain — Missouri question.
1821
To JAMES MADISON, JANUARY 13™ .... 192
Treatment of typhus fever — Missouri question.
viii Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
To FRANCIS EPPES, JANUARY IQTH .... 194
Opinion of writings of Bolingbroke and Thomas Paine.
To ARCHIBALD THWEAT, JANUARY IQTH . . . 196
Inroads of Federal judiciary.
To JOHN ADAMS, JANUARY 220 ..... 198
Convention of Massachusetts — Missouri question.
To GEORGE A. OTIS, FEBRUARY I$TH .... 200
Feeling concerning Independence in Colonies.
To JUDGE SPENCER ROANE, MARCH 9TH . . . 201
Corruption of government — Federal judiciary — Mis
souri question.
To SAMUEL H. SMITH, APRIL i2TH .... 203
Debt a cause for revolution — Danger of geographical
lines in parties.
To HENRY DEARBORN, AUGUST i7TH .... 205
Living signers of Declaration — Missouri question —
Western extension.
To NATHANIEL MACON, AUGUST i9TH .... 206
Jefferson's recommendation of Taylor's book — Polit
ical measures.
To JAMES MADISON, SEPTEMBER i6TH .... 209
Duties on books.
To MRS. ELIZABETH PAGE, DECEMBER STH . . .211
Revolutionary services of Thomas Nelson.
To THE REV. MR. HATCH, DECEMBER STH . . . 212
Contribution.
To JAMES PLEASANTS, DECEMBER 26TH . . . 213
University of Virginia — Bankrupt law — Curbing of
Federal judiciary — Cooked-up decisions.
To THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, DECEMBER 3isT . . 217
Hackley's claim — Spanish grants.
1822
To THOMAS RITCHIE, JANUARY 7TH .... 221
Endeavor to drag Jefferson into Presidential election.
To JEDEDIAH MORSE, MARCH 6TH ..... 222
Association for civilizing Indians — Dangers from pri
vate societies interfering in governmental functions.
Contents of Volume XII ix
PAGB
To RITCHIE AND GOOCH, MAY 13x11 .... 228
Letter of a native Virginian — Charge of peculation
against Jefferson.
To JOHN ADAMS, JUNE IST 234
Charles Thomson — Life — Health — European news.
To DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, JUNE 26TH . . 241
Doctrines of Jesus — Corrupted by Platonism.
To LEROY AND BAYARD, JULY 5™ .... 244
Jefferson's income — Debt to Van Staphorst
To WILLIAM JOHNSON, OCTOBER 27™ .... 246
Life of General Nathaniel Greene — Cooked-up decisions
of Supreme Court — Political parties.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, OCTOBER 28TH . 253
Friendship — European affairs — Presidential election —
Political parties.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, OCTOBER 2QTH .... 261
Presidential election — University of Virginia.
To HENRY DEARBORN, OCTOBER 3 IST .... 264
Voyage to Lisbon — Presidential election — Political
parties — University of Virginia — Oorrea.
To JOHN ADAMS, NOVEMBER IST ..... 266
Origin of American navy — Proposals concerning Bar-
bary States — Expense of navy.
To DR. THOMAS COOPER, NOVEMBER 20 ... 270
Outbreak of fanaticism in U. S. — No professor of divin
ity in University of Virginia — Opening of university.
To JAMES MONROE, DECEMBER IST .... 273
Mexican news.
1823
To JAMES MADISON, JANUARY 6TH .... 274
University of Virginia — Life of Gerry — Letter to Judge
Johnson.
To JAMES MONROE, FEBRUARY 2iST .... 276
President's hospitality — Financial difficulties.
To JUDGE WILLIAM JOHNSON, MARCH 4TH . . . 277
North American Review's notice of Life of Greene — His
tory of parties — Federalist chronicles — Jefferson's papers
— Judiciary encroachments.
x Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
To WILLIAM SHORT, MARCH 28TH 281
Predictions as to Europe — Great Britain and United
States.
To SAMUEL SMITH, MAY 30 . . . . . . 283
Whiskey tax — Excise — Drunkenness in U. S. — Presi
dential election.
To THOMAS LEIPER, MAY 3iST 286
Grasses — Politics — Banks — Prints of Bonaparte.
To WILLIAM B. GILES, JUNE QTH 289
Education.
To JAMES MONROE, JUNE i ITH ..... 291
U. S. should avoid European affairs — Cuba — England
and Spain.
To JAMES MADISON, JUNE i3TH ..... 295
Washington's Farewell Address.
To JAMES MONROE, JUNE 23D 296
Cuba and Mexico.
To ALBERT GALLATIN, AUGUST 20 .... 299
Spain — Political parties.
To SAMUEL H. SMITH, AUGUST 2D .... 300
Qualifications of President — Party of consolidation.
To GEORGE HAY, AUGUST I'JTH 302
Letters of "Phocion" — Method of electing President.
To WILLIAM B. GILES, AUGUST 29TH .... 304
W. 0. Nicholas.
To JAMES MADISON, AUGUST 30TH .... 306
Pickering's Fourth of July oration — Drafting of De
claration of Independence — Origin of ideas.
To JOHN ADAMS, SEPTEMBER 4TH 309
Slow progress of free ideas — Europe — John Jay.
To JOHN ADAMS, OCTOBER i2TH ..... 312
Old age — University of Virginia — Cunningham corre
spondence.
To JAMES MADISON, OCTOBER i8TH .... 315
Letter of Tenche Coxe — Controversy between partisans
of Hamilton and Pickering.
Contents of Volume XII xi
PAGE
To JAMES MONROE, OCTOBER IQTH .... 316
Duane.
To JAMES MONROE, OCTOBER 24™ .... 318
Monroe Doctrine — Great Britain.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, NOVEMBER 4TH . 321
European affairs — Presidential election — Political par
ties — Miss Wright's books — Old age.
To JAMES MADISON, NOVEMBER i STH .... 325
Questions with Great Britain.
To JOHN FRY, DECEMBER 20 326
Gift of venison.
To WILLIAM CARVER, DECEMBER 4TH . . . .326
Letters of Thomas Paine — Magazine — Toleration.
To THOMAS COOPER, DECEMBER IITH .... 328
Class taxation — Fanaticism — University of Virginia.
To GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON, DECEMBER i8TH . 329
Visit.
1824
To THOMAS J. GROTJAN, JANUARY IOTH . . .331
Maxims of conduct.
To JOHN DAVIS, JANUARY i8TH 331
Bancroft's sermons — Doctrines of Jesus.
To GEORGE THACHER, JANUARY 26TH .... 332
Religion.
To JARED SPARKS, FEBRUARY 4TH .... 334
Colonization — Problem as to negro.
To JAMES MONROE, FEBRUARY $TH .... 339
Publication of papers on Continental Congress — Com
ing of Lafayette.
To ROBERT J. GARNETT, FEBRUARY i4TH . . . 341
Taylor's New Views of the Constitution — True relation
of national and state governments.
To JAMES MONROE, FEBRUARY 20TH .... 343
Applicants for office — B. Peyton.
To JAMES MONROE, MARCH 27™ 346
Relations with Edward Livingston.
xii Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
To THOMAS LEIPER, APRIL 30 347
Presidential election — Relations between Pennsylvania
and Virginia.
To EDWARD LIVINGSTON, APRIL 4TH .... 348
Political parties — Federal and state relations — Inter
nal improvements.
To JOHN H. PLEASANTS, APRIL IQTH .... 351
Virginia constitution.
To RICHARD RUSH, JUNE 5TH ..... 355
Tariff of 1824 — Andrew Jackson's prospects — Craw
ford and Adams.
To MARTIN VAN BUREN, JUNE 29™ .... 357
Pickering's orations — Philippics against Adams and
Jefferson — Relations with Washington — Mazzei letter —
Society of the Cincinnati — Washington's politics.
To JAMES MONROE, JULY i8TH ..... 372
Applications for appointments — Conduct of England.
To HENRY LEE, AUGUST IOTH 374
Newspapers — Political parties.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, SEPTEMBER 30 . .376
Arrival in America — Yorktown — Visit to Monticello.
To SAMUEL KERCHEVAL, SEPTEMBER $TH . . . 377
Virginia constitution.
To THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, OCTOBER QTH . . 378
Tender of dinner — Recollections.
To RICHARD RUSH, OCTOBER i3TH .... 380
Delirium of Lafayette's visit — Presidential election —
Danger of consolidation.
To JOSEPH COOLIDGE, OCTOBER 24TH .... 381
Courtship of Ellen Jefferson — Gift — Visit of Lafayette.
To CHARLES J. INGERSOLL, OCTOBER 27TH . . . 384
Walsh's book — Conduct of Great Britain.
To THOMAS LEIPER, DECEMBER 6TH .... 385
Application for office — Invitation.
To JAMES MONROE, DECEMBER ISTH .... 387
Publication of letter.
Contents of Volume XII xiii
PAGE
1825
To WILLIAM SHORT, JANUARY STH . . . . 388
Writings of Harper and Otis — Hamilton a monarchist
— The two Adamses — Denny — History of American par
ties.
To DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, JANUARY STH . . 398
University of Virginia — Health of Adams.
To FRANCIS A. VAN DER KEMP, JANUARY IITH . . 399
Adams — Flourens on nervous system.
To J. S. JOHNSON, FEBRUARY i3TH .... 402
Book on Louisiana — La Harpe's History — Louisiana
boundaries.
To THOMAS J. SMITH, FEBRUARY 2isT . . . . 405
Rules for conduct.
To JUDGE AUGUSTUS B. WOODWARD, APRIL 30 . . 407
Authorship of Virginia constitution — Mason — Jeffer
son's share in preamble.
To HENRY LEE, MAY STH 408
Mason the author of the Virginia Bill of Rights — Vir
ginia's instruction on Independence — Object of Declara
tion of Independence.
To Miss FANNY WRIGHT, AUGUST yTH . . . 410
Slavery.
To JOHN VAUGHAN, SEPTEMBER i6TH .... 412
Copies of Declaration of Independence.
To DR. JAMES MEASE, SEPTEMBER 26TH . . . 413
House where Declaration was written.
To JOHN ADAMS, DECEMBER iSTH .... 414
Ellen Jefferson Coolidge — Jefferson's wealth — Life of
R. H. Lee.
To JAMES MADISON, DECEMBER 24TH .... 416
Internal improvements — Draft of protest.
To WILLIAM B. GILES, DECEMBER 25™ . . . 418
J. Q. Adams and embargo — New England negotiations
with Great Britain.
To WILLIAM B. GILES, DECEMBER 26TH . . . 424
Usurpation of national government — Course to be
taken — Publication of letter — University of Virginia.
xiv Contents of Volume XII
PAGE
1826
To WILLIAM F. GORDON, JANUARY IST . . 429
111 health — Usurpation of national government — Inter
nal improvements.
To JAMES MADISON, JANUARY 20 . . . . 431
Internal improvements — University of Virginia.
To THOMAS M. RANDOLPH, JANUARY STH . . . 432
Private affairs.
To WILLIAM SHORT, JANUARY i8TH .... 434
Emancipation.
THOUGHTS ON LOTTERIES, FEBRUARY .... 435
Cases in Virginia — Jefferson's services.
To JOSEPH C. CABELL, FEBRUARY yTH .... 450
Lottery for Jefferson — Charges of "An American Citi
zen" — University of Virginia.
To THOMAS J. RANDOLPH, FEBRUARY STH . . . 453
Lottery — Despair.
To JAMES MADISON, FEBRUARY IJTVL .... 455
University of Virginia — Books — Legal training — Lot
tery — Debts — Nicholas.
To NATHANIEL MACON, FEBRUARY 2iST . . . 459
History of North Carolina.
To JAMES MONROE, FEBRUARY 220 .... 460
Debts — Lottery — Virginian estate.
To GEORGE LOYALL, FEBRUARY 220 .... 461
Lottery — University of Virginia.
To THOMAS RITCHIE, FEBRUARY 28TH .... 463
Lottery — Property.
To JAMES MONROE, MARCH STH 466
Lottery — Property.
To JOHN Q. ADAMS, MARCH 30TH 467
Commercial treaties.
To EDWARD EVERETT, APRIL STH ..... 469
Lawfulness of slavery — U. S. Constitution.
To HENRY LEE, MAY 30TH ...... 470
Lee's Memoirs — Simcoe's raid.
Contents of Volume XII xv
PAGE
To MRS. JOSEPH COOLIDGE, JUNE 5TH .... 471
Affection — Incipient courtships.
To ROGER C. WEIGHTMAN, JUNE 24x11 .... 476
Declines invitation to celebrate fiftieth anniversary of
Independence.
JEFFERSON'S WILL 478
JEFFERSON'S EPITAPH 483
INDEX 485
ITINERARY AND CHRONOLOGY
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON
1816-1826
1816. — July 10. At Monticello.
Writes sketch of Peyton Randolph.
Sept. Reads proof of Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry.
25. At Poplar Forest.
Oct. 5. At Monticello.
1 6. Writes inscription for National Capitol.
24-Dec. 5. At Poplar Forest.
Dec. ii. At Monticello.
1817. — Apr. 25-6. At Poplar Forest.
28. At Monticello.
July i. At Poplar Forest.
15. At Monticello.
Aug. n-Sept. 1 8. At Poplar Forest.
Sept. 21. At Monticello.
Nov. 22-Dec. 20. At Poplar Forest.
Dec. 23. At Monticello.
1818.— Apr. !7-May 3. At Poplar Forest.
May 6. At Monticello.
July 3. At Poplar Forest.
Aug. 1-4. At Rockfish Gap.
7-21. At Warm Springs.
Sept. i. At Monticello.
Writes Anecdotes of Franklin.
1819. — Apr. 22. At Poplar Forest.
May i. At Monticello.
July lo-Sept. 10. At Poplar Forest.
Sept. 14. At Monticello.
Nov. Draws Plan of circulating medium,
xvii
xviii Itinerary and Chronology
1820.— Sept. 13-21. At Poplar Forest.
24. At Monticello.
Nov. 15. At Poplar Forest.
Dec. 19. At Monticello.
1821. — Oct. 20. At Buckspring.
27. At Monticello.
Ig22. — May Writes answer to "A Native of Virginia."
21-6. At Poplar Forest.
30. At Monticello.
1823. — May 21. At Poplar Forest.
27. At Monticello.
June At Bedford.
July At Monticello.
1824. — Dec. Visited by Daniel Webster.
1825. — Dec. Drafts Protest for Virginia.
Ig26. — Feb. Writes Notes on Lotteries.
Mar. 1 6. Executes Will.
17. Adds Codicil to Will.
June 24. Declines invitation to join in cele
brating July 4th.
25. Writes last letter.
July 4. Dies.
CORRESPONDENCE
AND
OFFICIAL PAPERS
1816-1826
TOL. XII.— «.
CORRESPONDENCE
AND
OFFICIAL PAPERS
1816-1826
TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 12, l8l6.
SIR, — I duly received your favor of June the i3th,
with the copy of the letters on the calling a conven
tion, on which you are pleased to ask my opinion.
I have not been in the habit of mysterious reserve on
any subject, nor of buttoning up my opinions within
my own doublet. On the contrary, while in public
service especially, I thought the public entitled to
frankness, and intimately to know whom they em
ployed. But I am now retired: I resign myself, as
a passenger, with confidence to those at present at
the helm, and ask but for rest, peace and good will.
The question you propose, on equal representation,
has become a party one, in which I wish to take no
public share. Yet, if it be asked for your own satis
faction only, and not to be quoted before the public,
I have no motive to withhold it, and the less from
you, as it coincides with your own. At the birth of
3
4 The Writings of
our republic, I committed that opinion to the world,
in the draught of a constitution annexed to the Notes
on Virginia, in which a provision was inserted for a
representation permanently equal. The infancy of
the subject at that moment, and our inexperience of
self-government, occasioned gross departures in that
draught from genuine republican canons. In truth,
the abuses of monarchy had so much filled all the
space of political contemplation, that we imagined
everything republican which was not monarchy. We
had not yet penetrated to the mother principle, that
"governments are republican only in proportion as
they embody the will of their people, and execute
it." Hence, our first constitutions had really no
leading principles in them. But experience and re
flection have but more and more confirmed me in the
particular importance of the equal representation
then proposed. On that point, then, I am entirely
in sentiment with your letters ; and only lament that
a copy-right of your pamphlet prevents their ap
pearance in the newspapers, where alone they would
be generally read, and produce general effect. The
present vacancy too, of other matter, would give
them place in every paper, and bring the question
home to every man's conscience.
But inequality of representation in both Houses
of our legislature, is not the only republican heresy
in this first essay of our revolutionary patriots at
forming a constitution. For let it be agreed that a
government is republican in proportion as every
member composing it has his equal voice in the
direction of its concerns (not indeed in person,
1816] Thomas Jefferson 5
which would be impracticable beyond the limits of
a city, or small township, but) by representatives
chosen by himself, and responsible to him at short
periods, and let us bring to the test of this canon
every branch of our constitution.
In the legislature, the House of Representatives
is chosen by less than half the people, and not at all
in proportion to those who do choose. The Senate
are still more disproportionate, and for long terms
of irresponsibility. In the Executive, the Governor
is entirely independent of the choice of the people,
and of their control; his Council equally so, and at
best but a fifth wheel to a wagon. In the Judiciary,
the judges of the highest courts are dependent on
none but themselves. In England, where judges
were named and removable at the will of an heredi
tary executive, from which branch most misrule was
feared, and has flowed, it was a great point gained,
by fixing them for life, to make them independent of
that executive. But in a government founded on
the public will, this principle operates in an opposite
direction, and against that will. There, too, they
were still removable on a concurrence of the execu
tive and legislative branches. But we have made
them independent of the nation itself. They are
irremovable, but by their own body, for any de
pravities of conduct, and even by their own body for
the imbecilities of dotage. The justices of the in
ferior courts are self -chosen, are for life, and perpetu
ate their own body in succession forever, so that a
faction once possessing themselves of the bench of a
county, can never be broken up, but hold their
6 The Writings of
county in chains, forever indissoluble. Yet these
justices are the real executive as well as judiciary, in
all our minor and most ordinary concerns. They
tax us at will; fill the office of sheriff, the most im
portant of all the executive officers of the county;
name nearly all our military leaders, which leaders,
once named, are removable but by themselves. The
juries, our judges of all fact, and of law when they
choose it, are not selected by the people, nor amen
able to them. They are chosen by an officer named
by the court and executive. Chosen, did I say?
Picked up by the sheriff from the loungings of the
court yard, after everything respectable has retired
from it. Where then is our republicanism to be
found? Not in our constitution certainly, but
merely in the spirit of our people. That would
oblige even a despot to govern us republicanly.
Owing to this spirit, and to nothing in the form of
our constitution, all things have gone well. But this
fact, so triumphantly misquoted by the enemies of
reformation, is not the fruit of our constitution, but
has prevailed in spite of it. Our functionaries have
done well, because generally honest men. If any
were not so, they feared to show it.
But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than
to amend them. I do not think their amendment so
difficult as is pretended. Only lay down true prin
ciples, and adhere to them inflexibly. Do not be
frightened into their surrender by the alarms of the
timid, or the croakings of wealth against the ascen
dency of the people. If experience be called for,
appeal to that of our fifteen or twenty governments
1816] Thomas Jefferson 7
for forty years, and show me where the people have
done half the mischief in these forty years, that a
single despot would have done in a single year; or
show half the riots and rebellions, the crimes and the
punishments, which have taken place in any single
nation, under kingly government, during the same
period. The true foundation of republican govern
ment is the equal right of every citizen, in his per
son and property, and in their management. Try
by this, as a tally, every provision of our constitu
tion, and see if it hangs directly on the will of
the people. Reduce your legislature to a con
venient number for full, but orderly discussion.
Let every man who fights or pays, exercise his just
and equal right in their election. Submit them to
approbation or rejection at short intervals. Let the
executive be chosen in the same way, and for the
same term, by those whose agent he is to be; and
leave no screen of a council behind which to skulk
from responsibility. It has been thought that the
people are not competent electors of judges learned
m the law. But I do not know that this is true, and,
if doubtful, we should follow principle. In this, as
in many other elections, they would be guided by
reputation, which would not err oftener, perhaps,
than the present mode of appointment. In one State
of the Union, at least, it has long been tried, and
with the most satisfactory success. The judges of
Connecticut have been chosen by the people every
six months, for nearly two centuries, and I believe
there has hardly ever been an instance of change;
so powerful is the curb of incessant responsibility.
8 The Writings of [1816
If prejudice, however, derived from a monarchical
institution, is still to prevail against the vital elective
principle of our own, and if the existing example
among ourselves of periodical election of judges by
the people be still mistrusted, let us at least not adopt
the evil, and reject the good, of the English prece
dent; let us retain amovability on the concurrence
of the executive and legislative branches, and nom
ination by the executive alone. Nomination to
office is an executive function. To give it to the
legislature, as we do, is a violation of the principle of
the separation of powers. It swerves the members
from correctness, by temptations to intrigue for
office themselves, and to a corrupt barter of votes;
and destroys responsibility by dividing it among a
multitude. By leaving nomination in its proper
place, among executive functions, the principle of
the distribution of power is preserved, and respon
sibility weighs with its heaviest force on a single
head.
The organization of our county administrations
may be thought more difficult. But follow principle,
and the knot unties itself. Divide the counties into
wards of such size as that every citizen can attend,
when called on, and act in person. Ascribe to them
the government of their wards in all things relating
to themselves exclusively. A justice, chosen by
themselves, in each, a constable a military company,
a patrol, a school, the care of their own poor, their
own portion of the public roads, the choice of one or
more jurors to serve in some court, and the delivery,
within their own wards, of their own votes for all
1816] Thomas Jefferson 9
elective officers of higher sphere, will relieve the
county administration of nearly all its business, will
have it better done, and by making every citizen an
acting member of the government, and in the offices
nearest and most interesting to him, will attach him
by his strongest feelings to the independence of his
country, and its republican constitution. The jus
tices thus chosen by every ward, would constitute
the county court, would do its judiciary business,
direct roads and bridges, levy county and poor rates,
and administer all the matters of common interest to
the whole country. These wards, called townships ,
in New England, are the vital principle of their gov
ernments, and have proved themselves the wisest
invention ever devised by the wit of man for the
perfect exercise of self-government, and for its pre
servation. We should thus marshal our government
into, i, the general federal republic, for all concerns
foreign and federal; 2, that of the State, for what
relates to our own citizens exclusively; 3, the county
republics, for the duties and concerns of the
county; and 4, the ward republics, for the small,
and yet numerous and interesting concerns of the
neighborhood; and in government, as well as in
every other business of life, it is by division and sub
division of duties alone, that all matters, great
and small, can be managed to perfection. And the
whole is cemented by giving to every citizen, per
sonally, a part in the administration of the public
affairs.
The sum of these amendments is, i. General Suf
frage. 2. Equal representation in the legislature.
io The Writings of [1816
3. An executive chosen by the people. 4. Judges
elective or amovable. 5. Justices, jurors, and sher
iffs elective. 6. Ward divisions. And 7. Periodi
cal amendments of the constitution.
I have thrown out these as loose heads of amend
ment, for consideration and correction; and their
object is to secure self-government by the republi
canism of our constitution, as well as by the spirit
of the people; and to nourish and perpetuate that
spirit. I am not among those who fear the people.
They, and not the rich, are our dependence for
continued freedom. And to preserve their indepen
dence, we must not let our rulers load us with per
petual debt. We must make our election between
economy and liberty, or profusion and servitude. If
we run into such debts, as that we must be taxed in
our meat and in our drink, in our necessaries and our
comforts, in our labors and our amusements, for our
callings and our creeds, as the people of England are,
our people, like them, must come to labor sixteen
hours in the twenty -four, give the earnings of fifteen
of these to the government for their debts and daily
expenses; and the sixteenth being insufficient to
afford us bread, we must live, as they now do, on
oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to think, no
means of calling the mismanagers to account; but
be glad to obtain subsistence by hiring ourselves to
rivet their chains on the necks of our fellow -sufferers.
Our landholders, too, like theirs, retaining indeed the
title and stewardship of estates called theirs, but held
really in trust for the treasury, must wander, like
'theirs, in foreign countries, and be contented with
-
1816] Thomas Jefferson u
penury, obscurity, exile, and the glory of the nation.
This example reads to us the salutary lesson, that
private fortunes are destroyed by public as well as
by private extravagance. And this is the tendency
of all human governments. A departure from prin
ciple in one instance becomes a precedent for a sec
ond ; that second for a third ; and so on, till the bulk
of the society is reduced to be mere automatons of
misery, and to have no sensibilities left but for sin
ning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the bellum
omnium in omriia, which some philosophers observing
to be so general in this world, have mistaken it for
the natural, instead of the abusive state of man.
And the fore horse of this frightful team is public
debt. Taxation follows that, and in its train
wretchedness and oppression.
Some men look at constitutions with sanctimoni
ous reverence, and deem them like the arc of the
covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe
to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than
human, and suppose what they did to be beyond
amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to
it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its coun
try. It was very like the present, but without the
experience of the present ; and forty years of experi
ence in government is worth a century of book -read
ing; and this they would say themselves, were they
to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advo
cate for frequent and untried changes in laws and
constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had
better be borne with ; because, when once known, we
accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical
12 The Writings of [1816
means of correcting their ill effects. But I know
also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand
with the progress of the human mind. As that be
comes more developed, more enlightened, as new
discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and man
ners and opinions change with the change of circum
stances, institutions must advance also, and keep
pace with the times. We might as well require a
man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a
boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the
regimen of their barbarous ancestors. It is this pre
posterous idea which has lately deluged Europe in
blood. Their monarchs, instead of wisely yielding to
the gradual change of circumstances, of favoring pro
gressive accommodation to progressive improvement,
have clung to old abuses, entrenched themselves
behind steady habits, and obliged their subjects to
seek through blood and violence rash and ruinous in
novations, which, had they been referred to the
peaceful deliberations and collected wisdom of the
nation, would have been put into acceptable and
salutary forms. Let us follow no such examples,
nor weakly believe that one generation is not as capa
ble as another of taking care of itself, and of order
ing its own affairs. Let us, as our sister States have
done, avail ourselves of our reason and experience,
to correct the crude essays of our first and unexperi
enced, although wise, virtuous, and well-meaning
councils. And lastly, let us provide in our constitu
tion for its revision at stated periods. What these
periods should be, nature herself indicates. By the
European tables of mortality, of the adults living at
1816] Thomas Jefferson 13
any one moment of time, a majority will be dead in
about nineteen years. At the end of that period,
then, a new majority is come into place; or, in other
words, a new generation. Each generation is as in
dependent as the one preceding, as that was of all
which had gone before. It has then, like them, a
right to choose for itself the form of government it
believes most promotive of its own happiness; con
sequently, to accommodate to the circumstances in
which it finds itself, that received from its predeces
sors ; and it is for the peace and good of mankind
that a solemn opportunity of doing this every nine
teen or twenty years, should be provided by the
constitution; so that it may be handed on, with
periodical repairs, from generation to generation, to
the end of time, if anything human can so long
endure. It is now forty years since the constitution
of Virginia was formed. The same tables inform us,
that, within that period, two-thirds of the adults
then living are now dead. Have then the remaining
third, even if they had the wish, the right to hold
in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore
made by them, the other two-thirds, who, with
themselves, compose the present mass of adults? If
they have not, who has? The dead? But the dead
have no rights. They are nothing; and nothing
cannot own something. Where there is no sub
stance, there can be no accident. This corporeal
globe, and everything upon it, belong to its present
corporeal inhabitants, during their generation. They
alone have a right to direct what is the concern of
themselves alone, and to declare the law of that
14 The Writings of [1816
direction; and this declaration can only be made
by their majority. That majority, then, has a right
to depute representatives to a convention, and to
make the constitution what they think will be the
best for themselves. But how collect their voice?
This is the real difficulty. If invited by private
authority, or county or district meetings, these divi
sions are so large that few will attend; and their
voice will be imperfectly, or falsely pronounced.
Here, then, would be one of the advantages of the
ward divisions I have proposed. The mayor of
every ward, on a question like the present, would
call his ward together, take the simple yea or nay of
its members, convey these to the county court, who
would hand on those of all its wards to the proper
general authority ; and the voice of the whole people
would be thus fairly, fully, and peaceably expressed,
discussed, and decided by the common reason of the
society. If this avenue be shut to the call of suffer
ance, it will make itself heard through that of force,
and we shall go on, as other nations are doing, in
the endless circle of oppression, rebellion, reforma
tion; and oppression, rebellion, reformation, again;
and so on forever.
These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments
we see among men, and of the principles by which
alone we may prevent our own from falling into the
same dreadful track. I have given them at greater
length than, your letter called for. But I cannot
say things by halves ; and I confide them to your
honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the grid
iron of the public papers. If you shall approve and
i8i6] Thomas Jefferson 15
enforce them, as you have done that of equal repre
sentation, they may do some good. If not, keep
them to yourself as the effusions of withered age and
useless time. I shall, with not the less truth, assure
you of my great respect and consideration.1
1 On this same subject, Jefferson wrote to Kercheval the following
two letters :
" MONTICELLO, September 5, 1816.
4 ' SIR, — Your letter of August the 1 6th is just received. That which
1 wrote to you under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for
the author of the pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and there
fore, in your hands, found its true destination. But I must beseech
you, Sir, not to admit a possibility of its being published. Many good
people will revolt from its doctrines, and my wish is to offend nobody;
to leave to those who are to live under it, the settlement of their own
constitution, and to pass in peace the remainder of my time. If those
opinions are sound, they will occur to others, and will prevail by their
own weight, without the aid of names. I am glad to see that the
Staunton meeting has rejected the idea of a limited convention. The
article, however, nearest my heart, is the division of counties into
wards. These will be pure and elementary republics, the sum of all
which, taken together, composes the State, and will make of the whole
a true democracy as to the business of the wards, which is that of
nearest and daily concern. The affairs of the larger sections, of
counties, of States, and of the Union, not admitting personal trans
action by the people, will be delegated to agents elected by themselves ;
and representation will thus be substituted, where personal action
becomes impracticable. Yet, even over these representative organs,
should they become corrupt and perverted, the division into wards
constituting the people, in their wards, a regularly organized power,
enables them by that organization to crush, regularly and peaceably,
the usurpations of their unfaithful agents, and rescues them from the
dreadful necessity of doing it insurrectionally. In this way we shall
be as republican as a large society can be ; and secure the continuance
of purity in our government, by the salutary, peaceable, and regular
control of the people. No other depositories of power have ever yet
been found, which did not end in converting to their own profit the
earnings of those committed to their charge. George the III. in
execution of the trust confided to him, has, within his own day, loaded
the inhabitants of Great Britain with debts equal to the whole fee-
simple value of their island, and under pretext of governing it, has
alienated its whole soil to creditors who could lend money to be
1 6 The Writings of [1816
TO THOMAS APPLETON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 18, 16.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of Mar. 20. & Apr. 15. are
both received. The former only a week ago. They
brought me the first information of the death of my
antient friend Mazzei, which I learn with sincere re
gret. He had some peculiarities, & who of us has
not ? But he was of solid worth ; honest, able, zealous
lavished on priests, pensions, plunder and perpetual war. This would
not have been so, had the people retained organized means of acting on
their agents. In this example, then, let us read a lesson for ourselves,
and not 4go and do likewise.'
" Since writing my letter of July the 1 2th, I havebeen told, that on the
question of equal representation, our fellow citizens in some sections
of the State claim peremptorily a right of representation for their
slaves. Principle will, in this, as in most other cases, open the way
for us to correct conclusion. Were our State a pure democracy, in
which all its inhabitants should meet together to transact all their
business, there would yet be excluded from their deliberations, i,
infants, until arrived at years of discretion. 2. Women, who, to pre
vent depravation of morals and ambiguity of issue, could not mix
promiscuously in the public meetings of men. 3. Slaves, from
whom the unfortunate state of things with us takes away the right
of will and of property. Those then who have no will could be per
mitted to exercise none in the popular assembly; and of course, could
delegate none to an agent in a representative assembly. The business,
in the first case, would be done by qualified citizens only. It is true,
that in the general constitution, our State is allowed a larger repre
sentation on account of its slaves. But every one knows, that that
constitution was a matter of compromise; a capitulation between
conflicting interests and opinions. In truth, the condition of different
descriptions of inhabitants in any country is a matter of municipal
arrangement, of which no foreign country has a right to take notice.
All its inhabitants are men as to them. Thus, in the New England
States, none have the powers of citizens but those whom they call free
men; and none are freemen until admitted by a vote of the freemen of
the town. Yet, in the General Government, these non-freemen are
counted in their quantum of representation and of taxation. So,
slaves with us have no powers as citizens ; yet, in representation in the
General Government, they count in the proportion of three to five;
and so also in taxation. Whether this is equal, is not here the question.
1816] Thomas Jefferson 17
in sound principles Moral & political, constant in
friendship, and punctual in all his undertakings.
He was greatly esteemed in this country, and some
one has inserted in our papers an account of his
death, with a handsome and just eulogy of him, and
a proposition to publish his life in one 8-vo. volume.
I have no doubt but that what he has written of him-
It is a capitulation of discordant sentiments and circumstances, and is
obligatory on that ground. But this view shows there is no inconsis
tency in claiming representation for them for the other States, and
refusing it within our own. Accept the renewal of assurances of my
respect."
" MONTICELLO, Oct. 8, 1 6.
" SIR, — A friend in your part of the country informs me that he has
seen, in pretty free circulation, a letter from me to yourself on the
subject of a Convention, that it was in the hands of a printer, that he
had heard several speak of having seen it, and the idea was that it was
refused to none who asked for it. I cannot but be alarmed at this
information. My letter of July 12. was expressly confided to your
honor, to be so used as to be kept from the public papers ; and that
of Sept. 5. further pressed my request that you would not admit it a
possibility of it's being published. I did expect and had no objections,
that you should be at liberty to communicate it's contents to particular
friends in whom you had confidence ; but not that you would permit
it to go out of your own hands, still less into those of a printer, to be
shewn to every one, perhaps to be copied and finally published. I
must, Sir, reiterate my prayers to you to recall the original, and the
copies, if any have been taken. The question of a convention is
become a party one with which I shall not intermeddle. I am willing
to live under the constitution, as it is, if a majority of my fellow-
citizens prefer it; altho' I think it might be made better, and, for
the sake of future generations (when principles shall have become too
relaxed to permit amendment, as experience proves to be the constant
course of things) I wished to have availed them of the virtues of the
present time to put into a chaste & secure form, the government to be
handed down to them. But I repeat that if a majority of my fellow-
citizens are contented with what will last their time, I am so also, and
with the more reason as mine is nearly out. I again throw the quiet of
my life on your honor, and repeat the assurances of my respect.
" P. S. On revisal of my letter of Sep. 5. I discover an error which be
pleased to correct with the pen, by striking out of the 5th line from the
close, the words 'as 5 ' and inserting 'so also.' "
1 8 The Writings of [1816
self during the portion of the revolutionary period he
passed with us, would furnish some good material
for our history of which there is already a wonderful
scarcity. But where this undertaker of his history
is to get his materials, I know not, nor who he is.
I have received Mr. Carmigniani's letter request
ing the remittance of his money in my hands. How
and when this can be done I have written him in the
inclosed letter, which I leave open for your perusal;
after which be so good as to stick a wafer in it, &
have it delivered. I had just begun a letter to Maz-
zei, excusing to him the non -remittance the present
year, as requested thro' you by his family. And I
should have stated to him with good faith, that the
war -taxes of the last year, almost equal to the
amount of our whole income, and a season among
the most unfavorable to agriculture ever known
made it a year of war as to it's pressure, & obliged
me to postpone the commencement of the annual
remittances until the ensuing spring. The receipt of
your letter, and of Mr. Carmigniani's only rendered
it necessary to change the address of mine. The
sale was made during the war, when the remittance
of the price was impossible : nor was there here any
depot for it at that time which would have been safe,
profitable, and ready to repay the principal on de
mand. I retained it therefore myself to avoid the
risk of the banks, to yield the profit the treasury
could have given, and to admit a command of the
principal at a shorter term. It was of course, there
fore that I must invest it in some way to countervail
the interest, and being but a farmer receiving rents
1816] Thomas Jefferson 19
and profits but once a year, it will take time to
restore it to the form of money again, which I ex
plained to Mr. Mazzei in the letter I wrote to him at
the time. Exchange is much against us at present,
owing to the immense importations made imme
diately after peace, and to the redundancy of our
paper medium. The legislatures have generally re
quired the banks to call in this redundancy. They
are accordingly curtailing discounts, & collecting
their debts, so that by the spring, when the first
remittance will be made, our medium will be greatly
reduced, and it's value increased proportionably.
The crop of this year too, when exported will so far
lessen the foreign debt & the demand for bills of
exchange. These circumstances taken together
promise a good reduction in the rate of exchange,
which you can more fully explain in conversation to
Mr. Carmigniani.
I am happy to inform you that the administrator
of Mr. Bellini has at length settled his account, and
deposited the balance 635. Dollars 48 cents in the
bank of Virginia, at Richmond. I think it the safest
bank in the U. S. and it has been for some time so
prudently preparing itself for cash payments, as to
inspire a good degree of confidence, & moreover I
shall keep my eye on it, but the money while there
bears no interest; and I did not chuse to take it
myself on interest reimbursable on demand. It
would be well then that Mr. Fancelli should with
draw it as soon as he can; his draught on me shall
be answered at sight to the holder, by one on the
bank. In the present state of our exchange, & the
20 The Writings of [1816
really critical standing of our merchants at this
time, I have been afraid to undertake it's remittance,
because it could only be done by a bill of some mer
chant here on his correspondent in England, and
both places are at this time a little suspicious. I
know nothing so deplorable as the present condition
of the inhabitants of Europe and do not wonder
therefore at their desire to come to this country.
Laborers in any of the arts would find abundant em
ploy in this state at 100. D. a year & their board
and lodging. And indeed if a sober good humored
man understanding the vineyard & kitchen garden
would come to me on those terms, bound to serve
4. years, I would advance his passage on his arrival,
setting it off against his subsequent wages. But he
must come to the port of Norfolk or Richmond, &
no where else. If such a one should occur to you,
you would oblige me by sending him. I remark the
temporary difficulty you mention of obtaining good
Montepulciano, and prefer waiting for that, when
to be had, to a quicker supply of any other kind
which might not so certainly suit our taste. It
might not be amiss perhaps to substitute a bottle or
two as samples of any other wines which would bear
the voyage, and be of a quality and price to recom
mend them. You know we like dry wines, or at any
rate not more than siller y. I salute you with con
stant friendship and respect.1
1 On the subject of this business matter, Jefferson further wrote to
Giovanni Carmigniani :
" MONTICELLO IN VIRGINIA, July l8, l8l6.
; f " SIR, — Within these few days I have received your favor of April 7,
with certificates of the death of my estimable friend Philip Mazzei,
1816] Thomas Jefferson 21
TO JOHN TAYLOR j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 21. 1 6.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the loth is received, and I
have to acknolege a copious supply of the turnip
seed requested. Besides taking care myself, I shall
and a copy of his Will. I learn this event with great affliction, altho'
his advanced age had given reason to apprehend it. An intimacy of
40. years had proved to me his great worth, and a friendship which had
begun in personal acquaintance, was maintained after separation,
without abatement by a constant interchange of letters. His esteem
too in this country was very general ; his early & zealous cooperation
in the establishment of our independance having acquired for him here
a great degree of favor^
" Having left under my care the property which he had not been able
to dispose of and to carry with him to Europe, it is some years since I
had been able to settle all his affairs here, and to have the whole pro
ceeds remitted to him, except for his house and lot in Richmond.
This being in the possession of another, a course of law became neces
sary to recover it, and after the recovery, it was sometime before it
could be disposed of at a reasonable price. Very favourable circum
stances however occurring at length, I was enabled to get for it a sum
very far beyond what had ever been expected or asked. This was in
the time of our late war with England while a close blockade of our
harbors cut off all commercial intercourse with Europe, and rendered
a remittance of the price impossible. The question then arose what
could be done with the money? Our banks, which had been hereto
fore considered as safe depositories of money, had excited alarm as to
their solvability by the profuse emission of their notes; and in fact
they declared, soon after, their inability to pay their notes, in which
condition they still continue ; and could they have been trusted with
the money, no interest would have been allowed by them. It might
have been lent to the government, who would have paid an interest;
but then the principal could not have been demanded under 15. or 20
years, the terms of their loans. I concluded therefore to retain it
myself, at our legal interest of 6. per cent per annum as the only
means of avoiding the risk of the banks, of yielding the profit which the
treasury offered, with the command of the principal at a shorter period.
But to indemnify myself for the interest I should have to pay, it was
necessary I should invest it in some profitable course; and to restore
it again to the form of money, would require some time after the close
of the war. I explained this in a letter to Mr. Mazzei, and then sup
posed it might be done at two or three annual instalments, counting
22 The Writings of [1816
endeavour again to commit it to the depository of
the neighborhood, generally found to be the best
precaution against losing a good thing. * * * I
will add a word on the political part of our letters.
I believe we do not differ on either of the points you
from the close of the war. Altho' the cessation of hostilities took
place in spring of the last year, yet the war contributions continued
thro the year, aggravated by the most calamitous season for agri
culture almost ever known. Our term of peace then really began with
the present year. I was about informing Mr. Mazzei that, counting
from that period, the principal and interest should be remitted him in
three annual instalments, when I received the information of his death.
I had been led to propose to him this delay the less unwillingly, as I
had received from his family, thro' Mr. Appleton, a request not to
remit the principal, which they feared he would dispose of to loss.
I have thought this much necessary, Sir, to explain to you the present
state of this fund, and the reasons why it cannot be remitted but by
successive instalments. A third with it's interest shall be paid the
ensuing spring, and the remainder in equal portions the two springs
following that. The channel of remittance must depend on the cir
cumstances of the time. The exchange with London at present is
much against us. But the calls of the banks on their debtors, now
rapidly going on, by reducing the redundance, of our medium, and the
produce of agriculture this year, which as an article of remittance, will
lessen the demand, & consequently the price of bills of exchange, will
probably produce, by the next spring, a more favorable state of ex
change for the first remittance. In the meantime I shall receive &
execute with pleasure & punctuality any instructions you may think
proper to give me as to the channel and mode of remittance: and,
receiving none, I will certainly do the best I can for the benefit of Mr.
Mazzei 's family, to whom I will render every service in my power with
the same zeal I would have done for my deceased friend, of which I
pray you to give them assurance with the homage of my great respect,
and to accept yourself the tender of my high consideration."
A year later, Jefferson wrote to Appleton as follows :
" MONTICELLO, Aug. I. 17.
" DEAR SIR, — My last to you was of July 18. 16. since which I have
received yours of May 15. and 30. July 30. Sep. 27 & Oct. 20. of the
same year, & Mar. 5. of the present, with the seed of the Lupin ella.
This came to hand too late to be sown this season, and is therefore
reserved for the ensuing spring. Mr. Madison received what you sent
him somewhat earlier, & sowed a little (not chusing to venture the
1816] Thomas Jefferson 23
suppose: on education certainly not: of which the
proofs are my bill "for the diffusion of knolege,"
prepared near 40. years ago; and my uniform en
deavour to this day to get our counties divided into
wards, one of the principal objects of which is the
whole). I am recently returned from a visit to him and saw the plants
just come up. From their appearance we judged them to be a species
of Saintfoin. The next year however I shall sow the whole of mine,
and be able to judge of it.
" In my letter to you of July 18. and one of the same date to Mr.
Carmigniani, on the subject of Mr. Mazzei's funds I explained the
situation of this country, which, after being shut up from all means of
disposing of its produce during a war of 3. years, had experienced
seasons the most adverse to agriculture which had ever been known.
At that moment also appearances were unfavorable for the year then
current ; but in the hope it might change for the better, I ventured to
promise myself and Mr. Carmigniani that a commencement of remit
tance of principal and interest should be made in the present year.
But the drought which was prevailing at the date of my letter, con
tinued thro the whole season of the growth of our crops, and produced
a failure in them much greater than in the preceding year; insomuch
that there has been the greatest distress for bread, which has sold
generally at 5. times its usual price. Few farmers have made enough
of other things to pay for their bread ; and the present year has been
equally afflicting for their crop of wheat, by such an inundation of
Hessian fly as was never seen before. A great part of my own crop
has not yielded seed. Whole fields did not give an ear for every
square foot ; & many turned their cattle on their wheat to make some
thing of it as pasture. After such a disaster the last year, and so
gloomy a prospect for the present, following the distresses of the war,
our farmers are scarcely able to meet the indispensable expences of
taxes, culture & food for their families and labourers. Under such
difficulties & prospects, I have not only been unable to make the
remittance I had promised to Mr. Carmigniani, of the first portion of
principal and interest, but am really afraid to promise it for the next,
such are the prospects of the present season ; and unwilling by renewed
and precise engagements to hazard renewed breaches of them I am
constrained to sollicit the consent of the family to let the money lie
awhile in my hands, and to receive remittances of it in portions as
I can make them. They may be assured they shall be made as soon
and as fast as would be in my power, were I to engage for specific sums
and dates. The interest I solemnly engage to send them annually, and
24 The Writings of [1816
establishment of a primary school in each. But
education not being a branch of municipal govern
ment, but, like the other arts and sciences, an acci
dent only, I did not place it with election, as a
fundamental member in the structure of government.
about this season of the year. I am in hopes that the punctual receipt
of the interest from hence will be the same to them, as if received from
a depository there, while it will be a kind accommodation to me ; and I
hope it the more as this is really money which I recovered out of the
fire for them, by lawsuits & persevering efforts, & which I am certain
Mr. Mazzei, no more than myself had never hoped to obtain. With
respect to the ultimate safety of the principal in my hands, any person
from this state can satisfy them that my landed property alone is of
more than fifty times the amount of this sum. Flattering myself then
that under these circumstances, and where the difference to them is
only whether they shall receive their interest from A. or from B. I shall
be indulged with this accommodation, I have remitted to my friend
John Vaughaii of Philadelphia 400. Dollars to be invested in a good
bill payable to yourself, with a request to you that you will pay to
whoever of the family is entitled to receive it, a year's interest, to wit
380. Dollars 52 cents. Altho' I suggest an indulgence indefinite in it's
particular term, I have no idea of postponing the commencement of my
remittances, by thirds, more than a year or two longer. If the seasons
should, against the course of nature hitherto observed continue con
stantly hostile to our agriculture, I will certainly relieve myself at once
by a sale of property sufficient to refund this whole debt, a measure
very disagreeable while the expectation exists of doing it from the
annual profits ; and the family will be always free to discontinue the
indulgence if the delay should be protracted unreasonably and incon
veniently to them. The nett proceeds of the sale of the ground in
Richmond was 6342, say six thousand three hundred and forty two
Dollars, received July 1 4. 1 8 1 3 . If the family consents to my proposal,
I will, on being so informed, settle up the back interest, add it to the
principal, send them a specific obligation and thenceforth remit
annually the interest of six per cent, with portions of the principal as
fast as I shall be able. I think there remains no other item of account
between Mr. Mazzei and myself, except 50. D. paid to the lawyer
employed in the recovery & 20. D. to Mr. Derieux by particular
request of Mr. Mazzei.
" I write all this to you, because you have hitherto been the mutual
channel of this business ; for altho Mr. Carmigniani wrote me a letter
1816] Thomas Jefferson 25
* * * Nor, I believe, do we differ as to the county
courts. I acknolege the value of this institution,
that it is in truth our principal Executive & Ju
diciary, and that it does much for little pecuniary re
ward. It is their self -appointment I wish to correct,
which I answered July 18. as before mentioned, with a full explanation
of the state of the debt, the circumstances which had occasioned it's
remaining in my hands, and the remittances proposed, yet the marriage
of Miss Mazzei with Mr. Pini has, I supposed determined his agency. I
shall be uneasy until I learn that the family is contented with this
arrangement, and I will therefore sollicit an early line from you. . . . "
Still later, he wrote to Appleton :
" MONTICELLO, July 13, 2O.
" DEAR SIR, — My letters to you, within the last 12. months have been
of May 28. 19. with the annual remittance to M. & Me. Pini, Sep. 3.
informing you of a remittance thro' Mr. Vaughan of 300. D. for the
wives of the two Raggis, and Feb. 15. 20. announcing a remittance of
400. D. for the same persons to pay their passage and expences to the
U S. Since the last of these your two of Jan. 15. & 21. have been
received. I wonder much that the remittance of the 300. D. had not
got to hand at the date of yours of Jan. 21. but that transaction having
passed between Mr. Vaughan and our Proctor, I am not able to state
the particulars of it's transmission. I hope however it is long since at
hand. As to the 400. D. of Feb. last, Mr. Vaughan in a letter of Mar.
3. says 'the 400 D. have been received, and I purchased S. Girard's bill
on Jas. Lafite and Co. Paris at 60. days to order of Thos. Appleton for
2135 90/100 — equal to 403. D. which I have forwarded to him under
cover to Bernard Henry, Gibraltar, by the Newburn, Capt. Gushing
via Maderia, & duplicate by the Pleiades Capt. West direct to Gibraltar,
under care of a friend. The 3d I shall send via New York. By the
Pleiades I sent your letter to Mr. Appleton.' Since your information
as to the post thro' Spain I much regret that this last remittance has
gone by Gibraltar. Altho' I should have supposed opportunities from
that to Leghorn by sea could not have been rare. However I shall
caution Mr. Vaughan against it in future, and recommend London &
Paris, perhaps also Marseilles where an opportunity to Leghorn direct
does not occur.
" In mine of Feb. 15. I mentioned that I should make my annual
remittance to M. & Me Pini in April or May. I am however to this
date before it could be done. The extraordinary embarrassments
produced by the sudden withdrawing of one half of our circulating
medium has in a great measure suspended money transactions. 9. out
26 The Writings of [1816
to find some means of breaking up a Cabal, when
such a one gets possession of the bench. When
this takes place, it becomes the most afflicting of
tyrannies, because it's powers are so various, and
exercised on every thing most immediately around
of 10. of the banks of the different states have blown up; the adven
turers calling themselves merchants, who had been trading on bank
credits, have been swept away. Those who stood the ordeal still
suspend their business, from caution, till the storm shall be over, so
that from want of medium, and the want of purchasers at market,
property & produce are fallen one half. We had 18. month ago 6.
millions of Dollars in circulation in this state, of paper; we have but 3
millions now. Produce, say flour sold from 8. to 16. D. a barrel. It is
now at 4. D. This extraordinary curtailment in the profits of the year
has brought on a general distress, unknown before in the annals of our
country. Before this explosion in our commerce, I had hoped myself
to have been able in good time to remit the principal of my debt to M.
& Me Pini, from the annual profits of my estate : but the fall in the price
of produce, likely to continue some time yet, has induced me to give up
that hope and to determine on the sale of property sufficient for that
paiment. This I will certainly do as soon as the present suspension of
buying and selling ceases, and bidders at a fair price return into the
market. At this time nothing can be sold at half price. These
difficulties have made me a little later than I had expected in the
remittance of interest this year to M. & Me Pini. I have now placed in
Mr. Vaughan's hands 444 D. with a request to vest it in a bill of Mr.
Girard on Paris, (the most solid channel of remittance, and indulged to
me as a favor,) and to send it via Paris or London, or both; so that I
hope it will have a safe and speedy passage to you. . . .
" P. S. June 30. 20. I had written thus far when your favor of May
1 8. came to hand. The remittance of 300. D. for the Raggis, men
tioned in my letter from Poplar Forest, I find on enquiry was not
carried into execution. The Proctor informs me that they soon after
changed their minds, concluded to send for their wives, which requir
ing a larger sum, produced delay till the state of their accounts admitted
it, this brought on winter and finally the remittance of 400. D. was
made only in time for them to sail in spring. On the subject of what I
owe to Mr. Mazzei's representatives. I had already made up my mind
to clear it out as soon as possible. Like thousands of others, I had
sustained some losses by being security for a friend who failed under
the late general bankruptcies. This not admitting the delay of annual
crops I had come to the resolution of selling some unprofitable property
Thomas Jefferson 27
us. And how many instances have you and I known
of these monopolies of county administration! I
know a county in which a particular family (a num
erous one) got possession of the bench, and for a
whole generation, never admitted a man on it who
was not of it's clan or connection. I know a county
now of 1500. militia, of which 60. are federalists.
It's court is of 30. members of whom 20. are federal
ists (every third man of the sect) wherein there are
large and populous districts, without a justice, because
without a federalist for appointment, and the militia
as disproportionably under federal officers ; and there
is no authority on earth which can break up this junto
short of a general convention. The remaining 1440
free, fighting, & paying citizens are governed by
men neither of their choice nor confidence & with
out a hope of relief. They are certainly excluded
from the blessings of a free government for life, &
indefinitely for ought the constitution has provided.
This solecism may be called anything but republican,
and ought undoubtedly to be corrected. I salute
you with constant friendship and respect.
to pay at once and to make the sale sufficient to discharge the debt to
M. & Me Pini. As yet however nothing can be sold. All confidence is
suspended, and fear takes it's place. The grounds for example in
Richmd of Mr. Mazzei which sold for 643 2 D. could not now be sold for
1500 D. It will probably be another year before the fair prices of
things are settled and proportioned to the reduction of circulating
medium. I shall certainly take advantage of the first possibilities of
disposing of property to disengage myself. It is this same state of
commerce which has delayed to this date the remittance of this year's
interest: I salute you with constant & affectionate friendship and
respect."
28 The Writings of [1816
TO JOSEPH DELAPLAINE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 26, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — In compliance with the request of
your letter of the 6th inst., with respect to Peyton
Randolph, I have to observe that the difference of
age between him and myself admitted my knowing
little of his early life, except what I accidentally
caught from occasional conversations. I was a stu
dent at college when he was already Attorney Gen
eral at the bar, and a man of established years ; and
I had no intimacy with him until I went to the bar
myself, when, I suppose, he must have been upwards
of forty; from that time, and especially after I be
came a member of the legislature, until his death,
our intimacy was cordial, and I was with him when
he died. Under these circumstances, I have com
mitted to writing as many incidents of his life as
memory enabled me to do, and to give faith to the
many and excellent qualities he possessed, I have
mentioned those minor ones which he did not pos
sess; considering true history, in which all will be
believed, as preferable to unqualified panegyric, in
which nothing is believed. I avoided, too, the men
tion of trivial incidents, which, by not distinguishing,
disparage a character; but I have not been able to
state early dates. Before forwarding this paper to
you, I received a letter from Peyton Randolph, his
great nephew, repeating the request you had made.
I therefore put the paper under a blank cover, ad
dressed to you, unsealed, and sent it to Peyton Ran
dolph, that he might see what dates as well as what
incidents might be collected, supplementary to mine,
1816] Thomas Jefferson 29
and correct any which I had inexactly stated; cir
cumstances may have been misremembered, but
nothing, I think, of substance. This account of Pey
ton Randolph, therefore, you may expect to be for
warded by his nephew.
You requested me when here, to communicate to
you the particulars of two transactions in which I
was myself an agent, to wit: the coup de main of
Arnold on Richmond, and Tarleton's on Charlottes-
ville. I now enclose them, detailed with an exact
ness on which you may rely with an entire confidence.
But, having an insuperable aversion to be drawn
into controversy in the public papers, I must request
not to be quoted either as to these or the account of
Peyton Randolph. Accept the assurances of my
esteem and respect.1
1 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF PEYTON RANDOLPH.
Peyton Randolph was the eldest son of Sir John Randolph, of
Virginia, a barrister-at-law, and an eminent practitioner at the bar of
the General Court. Peyton was educated at the College of William
and Mary in Williamsburg, and thence went to England, and studied
law at the Temple. At his return he intermarried with Elizabeth
Harrison, sister of the afterwards Governor Harrison, entered into
practice in the General Court, was afterwards appointed the King's
Attorney-General for the colony, and became a representative in the
House of Burgesses (then so called) for the city of Williamsburg.
Governor Dinwiddie having, about this period, introduced the
exaction of a new fee on his signature of grants for lands, without the
sanction of any law, the House of Burgesses remonstrated against it,
and sent Peyton Randolph to England, as their agent, to oppose it
before the king and council. The interest of the governor, as usual,
prevailed against that of the colony, and his new exaction was con
firmed by the king.
After Braddock's defeat on the Monongahela, in 1755, the incur
sions of the Indians on our frontiers spread panic and dismay through
the whole country, insomuch that it was scarcely possible to procure
men, either as regulars or militia, to go against them. To counteract
this terror and to set a good example, a number of the wealthiest
30 The Writings of [Z8i6
TO JAMES MADISON i
MONTICELLO Aug. 2. 1 6.
DEAR SIR, — Mrs. Randolph, Ellen & myself in
tended before this to have had the pleasure of seeing
Mrs Madison and yourself at Montpelier as we men-
individuals of the colony, and the highest standing in it, in public as
well as in their private relations, associated under obligations to furnish
each of them two able-bodied men, at their own expense, to form
themselves into a regiment under the denomination of the Virginia
Blues, to join the colonial force on the frontier, and place themselves
under its commander, George Washington, then a colonel. They
appointed William Byrd, a member of the council, colonel of the regi
ment, and Peyton Randolph, I think, had also some command. But
the original associators had more the will than the power of becoming
effective soldiers. Born and bred in the lap of wealth, all the habits of
their lives were of ease, indolence, and indulgence. Such men were
little fitted to sleep under tents, and often without them, to be exposed
to all the intemperances of the seasons, to swim rivers, range the woods,
climb mountains, wade morasses, to skulk behind trees, and contend as
sharp-shooters with the savages of the wilderness, who, in all the
scenes and exercises, would be in their natural element. Accordingly,
the commander was more embarrassed with their care, than reinforced
by their service. They had the good fortune to see no enemy, and to
return at the end of the campaign rewarded by the favor of the public
for this proof of their generous patriotism and good will.
When afterwards, in 1764, on the proposal of the Stamp Act, the
House of Burgesses determined to send an address against it to the
king, and memorials to the Houses of Lords and Commons, Peyton
Randolph, George Wythe, and (I think) Robert C. Nicholas, were
appointed to draw these papers. That to the king was by Peyton
Randolph, and the memorial to the Commons was by George Wythe.
It was on the ground of these papers that those gentlemen opposed the
famous resolutions of Mr. Henry in 1765, to wit, that the principles of
these resolutions had been asserted and maintained in the address and
memorials of the year before, to which an answer was yet to be ex
pected.
On the death of the speaker, Robinson, in 1766, Peyton Randolph
was elected speaker. He resigned his office of Attorney-General, in
which he was succeeded by his brother Randolph, father of the late
Edmund Randolph, and retired from the bar. He now devoted him
self solely to his duties as a legislator, and although sound in his
1 From the Historical Magazine, xiv., 247.
1816] Thomas Jefferson 31
tioned to Mr Coles; but three days ago Mrs Ran
dolph was taken with a fever, which has confined her
to her bed ever since. It is so moderate that we are
in the hourly hope of its leaving her and, after a
principles, and going steadily with us in opposition to the British
usurpations, he, with the other older members, yielded the lead to the
younger, only tempering their ardor, and so far moderating their pace
as to prevent their going too far in advance of the public sentiment.
On the establishment of a committee by the legislature, to cor
respond with the other colonies, he was named their chairman, and
their first proposition to the other colonies was to appoint similar
committees, who might consider the expediency of calling a general
Congress of deputies in order to procure a harmony of procedure
among the whole. This produced the call of the first Congress, to
which he was chosen a delegate, by the House of Burgesses, and of
which he was appointed, by that Congress, its president.
On the receipt of what was called Lord North's conciliatory pro
position, in 1775, Lord Dunmore called the General Assembly, and
laid it before them. Peyton Randolph quitted the chair of Congress,
in which he was succeeded by Mr. Hancock, and repaired to that of the
House which had deputed him. Anxious about the tone and spirit of
the answer which should be given (because being the first it might
have effect on those of the other colonies), and supposing that a
younger pen would be more likely to come up to the feelings of the
body he had left, he requested me to draw the answer, and steadily
supported and carried it through the House, with a few softenings
only from the more timid members.
After the adjournment of the House of Burgesses he returned to
Congress, and died there of an apoplexy, on the 22d of October follow
ing, aged, as I should conjecture, about fifty years.
He was indeed a most excellent man; and none was ever more
beloved and respected by his friends. Somewhat cold and coy
towards strangers, but of the sweetest affability when ripened into
acquaintance. Of attic pleasantry in conversation, always good
humored and conciliatory. With a sound and logical head, he was
well read in the law; and his opinions, when consulted, were highly
regarded, presenting always a learned and sound view of the subject,
but generally, too, a listlessness to go into its thorough development;
for being heavy and inert in body, he was rather too indolent and
careless for business, which occasioned him to get a smaller proportion
of it at the bar than his abilities would otherwise have commanded.
Indeed, after his appointment as Attorney-General, he did not seem
32 The Writings of [1816
little time to recruit her strength, of carrying her
purpose into execution, which we shall lose no time
in doing. In the meantime I salute Mrs Madison &
yourself with unceasing affection & respect.
TO WILLIAM WIRT * j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 4, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — I have read, with great delight, the
portion of the history of Mr. Henry which you have
been so kind as to favour me with, and which is now
returned. And I can say, from my own knowledge
of the contemporary characters introduced into the
canvas, that you have given them quite as much
lustre as themselves would have asked. The exact
ness, too, of your details has, in several instances,
corrected their errors in my own recollections, where
they had begun to falter.
In result, I scarcely find anything needing revisal ;
to court, nor scarcely to welcome, business. In that office he con
sidered himself equally charged with the rights of the colony as with
those of the crown ; and in criminal prosecutions, exaggerating nothing,
he aimed at a candid and just state of the transaction, believing it more
a duty to save an innocent than to convict a guilty man. Although
not eloquent, his matter was so substantial that no man commanded
more attention, which, joined with a sense of his great worth, gave
him a weight in the House of Burgesses which few ever attained. He
was liberal in his expenses but correct also, so as not to be involved in
pecuniary embarrassments; and with a heart always open to the
amiable sensibilities of our nature, he did as many good acts as could
have been done with his fortune, without injuriously impairing his
means of continuing them. He left no issue, and gave his fortune to
his widow and nephew, the late Edmund Randolph.
1 From Kennedy's Memoirs of W. Wt'rt, i., 362.
1816] Thomas Jefferson 33
yet, to show you that I have scrupulously sought
occasions of animadversion, I will particularize the
following passages, which I noted as I read them.
Page 1 1 : I think this passage had better be mod
erated. That Mr. Henry read Livy through once a
year is a known impossibility with those who knew
him. He may have read him once, and some gen
eral history of Greece; but certainly not twice. A
first reading of a book he could accomplish some
times and on some subjects, but never a second. He
knew well the geography of his own country, but
certainly never made any other a study. So, as to
our ancient charters ; he had probably read those in
Stith's history; but no man ever more undervalued
chartered titles than himself. He drew all natural
rights from a purer source — the feelings of his own
breast. * * *
He never, in conversation or debate, mentioned
a hero, a worthy, or a fact in Greek or Roman his
tory, but so vaguely and loosely as to leave room to
back out, if he found he had blundered.
The study and learning ascribed to him, in this
passage, would be inconsistent with the excellent and
just picture given of his indolence through the rest
of the work.
Page 33, line 4: Inquire further into the fact
alleged that Henry was counsel for Littlepage. I
am much persuaded he was counsel for Dandridge.
There was great personal antipathy between him and
Littlepage, and the closest intimacy with Dandridge,
who was his near neighbor, in whose house he was
at home as one of the family, who was his earliest
VOL. XII.— 3.
34 The Writings of [1816
and greatest admirer and patron, and whose daugh
ter became, afterwards, his second wife.
It was in his house that, during a course of Christ
mas festivities, I first became acquainted with Mr.
Henry. This, it is true, is but presumptive evi
dence, and may be overruled by direct proof. But
I am confident he could never have undertaken any
case against Dandridge; considering the union of
their bosoms, it would have been a great crime.1
*** f^ ***
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 8, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — The jealousy of the European govern
ments rendering it unsafe to pass letters through
their postoffices, I am obliged to borrow the protec
tion of your cover to procure a safe passage for the
1 Jefferson further wrote to Wirt concerning his Life of Patrick
Henry :
" POPLAR FOREST, November 12, 1816.
" DEAR SIR, — Yours of October 23d, was received here on the 3ist,
with the latest sheets of your work.
" They found me engaged in a business which could not be postponed .
and have therefore been detained longer than I wished.
" On the subject of our ancient aristocracy, I believe I have said
nothing which all who knew them will not confirm, and which their
reasonable descendants may not learn from every quarter. It was
the effect of the large accumulation of property under the law of
entails.
" The suppression of entails reduced the spirit of the rich, while the
increased influence given by the new government to the people, raised
theirs, and brought things to their present level, from a condition which
the present generation, who have not seen it, can scarcely believe or
conceive.
" You ask if I think your work would be the better of retrenchment?
By no means. I have seen nothing in it which could be retrenched
but to disadvantage. And again, whether, as a friend, I would advise
1816] Thomas Jefferson 35
enclosed letter to Madame de Stael, and to ask the
favor of you to have it delivered at the hotel of M.
de Lessert without passing through the post-office.
In your answer of June 7 to mine of May 18, you
mentioned that you did not understand to what pro
ceeding of Congress I alluded as likely to produce a
removal of most of the members, and that by a
spontaneous movement of the people, unsuggested
by the newspapers, which had been silent on it. I
alluded to the law giving themselves 1500 D. a year.
There has never been an instant before of so unani
mous an opinion of the people, and that through
every State in the Union. A very few members of
the first order of merit in the House will be re-elected,
Clay, of Kentucky, by a small majority, and a few
others. But the almost entire mass will go out, not
its publication? On that question, I have no hesitation on your ac
count, as well as that of the public. To the latter, it will be valuable;
and honourable to yourself.
" You must expect to be criticised; and, by a former letter I see you
expect it. By the Quarterly Reviewers you will be hacked and hewed,
with tomahawk and scalping-knife. Those of Edinburgh, with the
same anti- American prejudices, but sometimes considering us as allies
against their administration, will do it more decently.
" They will assume, as a model for biography, the familiar manner of
Plutarch, or scanty manner of Nepos, and try you, perhaps, by these
tests. But they can only prove that your style is different from theirs ;
not that it is not good.
" I have always very much dispised the artificial canons of criticism.
When I have read a work in prose or poetry, or seen a painting, a statue,
etc., I have only asked myself whether it gives me pleasure, whether
it is animating, interesting, attaching? If it is, it is good for these
reasons. On these grounds you will be safe. Those who take up
your book, will find they cannot lay it down, and this will be its best
criticism.
"You have certainly practised vigorously the precept of de mortuis
nil nisi bonum. This presents a very difficult question, — whether
one only or both sides of the medal shall be presented. It constitutes,
36 The Writings of [1816
only those who supported the law or voted for it, or
skulked from the vote, but those who voted against
it or opposed it actively, if they took the money;
and the examples of refusals to take it were very
perhaps, the distinction between panegyric and history. On this,
opinions are much divided — and, perhaps, may be so on this feature
of your work. On the whole, however, you have nothing to fear; at
least if my views are not very different from the common. And no
one will see its appearance with more pleasure than myself, as no one
can, with more truth, give you assurances of great respect and affec
tionate attachment."
" POPLAR FOREST. Sep. 29, 16.
" DEAR SIR, — I found, on my arrival here the 2d parcel of your sheets,
which I have read with the same avidity and pleasure as the former.
This proves they will experience no delay in my hands, and that I
consider them as worthy everything I can do for them. They need
indeed but little, or rather I should say nothing. I have however
hazarded some suggestions on a paper inclosed. When I read the
former sheets, I did not consider the article of style as within my
jurisdiction. However since you ask observations on that, and sug
gest doubts entertained by yourself on a particular quality of it, I will
candidly say that I think some passages of the former sheets too
flowery for the sober taste of history. It will please young readers in
it's present form, but to the older it would give more pleasure and
confidence to have some exuberances lightly pruned. I say lightly,
because your style is naturally rich and captivating, and would suffer
if submitted to the rasp of a rude hand. A few excrescences may be
rubbed off by a delicate touch; but better too little than too much
correction. In the 26. parcel of sheets, altho' read with an eye to your
request, I have found nothing of this kind. I thus comply with your
desire; but on the condition originally prescribed, that you shall
consider my observations as mere suggestions, meant to recall the sub
ject to a revision by yourself, and that no change be made in conse
quence of them but on the confirmed dictates of your own judgement.
I have no amour-propre which will suffer by having hazarded a false
criticism. On the contrary I should regret were the genuine character
of your composition to be adulterated by any foreign ingredient. I
return to Albermarle within a week. Shall stay there 10. days, come
back and pass here October and part of November. I salute you
affectionately."
" MONTICELLO, Oct. 8, l6.
" DEAR SIR, — I received your 3d parcel of sheets just as I was leaving
Poplar Forest, and have read them with the usual pleasure. They
1816] Thomas Jefferson 37
few. The next Congress, then, Federal as well as
Republican, will be almost wholly of new members.
We have had the most extraordinary year of
drought and cold ever known in the history of Amer
ica. In June, instead of 3! inches, our average of
rain for that month, we only had £ of an inch; in
relate however to the period of time exactly, during which I was absent
in Europe. Consequently I am without knolege of the facts they
state. Indeed they are mostly new history to me.
" On the subject of style they are not liable to the doubts I hazarded
on the ist parcel, unless a short passage in page 198, should be thought
too poetical. Indeed as I read the 26. & 3d parcels with attentions to
style and found them not subject to the observations I made on the
first, (which were from memory only, & after I had parted with them)
I have suspected that a revisal might have corrected my opinion on the
i st. Of this however you will judge. One only fact in the last sheets
was within my knolege, that relating to Philips, and on this I had
formerly given you explanations. I am very glad indeed that you
have examined the records, and established truth in this case. How
Mr. Randolph could indulge himself in a statement of facts, so solemnly
made, the falsehood of every article of which had been known to him
self particularly; and how Mr. Henry could be silent under such a
perversion of facts known to himself, agreed on at a consultation with
members whom he invited to the palace to advise with on the occasion,
and done at his request according to what was concluded, is perfectly
unaccountable. Not that I consider Mr. Randolph as misstating
intentionally, or desiring to boulster an argument at the expence of an
absent person : for there were no unsocial dispositions between him &
myself ; and as little do I impute to Mr. Henry any willingness to leave
on my shoulders a charge which he could so easily have disproved.
The fact must have been that they were both out of their heads on that
occasion. Still not the less injuriously to me, whom Mr. Randolph
might as well have named, as the journals shewed I was the first
named of the Committee. Would it be out of place for you to refer by
a note to the countenance which Judge Tucker has given to this mis
representation, by making strictures on it, in his Blackstone, as if it
were true ? It is such a calumny on our revolutionary government as
should be eradicated from history, and especially from that of this
state, which justly prides itself on having gone thro' the revolution
without a single example of capital punishment connected with that.
Ever affectionately yours."
38 The Writings of [1816
August, instead of 9^- inches our average, we had
only f8^ of an inch; and still it continues. The
summer, too, has been as cold as a moderate winter.
In every State north of this there has been frost in
every month of the year ; in this State we had none
in June and July, but those of August killed much
corn over the mountains. The crop of corn through
the Atlantic States will probably be less than one-
third of an ordinary one, that of tobacco still less,
and of mean quality. The crop of wheat was mid
dling in quantity, but excellent in quality. But
every species of bread grain taken together will not
be sufficient for the subsistence of the inhabitants,
and the exportation of flour, already begun by the
indebted and the improvident, to whatsoever degree
it may be carried, will be exactly so much taken
from the mouths of our own citizens. My anxieties
on this subject are the greater, because I remember
the deaths which the drought of 1755 in Virginia
produced from the want of food.
There are not to be the smallest opposition to the
election of Monroe and Tompkins, the Republicans
being undivided and the Federalists desperate. The
Hartford Convention and peace of Ghent have nearly
annihilated them.
Our State is becoming clamorous for a convention
and amendment for their constitution, and I believe
will obtain it. It was the first constitution formed in
the United States, and of course the most imperfect.
The other States improved in theirs in proportion as
new precedents were added, and most of them have
since amended. We have entered on a liberal plan
1816] Thomas Jefferson 39
of internal improvements, and the universal appro
bation of it will encourage and insure its prosecution.
I recollect nothing else domestic worth noting to you,
and therefore place here my respectful and affection
ate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE j. MSS.
(JAMES MONROE.)
MONTICELLO, October 16, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — If it be proposed to place an inscrip
tion on the capitol, the lapidary style requires that
essential facts only should be stated, and these with
a brevity admitting no superfluous word. The essen
tial facts in the two inscriptions proposed are these:
FOUNDED 1791. BURNT BY A BRITISH ARMY 1814. RESTORED BY CON
GRESS 1817.
The reasons for this brevity are that the letters must
be of extraordinary magnitude to be read from be
low ; that little space is allowed them, being usually
put into a pediment or in a frize, or on a small tablet
on the wall; and in our case, a third reason may be
added, that no passion can be imputed to this in
scription, every word being justifiable from the most
classical examples.
But a question of more importance is whether there
should be one at all ? The barbarism of the conflagra
tion will immortalize that of the nation. It will place
them forever in degraded comparison with the exe
crated Bonaparte, who, in possession of almost every
capitol in Europe, injured no one. Of this, history will
take care, which all will read, while our inscription will
40 The Writings of [1816
be seen by few. Great Britain, in her pride and as
cendency, has certainly hated and despised us beyond
every earthly object. Her hatred may remain, but
the hour of her contempt is passed and is succeeded
by dread ; not at present, but a distant and deep one.
It is the greater as she feels herself plunged into an
abyss of ruin from which no human means point out
an issue. We also have more reason to hate her than
any nation on earth. But she is not now an object
for hatred. She is falling from her transcendant
sphere, which all men ought to have wished, but not
that she should lose all place among nations. It is
for the interest of all that she should be maintained,
nearly on a par with other members of the republic of
nations. Her power, absorbed into that of any
other, would be an object of dread to all, and to us
more than all, because we are accessible to her alone
and through her alone. The armies of Bonaparte
with the fleets of Britain, would change the aspect of
our destinies. Under these prospects should we per
petuate hatred against her ? Should we not, on the
contrary, begin to open ourselves to other and more
rational dispositions ? It is not improbable that the
circumstances of the war and her own circumstances
may have brought her wise men to begin to view us
with other and even with kindred eyes. Should not
our wise men, then, lifted above the passions of the
ordinary citizen, begin to contemplate what will be
the interests of our country on so important a change
among the elements which influence it? I think it
would be better to give her time to show her present
temper, and to prepare the minds of our citizens for
1816] Thomas Jefferson 41
a corresponding change of disposition, by acts of
comity towards England rather than by commemo
ration of hatred. These views might be greatly ex
tended. Perhaps, however, they are premature, and
that I may see the ruin of England nearer than it
really is. This will be matter of consideration with
those to whose councils we have committed ourselves,
and whose wisdom, I am sure, will conclude on what
is best. Perhaps they may let it go off on the single
and short consideration that the thing can do no
good, and may do harm. Ever and affectionately
yours.
TO MATHEW CAREY
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. n, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I received here (where I pass a good
deal of my time) your favor of Oct. 22. covering a
Prospectus of a new edition of your Olive branch.
I subscribe to it with pleasure, because I believe it
has done and will do much good, in holding up the
mirror to both parties, and exhibiting to both their
political errors. That I have had my share of them,
I am not vain enough to doubt, and some indeed I
have recognized. There is one however which I do
not, altho' charged to my account, in your book, and
as that is the subject of this letter, & I have my pen
in my hand, I will say a very few words on it. It
is my rejection of a British treaty without laying it
before the Senate. It has never, I believe, been
denied that the President may reject a treaty after
it's ratification has been advised by the Senate, then
42 The Writings of
certainly he may before that advice: and if he has
made up his mind to reject it, it is more respectful to
the Senate to do it without, than against their ad
vice. It must not be said that their advice may cast
new light on it. Their advice is a bald resolution of
yea or nay, without assigning a single reason or
motive.
You ask if I mean to publish anything on the
subject of a letter of mine to my friend Charles
Thompson ? Certainly not. I write nothing for pub
lication, and last of all things should it be on the
subject of religion. On the dogmas of religion as dis
tinguished from moral principles, all mankind, from
the beginning of the world to this day, have been
quarrelling, fighting, burning and torturing one an
other, for abstractions unintelligible to themselves
and to all others, and absolutely beyond the com
prehension of the human mind. Were I to enter on
that arena, I should only add an unit to the number
of Bedlamites. Accept the assurance of my great
esteem and respect.
TO GEORGE LOGAN j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. 12, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I received your favor of Oct. 16, at
this place, where I pass much of my time, very dis
tant from Monticello. I am quite astonished at the
idea which seems to have got abroad; that I pro
pose publishing something on the subject of religion,
and this is said to have arisen from a letter of mine
to my friend Charles Thompson, in which certainly
1816] Thomas Jefferson 43
there is no trace of such an idea. When we see re
ligion split into so many thousand of sects, and I
may say Christianity itself divided into it's thou
sands also, who are disputing, anathematizing and
where the laws permit burning and torturing one
another for abstractions which no one of them under
stand, and which are indeed beyond the comprehen
sion of the human mind, into which of the chambers
of this Bedlam would a [torn] man wish to thrust
himself. The sum of all religion as expressed by it's
best preacher, "fear god and love thy neighbor " con
tains no mystery, needs no explanation. But this
wont do. It gives no scope to make dupes; priests
could not live by it. Your idea of the moral obliga
tions of governments are perfectly correct. The man
who is dishonest as a statesman would be a dishonest
man in any station. It is strangely absurd to sup
pose that a million of human beings collected to
gether are not under the same moral laws which bind
each of them separately. It is a great consolation
to me that our government, as it cherishes most it's
duties to its own citizens, so is it the most exact in
it's moral conduct towards other nations. I do not
believe that in the four administrations which have
taken place, there has been a single instance of de
parture from good faith towards other nations. We
may sometimes have mistaken our rights, or made
an erroneous estimate of the actions of others, but
no voluntary wrong can be imputed to us. In this
respect England exhibits the most remarkable phae-
nomenon in the universe in the contrast between the
profligacy of it's government and the probity of it's
44 The Writings of [1817
citizens. And accordingly it is now exhibiting an
example of the truth of the maxim that virtue &
interest are inseparable. It ends, as might have
been expected, in the ruin of it's people, but this ruin
will fall heaviest, as it ought to fall on that heredi
tary aristocracy which has for generations been
preparing the catastrophe. I hope we shall take
warning from the example and crush in it's birth the
aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare
already to challenge our government to a trial of
strength and bid defiance to the laws of our country.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Logan and accept
yourself my friendly and respectful salutations.
TO MRS. JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January n, 1817.
I owe you, dear Madam, a thousand thanks for the
letters communicated in your favor of December
1 5th, and now returned. They give me more infor
mation than I possessed before, of the family of Mr.
Tracy. But what is infinitely interesting, is the scene
of the exchange of Louis XVIII. for Bonaparte.
What lessons of wisdom Mr. Adams must have
read in that short space of time ! More than fall to
the lot of others in the course of a long life. Man,
and the man of Paris, under those circumstances,
must have been a subject of profound speculation!
It would be a singular addition to that spectacle, to
see the same beast in the cage of St. Helena, like
a lion in the tower. That is probably the closing
1817] Thomas Jefferson 45
verse of the chapter of his crimes. But not so with
Louis. He has other vicissitudes to go through.
I communicated the letters, according to your per
mission, to my grand-daughter, Ellen Randolph, who
read them with pleasure and edification. She is justly
sensible of, and flattered by your kind notice of her ;
and additionally so, by the favorable recollections
of our northern visiting friends. If Monticello has
anything which has merited their remembrance,
it gives it a value the more in our estimation; and
could I, in the spirit of your wish, count back
wards a score of years, it would not be long before
Ellen and myself would pay our homage personally
to Quincy. But those twenty years! Alas! where
are they ? With those beyond the flood. Our next
meeting must then be in the country to which they
have flown, — a country for us not now very distant.
For this journey we shall need neither gold nor silver
in our purse, nor scrip, nor coats, nor staves. Nor is
the provision for it more easy than the preparation
has been kind. Nothing proves more than this, that
the Being who presides over the world is essentially
benevolent. Stealing from us, one by one, the fac
ulties of enjoyment, searing our sensibilities, leading
us, like the horse in his mill, round and round the
same beaten circle,
To see what we have seen,
To taste the tasted, and at each return
Less tasteful ; o'er our palates to decant
Another vintage —
Until satiated and fatigued with this leaden itera
tion, we ask our own conge. I heard once a very
46 The Writings of [1817
old friend, who had troubled himself with neither
poets nor philosophers, say the same thing in plain
prose, that he was tired of pulling off his shoes and
stockings at night, and putting them on again in the
morning. The wish to stay here is thus gradually
extinguished ; but not so easily that of returning,
once in awhile, to see how things have gone on.
Perhaps, however, one of the elements of future
felicity is to be a constant and unimpassioned view
of what is passing here. If so, this may well supply
the wish of occasional visits. Mercier has given us a
vision of the year 2440; but prophecy is one thing,
and history another. On the whole, however, per
haps it is wise and well to be contented with the
good things which the master of the feast places be
fore us, and to be thankful for what we have, rather
than thoughtful about what we have not. You and
I, dear Madam, have already had more than an or
dinary portion of life, and more, too, of health than
the general measure. On this score I owe boundless
thankfulness. Your health was, some time ago, not
so good as it has been ; and I perceive in the letters
communicated, some complaints still. I hope it is
restored ; and that life and health may be continued
to you as many years as yourself shall wish, is the
sincere prayer of your affectionate and respectful
friend.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January n, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — Forty -three volumes read in one year,
and twelve of them quarto! Dear Sir, how I envy
1817] Thomas Jefferson 47
you! Half a dozen octavos in that space of time,
are as much as I am allowed. I can read by candle
light only, and stealing long hours from my rest;
nor would that time be indulged to me, could I by
that light see to write. From sunrise to one or two
o'clock, and often from dinner to dark, I am drudg
ing at the writing table. And all this to answer let
ters into which neither interest nor inclination on
my part enters; and often from persons whose
names I have never before heard. Yet, writing civ
illy, it is hard to refuse them civil answers. This is
the burthen of my life, a very grievous one indeed,
and one which I must get rid of. Delaplaine lately
requested me to give him a line on the subject of his
book; meaning, as I well knew, to publish it. This
I constantly refuse; but in this instance yielded,
that in saying a word for him, I might say two for
myself. I expressed in it freely my sufferings from
this source; hoping it would have the effect of an
indirect appeal to the discretion of those, strangers
and others, who, in the most friendly dispositions,
oppress me with their concerns, their pursuits, their
projects, inventions and speculations, political, moral,
religious, mechanical, mathematical, historical, &c.,
&c., &c. I hope the appeal will bring me relief, and
that I shall be left to exercise and enjoy correspon
dence with the friends I love, and on subjects which
they, or my own inclinations present. In that case,
your letters shall not be so long on my files unan
swered, as sometimes they have been, to my great
mortification.
To advert now to the subjects of those of Decem-
48 The Writings of [1817
ber the i2th and i6th. Tracy's Commentaries on
Montesquieu have never been published in the orig
inal. Duane printed a translation from the original
manuscript a few years ago. It sold, I believe, read
ily, and whether a copy can now be had, I doubt. If
it can, you will receive it from my bookseller in
Philadelphia, to whom I now write for that purpose.
Tracy comprehends, under the word " Ideology," all
the subjects which the French term Morale, as the
correlative to Physique. His works on Logic, Gov
ernment, Political Economy and Morality, he con
siders as making up the circle of ideological subjects,
or of those which are within the scope of the under
standing, and not of the senses. His Logic occupies
exactly the ground of Locke's work on the Under
standing. The translation of that on Political
Economy is now printing ; but it is no translation of
mine. I have only had the correction of it, which
was, indeed, very laborious. Le premier jet having
been by some one who understood neither French
nor English, it was impossible to make it more than
faithful. But it is a valuable work.
The result of your fifty or sixty years of religious
reading, in the four words, "Be just and good," is
that in which all our inquiries must end; as the
riddles of all the priesthoods end in four more, ilubi
panis, ibi deus." What all agree in, is probably
right. What no two agree in, most probably wrong.
One of our fan -coloring biographers, who paints
small men as very great, inquired of me lately with
real affection too, whether he might consider as au
thentic, the change of my religion much spoken of in
1817] Thomas Jefferson 49
some circles. Now this supposed that they knew
what had been my religion before, taking for it the
word of their priests, whom I certainly never made
the confidants of my creed. My answer was "say
nothing of my religion. It is known to my God and
myself alone. Its evidence before the world is to
be sought in my life; if that has been honest and
dutiful to society, the religion which has regulated it
cannot be a bad one." Affectionately adieu.
TO WILLIAM SAMPSON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 26, 17.
DEAR SIR, — I have read with great satisfaction the
eloquent pamphlet you were so kind as to send me,
and sympathise with every line of it. I was once a
doubter whether the labor of the Cultivator, aided
by the creative powers of the earth itself, would not
produce more value than that of the manufacturer,
alone and unassisted by the dead subject on which he
acted? In other words, whether the more we could
bring into action of the energies of our boundless
territory, in addition to the labor of our citizens, the
more would not be our gain? But the inventions of
latter times, by labor-saving machines, do as much
now for the manufacturer, as the earth for the cul
tivator. Experience too has proved that mine was
but half the question. The other half is whether
Dollars & cents are to be weighed in the scale against
real independence? The whole question then is
solved ; at least so far as respects our wants.
VOL. XII. — 4.
So The Writings of [1817
I much fear the effect on our infant establishments,
of the policy avowed by Mr. Brougham, and quoted
in the pamphlet. Individual British merchants may
lose by the late immense importations; but British
commerce & manufactures, in the mass, will gain by
beating down the competition of ours, in our own
markets against this policy, our protecting duties are
as nothing, our patriotism less. I turn, however,
with some confidence to a different auxiliary, a revo
lution in England, now, I believe unavoidable. The
crisis so long expected, inevitable as death, altho'
uncertain like that in it's date, is at length arrived.
Their government has acted over again the fable of
the frog and the ox; and their bloated system has
burst. They have spent the fee simple of the island
in their inflated enterprises on the peace and happi
ness of the rest of mankind. Their debts have con
sequently accumulated by their follies & frauds,
until the interest is equal to the aggregate rents of
all the farms in their country. All these rents must
go to pay interest, and nothing remains to carry on
the government. The possession alone of their
lands is now in the nominal owner; the usufruct in
the public creditors. Their people too taxed up to
14. or 15. out of 1 6. hours of daily labor, dying of
hunger in the streets & fields. The survivors can
see for themselves the alternative only of following
them or of abolishing their present government of
kings, lords, & borough -commons, and establishing
one in some other form, which will let them live in
peace with the world. It is not easy to foresee the
details of such a revolution, but I should not wonder
1817] Thomas Jefferson 51
to see the deportation of their king to Indostan, and
of their Prince Regent to Botany Bay. There, im
becility might be governed by imbecility, and vice
by vice; all in suit. Our wish for the good of the
people of England, as well as for our own peace,
should be that they may be able to form for them
selves such a constitution & government as may
permit them to enjoy the fruits of their own labors
in peace, instead of squandering them in fomenting
and paying the wars of the world. But during these
struggles, their artists are to become soldiers. Their
manufactures to cease, their commerce sink and our
intercourse with them be suspended. This interval
of suspension may revive and fix our manufactures,
wean us from British aperies, and give us a national
& independent character of our own. I cannot say
that all this will be, but that it may be ; and it ought
to be supplicated from heaven by the prayers of the
whole world that at length there may be ' * on earth
peace, and good will towards men." No country,
more than your native one, ought to pray & be pre
pared for this. I wish them success, and to your
self health and prosperity.
TO CHARLES THOMSON « J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Janry. 29, 1817.
MY VERY DEAR & ANTIENT FRIEND, — I learnt from
your last letter, with much affliction, the severe and
singular attack, your health has lately sustained, but
its equally singular and sudden restoration confirms
1 From Collections of the N. Y. Historical Society, p. 267.
52 The Writings of [1817
my confidence in the strength of your constitu
tion of body and mind and my conclusions that
neither has received hurt, and that you are still ours
for a long time to come. We have both much to be
thankful for in the soundness of our physical organi
zation, and something for self approbation in the
order and regularity of life by which it has been pre
served. Your preceding letter had given me no
cause to doubt the continued strength of your mind,
and were it not that I am always peculiarly gratified
by hearing from you, I should regret you had thought
the incident with Mr. Delaplaine worth an explana
tion. He wrote me on the subject of my letter to
you of Janry. 9, 1816, and asked me questions which
I answer only to one Being. To himself, therefore,
I replied : ' ' Say nothing of my Religion : it is known
to my God and myself alone; its evidence before the
world is to be sought in my life; if that has been
honest and dutiful to society the Religion which has
regulated it cannot be a bad one." It is a singular
anxiety which some people have that we should all
think alike. Would the world be more beautiful
were all our faces alike? were our tempers, our tal
ents, our tastes, our forms, our wishes, aversions and
pursuits cast exactly in the same mould? If no
varieties existed in the animal, vegetable or mineral
creation, but all move strictly uniform, catholic &
orthodox, what a world of physical and moral mono
tony it would be ! These are the absurdities into
which those run who usurp the throne of God and
dictate to Him what He should have done. May
they with all their metaphysical riddles appear be-
1817] Thomas Jefferson 53
fore that tribunal with as clean hands and hearts as
you and I shall. There, suspended in the scales of
eternal justice, faith and works will show their worth
by their weight. God bless you and preserve you
long in life & health.
TO DOCTOR THOMAS HUMPHREYS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 8, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of January 2d did not
come to my hands until the 5th instant. I concur
entirely in your leading principles of gradual eman
cipation, of establishment on the coast of Africa, and
the patronage of our nation until the emigrants
shall be able to protect themselves. The subordin
ate details might be easily arranged. But the bare
proposition of purchase by the United States gener
ally, would excite infinite indignation in all the
States north of Maryland. The sacrifice must fall on
the States alone which hold them; and the difficult
question will be how to lessen this so as to reconcile
our fellow citizens to it. Personally I am ready and
desirous to make any sacrifice which shall ensure
their gradual but complete retirement from the State,
and effectually, at the same time, establish them
elsewhere in freedom and safety. But I have not
perceived the growth of this disposition in the rising
generation, of which I once had sanguine hopes.
No symptoms inform me that it will take place in
my day. I leave it, therefore, to time, and not at
all without hope that the day will come, equally de
sirable and welcome to us as to them. Perhaps the
54 The Writings of [1817
proposition now on the carpet at Washington to pro
vide an establishment on the coast of Africa for vol
untary emigrations of people of color, may be the
corner stone of this future edifice. Praying for its
completion as early as may most promote the good
of all, I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO FRANCIS A. VAN DER KEMP j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Mar. 16. 17.
DEAR SIR, — I learn with real concern that the
editor of the Theological Repository possesses the
name of the author of the Syllabus, altho he coyly
withholds it for the present, he will need but a little
coaxing to give it out and to let lose upon him the
genus irretabile vatum, there and here. Be it so.
I shall receive with folded arms all their hacking &
hewing. I shall not ask their passport to a country,
which they claim indeed as theirs but which was
made, I trust, for moral man, and not for dogmatis
ing venal jugglers. Should they however, instead of
abuse, appeal to the tribunal of reason and fact, I
shall really be glad to see on what point they will
begin their attack. For it expressly excludes all
questions of supernatural character or endowment.
I am in hopes it may find advocates as well as op-
posers, and produce for us a temperate & full devel
opment. As to myself I shall be a silent Auditor.
Mr. Adams's book on Feudal law, mentioned in
your letter of Feb: 2. I possessed, and it is now in
the library at Washington which I ceded to Con
gress. In the same letter you ask if I can explain
1817] Thomas Jefferson 55
the phrase il est digne de porter le ruban gris de tin.
I do not know that I can. gris de lin is the French
designation of the colour which the English call
grizzle. The ruban gris de lin may be the badge of
some association, unknown, I acknowledge to me,
but to which the author from whom you quote it
may have some allusion. I shall be happy to learn
that you pursue your purpose as to the life of the
great reformer, and more so in seeing it accom
plished. I return the Repository with thanks for
the opportunity of seeing it, and I pray you accept
my friendly and respectful salutations.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Van der Kemp :
" MONTICELLO, May 1.17.
" DEAR SIR, — I thank you for your letter of Mar. 307 My mind is
entirely relieved by your assurance that my name did not cross the
Atlantic in connection with the Syllabus. The suggestion then of
the Editor of the Theological Repository was like those of our news
paper editors who pretend they know every thing, but in discretion
will not tell us, while we see that they give us all they know and a
great deal more. I am now at the age of quietism, and wish not to
be kicked by the asses of hierophantism. I hope you will find time
to take up this subject. There are some new publications in Ger
many which would greatly aid it, to wit,
" Augusti's translation & commentary on the 7. Catholic epistles, in
which he has thrown great light on the opinions of the primitive
Christians & on the innovations of St. Paul, printed at Lemgo 1808.
2. vols. 8vo.
" Palmer's Paul and Gamaliel. Giessen. 1806.
" Munter's history of dogmas. Gottingen. 1806. shewing the for
mation of the dogmatical system of Christianity.
" Augusti's Manual of the history of Christian dogmas. Leipsic 1805.
" Marteinacke's Manual of Ecclesiastical history. Erlangen 1806.
developing the simple ideas of the first Christians, and the causes &
progress of the subsequent changes.
" I have not written for these books, because I suppose they are in
German which I do not read; but I expect they are profoundly
learned on their subjects.
" In answer to your inquiries respecting Rienzi, the best account I
56 The Writings of [1817
TO TRISTAM DALTON » j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 2, '17.
DEAR SIR, — I am indebted to you for your favor
of Apr. 22, and for the copy of the Agricultural
magazine it covered, which is indeed a very useful
work. While I was an amateur in Agricultural sci
ence (for practical knolege my course of life never
permitted me) I was very partial to the drilled hus
bandry of lull, and thought still better of it when
reformed by Young to 12 rows. But I had not time
to try it while young, and now grown old I have not
the requisite activity either of body or mind.
With respect to field culture of vegetables for
cattle,. instead of the carrot and potato recommended
by yourself and the magazine, & the best of others,
we find the Jerusalem artichoke best for winter, &
the Succory for Summer use. This last was brought
over from France to England by Arthur Young, as
you will see in his travels thro' France, & some of
the seed sent by him to Genl. Washington, who
spared me a part of it. It is as productive as the
Lucerne, without its laborious culture, & indeed
have met with of this poor counterfeit of the Gracchi, who seems to
have had enthusiasm & eloquence, without either wisdom or firmness,
is the 5th & 6th vols. of Sigismondi. He quotes for his authority
chiefly the Frammenti de Storia Romana d'anonimo contemporaneo.
Of the monk Borselaro I know nothing, and my books are all gone to
where they will be more useful, & my memory waning under the hand
of time. I think Bekker might have demanded a truce from his
antagonists on the question of a Hall, by desiring them first to fix
it's geography. But wherever it be, it is certainly the best patrimony
of the church, and procures them in exchange the solid acres of this
world. I salute you with entire esteem & respect."
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Mr. Chester A. Stoddard,
of Boston, Mass.
1817} Thomas Jefferson 57
without any culture except the keeping it clean the
first year. The Jerusalem artichoke far exceeds the
potato in produce, and remains in the ground thro'
the winter to be dug as wanted. A method of
ploughing over hill sides horizontally, introduced
into the most hilly part of our country by Colo. T. M.
Randolph, my son in law, may be worth mentioning
to you. He has practised it a dozen or 15 years, and
it's advantages were so immediately observed that
it has already become very general, and has entirely
changed and renovated the face of our country.
Every rain, before that, while it gave a temporary
refreshment, did permanent evil by carrying off our
soil: and fields were no sooner cleared than wasted.
At present we may say that we lose none of our soil,
the rain not absorbed in the moment of it's fall being
retained in the hollows between the beds until it can
be absorbed. Our practice is when we first enter on
this process, with a rafter level of 10 f. span, to lay
off guide lines conducted horizontally around the
hill or valley from one end to the other of the field,
and about 30 yards apart. The steps of the level on
the ground are marked by a stroke of a hoe, and
immediately followed by a plough to preserve the
trace. A man or a lad, with the level, and two small
boys, the one with sticks, the other with the hoe,
will do an acre of this in an hour, and when once
done it is forever done. We generally level a field
the year it is put into Indian corn laying it into beds
of 6 ft. wide, with a large water furrow between
the beds, until all the fields have been once leveled.
The intermediate furrows are run by the eye of the
58 The Writings of [1817
ploughman governed by these guide lines, & occa
sion gores which are thrown into short beds. As in
ploughing very steep hill sides horizontally the com
mon ploughman can scarcely throw the furrow up
hill, Colo. Randolph has contrived a very simple
alteration of the share, which throws the furrow
down hill both going and coming. It is as if two
shares were welded together at their straight side,
and at a right angle with each other. This turns on
it's bar as on a pivot, so as to lay either share hori
zontal, when the other becoming verticle acts as a
mould board. This is done by the ploughman in an
instant by a single motion of the hand, at the end
of every furrow. I enclose a bit of paper cut into
the form of the double share, which being opened at
the fold to a right angle, will give an idea of it's gen
eral principle. Horizontal and deep ploughing, with
the use of plaister and clover, which are but begin
ning to be used here will, as we believe, restore this
part of our country to it's original fertility, which
was exceeded by no upland in the state. Believing
that some of these things might be acceptable to you
I have hazarded them as testimonials of my great
esteem & respect.
TO GEORGE TICKNOR j. MSS.
MONTICELLO [May ? 1817.]
DEAR SIR,- * * *
I suppose that your friends of Boston furnish you
with our domestic news. Improvement is now the
general word with us. Canals, roads, education oc
cupy principal attention. A bill which had passed
1817] Thomas Jefferson 59
both houses of Congress for beginning these works,
was negatived by the President, on constitutional,
and I believe, sound grounds; that instrument not
having placed this among the enumerated objects to
which they are authorized to apply the public con
tributions. He recommended an application to the
states for an extension of their powers to this object,
which will I believe be unanimously conceded, & will
be a better way of obtaining the end, than by strained
constructions, which would loosen all the bands of
the constitution. In the mean time the states se
parately are going on with this work. New York is
undertaking the most gigantic enterprise of uniting
the waters of L. Erie and the Hudson ; Jersey those
of the Delaware & Raritan. This state proposes
several such works; but most particularly has ap
plied itself to establishments for education, by tak
ing up the plan I proposed to them 40. years ago,
which you will see explained in the Notes on Virginia.
They have provided for this special object an ample
fund, and a growing one. They propose an elementary
school in every ward or township, for reading, writing
and common arithmetic ; a college in every district,
suppose of 80. or 100. miles square, for laying the foun
dations of the sciences in general, to wit, languages,
geography & the higher branches of Arithmetic ; and
a single University embracing every science deemed
useful in the present state of the world. This last
may very possibly be placed near Charlottes ville,
which you know is under view from Monticello.
Amid these enlarged measures, the papers tell us
of one by the legislature of New York, so much in
60 The Writings of [1817
the opposite direction that it would puzzle us to say
in what, the darkest age of the history of bigotry and
barbarism, we should find an apt place for it. It is
said they have declared by law that all those who
hereafter shall join in communion with the religious
sect of Shaking quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead,
their marriage vows dissolved, and all their children
and property taken from them; without any provi
sion for rehabilitation in case of resipiscence. To
prove that this departure from the spirit of our in
stitutions is local and I hope merely momentary,
Pennsylvania about the same time, rejected a propo
sition to make the belief in a god a necessary quali
fication for office, altho' I presume there was not an
Atheist in their body : and I dare say you have heard
that when the law for freedom of religion was before
the Virginia legislature in which the phrase "the au
thor of our holy religion " happened to be they reject
ed a proposition to prefix to it the name of " Jesus
Christ," altho certainly a great majority of them con
sidered him as such. Yet they would not undertake
to say that for every one. The New York law is so
recent that nothing has yet been said about it, & I do
imagine if it has been past, their next legislature will
repeal it, and make an amende honorable to the gen
eral spirit of their confederates. Nothing having yet
appeared but the naked act, without signature, or a
word of the history of it's passage, there is room to
hope it has been merely an abortive attempt.
Of the Volcanic state of Europe I know little, and
will say nothing, and add to the length of this, for
myself & the individuals of my family, who remem-
1817] Thomas Jefferson 61
ber you with particular friendship, the assurances of
the highest esteem and respect.
June 6. 1817. P. S. the preceding written some
time ago, is now only despatched.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 14, 1817.
Although, dear Sir, much retired from the world,
and meddling little in its concerns, yet I think it al
most a religious duty to salute at times my old
friends, were it only to say and to know that "all's
well." Our hobby has been politics; but all here is
so quiet, and with you so desperate, that little mat
ter is furnished us for active attention. With you
too, it has long been forbidden ground, and there
fore imprudent for a foreign friend to tread, in writ
ing to you. But although our speculations might be
intrusive, our prayers cannot but be acceptable, and
mine are sincerely offered for the well-being of
France. What government she can bear, depends
not on the state of science, however exalted, in a
select band of enlightened men, but on the condition
of the general mind. That, I am sure, is advanced
and will advance; and the last change of govern
ment was fortunate, inasmuch as the new will be
less obstructive to the effects of that advancement.
For I consider your foreign military oppressions as
an ephemeral obstacle only.
Here all is quiet. The British war has left us
in debt; but that is a cheap price for the good it
has done us. The establishment of the necessary
62 The Writings of [1817
manufactures among ourselves, the proof that our
government is solid, can stand the shock of war,
and is superior even to civil schism, are precious
facts for us ; and of these the strongest proofs were
furnished, when, with four eastern States tied to us,
as dead to living bodies, all doubt was removed as to
the achievements of the war, had it continued. But
its best effect has been the complete suppression of
party. The federalists who were truly American,
and their great mass was so, have separated from
their brethren who were mere Anglomen, and are
received with cordiality into the republican ranks.
Even Connecticut, as a State, and the last one ex
pected to yield its steady habits (which were essen
tially bigoted in politics as well as religion), has
chosen a republican governor, and republican legis
lature. Massachusetts indeed still lags; because
most deeply involved in the parricide crimes and
treasons of the war. But her gangrene is contract
ing, the sound flesh advancing on it, and all there
will be well. I mentioned Connecticut as the most
hopeless of our States. Little Delaware had escaped
my attention. That is essentially a Quaker State,
the fragment of a religious sect which, there, in the
other States, in England, are a homogeneous mass,
acting with one mind, and that directed by the
mother society in England. Dispersed, as the Jews,
they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign to
the land they live in. They are Protestant Jesuits,
implicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and
forgetting all duties to their country in the execution
of the policy of their order. When war is proposed
1817] Thomas Jefferson 63
with England, they have religious scruples; but
when with France, these are laid by, and they be
come clamorous for it. They are, however, silent,
passive, and give no other trouble than of whipping
them along. Nor is the election of Monroe an in
efficient circumstance in our felicities. Four and
twenty years, which he will accomplish, of adminis
tration in republican forms and principles, will so
consecrate them in the eyes of the people as to secure
them against the danger of change. The evanition
of party dissensions has harmonized intercourse, and
sweetened society beyond imagination. The war
then has done us all this good, and the further one
of assuring the world, that although attached to
peace from a sense of its blessings, we will meet war
when it is made necessary.
I wish I could give better hopes of our southern
brethren. The achievement of their independence
of Spain is no longer a question. But it is a very
serious one, what will then become of them? Ignor
ance and bigotry, like other insanities, are incapable
of self-government. They will fall under military
despotism, and become the murderous tools of the
ambition of their respective Bonapartes; and
whether this will be for their greater happiness, the
rule of one only has taught you to judge. No one,
I hope, can doubt my wish to see them and all man
kind exercising self-government, and capable of ex
ercising it. But the question is not what we wish,
but what is practicable ? As their sincere friend and
brother then, I do believe the best thing for them,
would be for themselves to come to an accord with
64 The Writings of [1817
Spain, under the guarantee of France, Russia, Hol
land, and the United States, allowing to Spain a
nominal supremacy, with authority only to keep the
peace among them, leaving them otherwise all the
powers of self-government, until their experience in
them, their emancipation from their priests, and ad
vancement in information, shall prepare them for
complete independence. I exclude England from
this confederacy, because her selfish principles ren
der her incapable of honorable patronage or disin
terested co-operation; unless, indeed, what seems
now probable, a revolution should restore to her an
honest government, one which will permit the world
to live in peace. Portugal, grasping at an extension
of her dominion in the south, has lost her great
northern province of Pernambuco, and I shall not
wonder if Brazil should revolt in mass, and send their
royal family back to Portugal. Brazil is more popu
lous, more wealthy, more energetic, and as wise as
Portugal. I have been insensibly led, my dear
friend, while writing to you, to indulge in that line of
sentiment in which we have been always associated,
forgetting that these are matters not belonging to
my time. Not so with you, who have still many
years to be a spectator of these events. That these
years may indeed be many and happy, is the sincere
prayer of your affectionate friend.
TO WILSON GARY NICHOLAS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO June 10. 17.
DEAR SIR, — I am detaining from the Philosophical
society their copy of Colo. Byrd's journal, until I
1817] Thomas Jefferson 65
can learn whether I may be permitted to send with
it also the supplementary one of which I obtained
the loan thro' your favor. Will you be so good as
to favor me with the name of the person to whom it
belongs, that I may sollicit the permission without
troubling you?
Does your new bank propose to do any business
with country people? I have been in the habit of
asking small accommodations occasionally from the
Virginia bank where I had for some time past a note
of 2000 D. The disastrous corn -crop of the last year
& the excessive price of that article obliged me to
apply to them lately for an additional 2000 D. to be
indulged until the present crop should furnish new
resources. They readily furnished the sum, but said
the rules established for some time to come would
forbid them to renew it at the expiration of the 60.
days. Mr. Gibson, my correspondent & endorser ad
vised me to enquire in time whether I could be
enabled by the US. bank to take up the note when
due, under a prospect of it's renewal for some months.
Will you be so good as to inform me on this subject?
Your friends in our vicinity are all well. I salute
you with friendship and respect.
TO DOCTOR JOHN MANNERS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 12, 1817.
SIR, — Your favor of May 2oth has been received
some time since, but the increasing inertness of age
renders me slow in obeying the calls of the writing-
table, and less equal than I have been to its labors.
VOL. XII. — 5.
66 The Writings of [1817
My opinion on the right of Expatriation has been,
so long ago as the year 1776, consigned to record in
the act of the Virginia code, drawn by myself, recog
nizing the right expressly, and prescribing the mode
of exercising it. The evidence of this natural right,
like that of our right to life, liberty, the use of our
faculties, the pursuit of happiness, is not left to the
feeble and sophistical investigations of reason, but is
impressed on the sense of every man. We do not
claim these under the charters of kings or legislators,
but under the King of kings. If he has made it a
law in the nature of man to pursue his own happi
ness, he has left him free in the choice of place as well
as mode ; and we may safely call on the whole body
of English jurists to produce the map on which
Nature has traced, for each individual, the geo
graphical line which she forbids him to cross in pur
suit of happiness. It certainly does not exist in his
mind. Where, then, is it? I believe, too, I might
safely affirm, that there is not another nation, civil
ized or savage, which has ever denied this natural
right. I doubt if there is another which refuses its
exercise. I know it is allowed in some of the most
respectable countries of continental Europe, nor have
I ever heard of one in which it was not. How it is
among our savage neighbors, who have no law but
that of Nature, we all know.
Though long estranged from legal reading and
reasoning, and little familiar with the decisions of
particular judges, I have considered that respecting
the obligation of the common law in this country as
a very plain one, and merely a question of document.
1817] Thomas Jefferson 67
If we are under that law, the document which made
us so can surely be produced ; and as far as this can
be produced, so far we are subject to it, and farther
we are not. Most of the States did, I believe, at an
early period of their legislation, adopt the English
law, common and statute, more or less in a body, as
far as localities admitted of their application. In
these States, then, the common law, so far as adopted
is the lex-loci. Then comes the law of Congress, de
claring that what is law in any State, shall be the
rule of decision in their courts, as to matters arising
within that State, except when controlled by their
own statutes. But this law of Congress has been
considered as extending to civil cases only ; and that
no such provision has been made for criminal ones.
A similar provision, then, for criminal offences,
would, in like manner, be an adoption of more or
less of the common law, as part of the lex-loci, where
the offence is committed ; and would cover the whole
field of legislation for the general government. I
have turned to the passage you refer to in Judge
Cooper's Justinian, and should suppose the general
expressions there used would admit of modifications
conformable to this doctrine. It would alarm me
indeed, in any case, to find myself entertaining an
opinion different from that of a judgment so accur
ately organized as his. But I am quite persuaded
that, whenever Judge Cooper shall be led to consider
that question simply and nakedly, it is so much
within his course of thinking, as liberal as logical,
that, rejecting all blind and undefined obligation, he
will hold to the positive and explicit precepts of the
68 The Writings of [1817
law alone. Accept these hasty sentiments on the
subjects you propose, as hazarded in proof of my
great esteem and respect.
TO BARON F. H. ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 13, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — The receipt of your Distributio Geo-
graphica Plantar urn, with the duty of thanking you
for a work which sheds so much new and valuable
light on botanical science, excites the desire, also, of
presenting myself to your recollection, and of ex
pressing to you those sentiments of high admiration
and esteem, which, although long silent, have never
slept. The physical information you have given us
of a country hitherto so shamefully unknown, has
come exactly in time to guide our understandings in
the great political revolution now bringing it into
prominence on the stage of the world. The issue of
its struggles, as they respect Spain, is no longer
matter of doubt. As it respects their own liberty,
peace and happiness, we cannot be quite so certain.
Whether the blinds of bigotry, the shackles of the
priesthood, and the fascinating glare of rank and
wealth, give fair play to the common sense of the
mass of their people, so far as to qualify them for
self-government, is what we do not know. Perhaps
our wishes may be stronger than our hopes. The
first principle of republicanism is, that the lex-majoris
partis is the fundamental law of every society of in
dividuals of equal rights ; to consider the will of the
1817] Thomas Jefferson 69
society enounced by the majority of a single vote,
as sacred as if unanimous, is the first of all lessons in
importance, yet the last which is thoroughly learnt.
This law once disregarded, no other remains but
that of force, which ends necessarily in military des
potism. This has been the history of the French
revolution, and I wish the understanding of our
Southern brethren may be sufficiently enlarged and
firm to see that their fate depends on its sacred
observance.
In our America we are turning to public improve
ments. Schools, roads, and canals, are everywhere
either in operation or contemplation. The most
gigantic undertaking yet proposed, is that of New
York, for drawing the waters of Lake Erie into the
Hudson. The distance is 353 miles, and the height
to be surmounted 66 1 feet. The expense will be
great, but its effect incalculably powerful in favor of
the Atlantic States. Internal navigation by steam
boats is rapidly spreading through all our States,
and that by sails and oars will ere long be looked
back to as among the curiosities of antiquity. We
count much, too, on its efficacy for harbor defence;
and it will soon be tried for navigation by sea. We
consider the employment of the contributions which
our citizens can spare, after feeding, and clothing,
and lodging themselves comfortably, as more useful,
more moral, and even more splendid, than that pre
ferred by Europe, of destroying human life, labor and
happiness.
I write this letter without knowing where it will
find you. But wherever that may be, I am sure it
70 The Writings of [1817
will find you engaged in something instructive for
man. If at Paris, you are of course in habits of so
ciety with Mr. Gallatin, our worthy, our able, and
excellent minister, who will give you, from time to
time, the details of the progress of a country in whose
prosperity you are so good as to feel an interest, and
in which your name is revered among those of the
great worthies of the world. God bless you, and
preserve you long to enjoy the gratitude of your
fellow men, and to be blessed with honors, health
and happiness.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 16, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — The importance that the enclosed
letters should safely reach their destination, impels
me to avail myself of the protection of your cover.
This is an inconvenience to which your situation
exposes you, while it adds to the opportunities of
exercising yourself in works of charity.
According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little
before your departure, we have had almost an entire
change in the body of Congress. The unpopularity
of the compensation law was completed, by the man
ner of repealing it as to all the world except them
selves. In some States, it is said, every member is
changed; in all, many. What opposition there was
to the original law, was chiefly from southern
members. Yet many of those have been left out,
because they received the advanced wages. I
have never known so unanimous a sentiment of
1817] Thomas Jefferson 71
disapprobation; and what is remarkable is, that it
was spontaneous. The newspapers were almost en
tirely silent, and the people not only unled by their
leaders, but in opposition to them. I confess I was
highly pleased with this proof of the innate good
sense, the vigilance, and the determination of the
people to act for themselves.
Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of
note; a navigation act, particularly, applicable to
those nations only who have navigation acts ; pinch
ing one of them especially, not only in the general
way, but in the intercourse with her foreign posses
sions. This part may re-act on us, and it remains
for trial which may bear longest. A law respecting
our conduct as a neutral between Spain and her con
tending colonies, was passed by a majority of one
only, I believe, and against the very general senti
ment of our country. It is thought to strain our
complaisance to Spain beyond her right or merit, and
almost against the right of the party, and certainly
against the claims they have to our good wishes and
neighborly relations. That we should wish to see
the people of other countries free, is as natural, and
at least as justifiable, as that one King should wish
to see the Kings of other countries maintained in
their despotism. Right to both parties, innocent
favor to the juster cause, is our proper sentiment.
You will have learned that an act for internal im
provement, after passing both Houses, was negatived
by the President. The act was founded, avowedly,
on the principle that the phrase in the constitution
which authorizes Congress "to lay taxes, to pay the
72 The Writings of [1817
debts and provide for the general welfare," was an
extension of the powers specifically enumerated to
whatever would promote the general welfare; and
this, you know, was the federal doctrine. Whereas,
our tenet ever was, and, indeed, it is almost the only
landmark which now divides the federalists from the
republicans, that Congress had not unlimited powers
to provide for the general welfare, but were restrained
to those specifically enumerated ; and that, as it was
never meant they should provide for that welfare but
by the exercise of the enumerated powers, so it could
not have been meant they should raise money for
purposes which the enumeration did not place under
their action; consequently, that the specification of
powers is a limitation of the purposes for which they
may raise money. I think the passage and rejection
of this bill a fortunate incident. Every State will cer
tainly concede the power ; and this will be a national
confirmation of the grounds of appeal to them, and
will settle forever the meaning of this phrase, which,
by a mere grammatical quibble, has countenanced the
General Government in a claim of universal power.
For in the phrase, "to lay taxes, to pay the debts and
provide for the general welfare," it is a mere question
of syntax, whether the two last infinitives are gov
erned by the first or are distinct and co-ordinate pow
ers; a question unequivocally decided by the exact
definition of powers immediately following. It is for
tunate for another reason, as the States, in conceding
the power, will modify it, either by requiring the fed
eral ratio of expense in each State, or otherwise, so
as to secure us against its partial exercise. Without
1817] Thomas Jefferson 73
this caution, intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of
votes might become as habitual in Congress, as they
are in those legislatures which have the appointment
of officers, and which, with us, is called "logging,"
the term of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in
rolling together the logs of their newly-cleared
grounds. Three of our papers have presented us the
copy of an act of the legislature of New York, which,
if it has really passed, will carry us back to the times
of the darkest bigotry and barbarism, to find a paral
lel. Its purport is, that all those who shall hereafter
join in communion with the religious sect of Shaking
Quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead, their mar
riages dissolved, and all their children and property
taken out of their hands. This act being published
nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures,
or any history of the circumstances of its passage, I
am not without a hope it may have been a mere
abortive attempt. It contrasts singularly with a
cotemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legislature,
who, on a proposition to make the belief in God
a necessary qualification for office, rejected it by a
great majority, although assuredly there was not a
single atheist in their body. And you remember to
have heard, that when the act for religious freedom
was before the Virginia Assembly, a motion to insert
the name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, "the
author of our holy religion," which stood in the bill,
was rejected, although that was the creed of a great
majority of them.
I have been charmed to see that a Presidential
election now produces scarcely any agitation. On
74 The Writings of [1817
Mr. Madison's election there was little, on Monroe's
all but none. In Mr. Adams' time and mine, parties
were so nearly balanced as to make the struggle fear
ful for our peace. But since the decided ascendency
of the republican body, federalism has looked on
with silent but unresisting anguish. In the middle,
southern and western States, it is as low as it ever
can be ; for nature has made some men monarchists
and tories by their constitution, and some, of course,
there always will be.
TO CHARLES CLAY
POPLAR FOREST, July 12, 17.
DEAR SIR, — This is the only fair day since you
were here, & being to depart to-morrow, I must em
ploy it otherwise than in paying the visit I had in
tended you. I shall be back however within 3 weeks
and have time then to render the double.
In the mean while as your Paul is desirous of lay
ing up useful things in the storehouse of his mind, I
send him a little bundle of canons of conduct which
may merit a shelf after the one occupied by the
Decalogue of first authority. If he will get them by
heart, occasions will not be wanting for their useful
application. You can furnish him also with another
decad, and regulating his life by this code of practice
it may bring pleasure and profit to himself, and
praise from others. Wishing pleasure, profit, and
praise to him, to you and yours, I salute you with
constant friendship and respect.1
1 Th. Jefferson to Paul Clay.
"i. Never spend your money before you have it.
1817] Thomas Jefferson 75
TO GOODMAN, REED, BOYER & DUANE
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Aug. 21, 17.
MESSRS. GOODMAN, REED, BOYER & DUANE:
Your letter of the 6th inst. is delivered to me at
this place with an extract from the Franklin Republi
can of July 29. in these words. "Extract of a letter
from Virginia. July 13. 1817. The day before yes
terday I was at Monticello, & had the gratification
to hear the chief of the elevated group there (Mr.
Jefferson) express his anxious wish for the success of
the democratic republican gubernatorial candidate in
Pensylvania — As he says he has no opinion of tool or
turnabout politicians just to serve their own aggran
disement." Now I declare to you, Gentlemen, on my
honor that I never expressed a sentiment, or uttered
a syllable to any mortal living on the subject of the
election referred to in this extract. It is one into
which I have never permitted even my wishes to
enter, entertaining as I do a high respect for both
the characters in competition, and not doubting that
the state of Pensylvania will be happier under the
"2. Never buy what you don't want, because it is cheap: it will be
dear to you.
"3. Pride costs more than hunger, thirst and cold.
14 4. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day.
" 5. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself.
11 6. Think as you please and let others do so: you will then have no
disputes.
"7. How much pain have cost us the things which have never
happened.
"8. Take things always by their smooth handle.
"9. When angry count 10. before you speak. If very angry 100.
" 10. When at table, remember that we never repent of having eaten
or drunk too little.
Hcec animo concipe dicta tuo et vale."
76 The Writings of [1817
government of either. If any further proof of the
falsehood of this letter writer were required, it would
be found in the fact that on the nth of July, when
he pretends to have seen me at Monticello, & to have
been entrusted by me with expressions so highly
condemnable, I was at this place 90 miles South
West of that, attending to my harvest here. I had
left Monticello on the 2gth of June, & did not return
to it until the i$th of July. The facts of my ab
sence from the one place, & presence at the other, at
that date, are well known to many inhabitants of
the town of Charlottes ville near the one, & of Lynch -
burg near the other place.
I am duly sensible of the sentiments of respect
with which you are pleased to honor me in your let
ter, as I am also of those concerning myself in the
resolutions of the respectable Committee of the New
market ward, who have been led into error by this
very false letter writer. These, I trust, will not be
lessened on either side by my assurance that, con
sidering this as a family question I do not allow my
self to take any part in it, and the less as the issue
either way cannot be unfavorable to republican gov
ernment. I tender to both parties sincere senti
ments of esteem & respect.
TO GEORGE TICKNOR j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. 25. 17.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Aug. 14. was delivered
to me as I was setting out for the distant possession
1817] Thomas Jefferson 77
from which I now write, & to which I pay frequent
& long visits. On my arrival here I make it my
first duty to write the letter you request to Mr.
Erving, and to inclose it in this under cover to your
father that you may get it in time. My letters are
always letters of thanks because you are always fur
nishing occasion for them. I am very glad you have
been so kind as to make the alteration you mention
in the Herodotus & Livy I had asked from the
Messrs. Desbures. I have not yet heard from them,
but daily expect to do so, and to learn the arrival
of my books. I shall probably send them another
catalogue early in spring; every supply from them
furnishing additional materials for my happiness.
I had before heard of the military ingredients which
Bonaparte had infused into all the schools of France,
but have never so well understood them as from
your letter. The penance he is now doing for all his
atrocities must be soothing to every virtuous heart.
It proves that we have a god in heaven. That he is
just, and not careless of what passes in this world.
And we cannot but wish to this inhuman wretch, a
long, long life, that time as well as intensity may fill
up his sufferings to the measure of his enormities.
But indeed what sufferings can atone for his crimes
against the liberties & happiness of the human race ;
for the miseries he has already inflicted on his own
generation, & on those yet to come, on whom he has
rivetted the chains of despotism !
I am now entirely absorbed in endeavours to
effect the establishment of a general system of edu
cation in my native state, on the triple basis, i, of
78 The Writings of [1817
elementary schools which shall give to the children
of every citizen gratis, competent instruction in read
ing, writing, common arithmetic, and general geo
graphy. 2. Collegiate institutions for antient &
modern languages, for higher instruction in arithme
tic, geography & history, placing for these purposes a
college within a day's ride of every inhabitant of the
state, and adding a provision for the full education
at the public expence of select subjects from among
the children of the poor, who shall have exhibited at
the elementary schools the most prominent indica
tions of aptness of judgment & correct disposition.
3. An University in which all the branches of science
deemed useful at this day, shall be taught in their
highest degree. This would probably require ten or
twelve professors, for most of whom we shall be
obliged to apply to Europe, and most likely to Edin-
burg, because of the greater advantage the students
will receive from communications made in their
native language. This last establishment will prob
ably be within a mile of Charlottesville, and four
from Monticello, if the system should be adopted at
all by our legislature who meet within a week from
this time. My hopes however are kept in check by
the ordinary character of our state legislatures, the
members of which do not generally possess informa
tion enough to perceive the important truths, that
knolege is power, that knolege is safety, and that
knolege is happiness.
In the meantime, and in case of failure of the
broader plan, we are establishing a college of general
science, at the same situation near Charlottesville,
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 79
the scale of which, of necessity will be much more
moderate, as resting on private donations only.
These amount at present to about 75,000 Dollars.
The buildings are begun, and by midsummer we hope
to have two or three professorships in operation.
Would to god we could have two or three duplicates
of yourself, the original being above our means and
hopes. If then we fail in doing all the good we wish,
we will do at least all we can. This is the law of duty
in every society of free agents, where every one has
equal right to judge for himself. God bless you, and
give to the means of benefiting mankind which you
will bring home with you, all the success your high
qualifications ought to insure.
TO WILLIAM WIRT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 5, 1818.
I have first to thank you, dear Sir, for the copy of
your late work which you have been so kind as to
send me, and then to render you double congratula
tions, first, on the general applause it has so justly
received, and next on the public testimony of esteem
for its author, manifested by your late call to the
executive councils of the nation. All this I do heart
ily, and then proceed to a case of business on which
you will have to advise the government on the
threshold of your office. You have seen the death of
General Kosciusko announced in the papers in such
a way as not to be doubted. He had in the funds of
the United States a very considerable sum of money,
8o The Writings of
on the interest of which he depended for subsistence.
On his leaving the United States, in 1798, he placed
it under my direction by a power of attorney, which
I executed entirely through Mr. Barnes, who regu
larly remitted his interest. But he left also in my
hands an autograph will, disposing of his funds in a
particular course of charity, and making me his ex
ecutor. The question the government will ask of
you, and which I therefore ask, is in what court must
this will be proved, and my qualification as executor
be received, to justify the United States in placing
these funds under the trust? This is to be executed
wholly in this State, and will occupy so long a course
of time beyond what I can expect to live, that I
think to propose to place it under the Court of Chan
cery. The place of probate generally follows the
residence of the testator. That was in a foreign
country in the present case. Sometimes the bona
notabilia. The evidences or representations of these
(the certificates) are in my hands. The things re
presented (the money) in those of the United States.
But where are the United States? Everywhere, I
suppose, where they have government or property
liable to the demand on payment. That is to say,
in every State of the Union, in this, for example, as
well as any other, strengthened by the circumstances
of the deposit of the will, the residence of the execu
tor, and the place where the trust is to be executed.
In no instance, I believe, does the mere habitation of
the debtor draw to it the place of probate, and if it
did, the United States are omnipresent by their func
tionaries, as well as property in every State of the
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 81
Union. I am led by these considerations to suppose
our district or general court competent to the object;
but you know best, and by your advice, sanctioned
by the Secretary of the Treasury, I shall act. I
write to the Secretary on this subject. If our dis
trict court will do, I can attend it personally; if
the general court only be competent, I am in hopes
it will find means of dispensing with my personal
attendance. I salute you with affectionate esteem
and respect.
TO JOSEPH C. CABELL z
MONTICELLO, Jan. 14, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — When on the 6th inst. I was answer
ing yours of Dec. 29, I was so overwhelmed with
letters to be answered, that I could not take time to
notice the objection stated, "that it was apprehended
that neither the people, nor their representatives,
would agree to the plan of assessment on the wards
for the expenses of the ward schools." I suppose
that this is meant the "pecuniary expense of wages
to the tutor"; for, as to what the people are to do,
or to contribute in kind, every one who knows the
situation of our people in the country, knows it will
not be felt. The building the long houses will em
ploy the laborers of the ward three or four days in
every 20 years. The contributions for subsistence,
if averaged on the families, would be 8 or 9 Ibs. of
pork, and a half a bushel of corn for a family
of middling circumstances — not more than 2 days
1 From Niles's Register, vol. xiv., p. 174.
VOL. XII— 6.
82 The Writings of [1818
subsistence of the family and its stock — and less in
proportion as it could spare less. There is not a
family in the country so poor as to feel this contri
bution. It must then be the assessment of the
pecuniary contribution which is thought so formid
able an addition to the property tax we now pay to
the state that "neither the people, nor their repre
sentatives would agree to/' Now, let us look this
objection in the face, and bring it to the unerring
test of figures ; — premising that this pecuniary tax
is to be of 150 dollars on a ward.
Not possessing the documents which would give
me the numbers to be quoted, correctly to a unit, I
shall use round numbers, so near the truth, that with
the further advantage of facilitating our calculations
as we go a long, they will make no sensible error in
the result. I will proceed therefore on the following
postulates, and on the ground that there are in the
whole state 100 counties and cities.
In the whole In every county on
state. an average.
The free white inhabitants
of all ages and sexes, at
the last census were 600,000 6,000
The number of militia were
somewhere about 80,000 800
The number of captain's
companies, of 67 each
would be about 1,200 12
Free white inhabitants for
every militia company,
600,000—1200 500 oo
The tax on property paid to
the state is nearly 500,000 5,000
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 83
Let us then proceed on these data, to compare the
expense of the proposed and of the existing system
of primary schools. I have always supposed that
the wards should be laid off as to comprehend the
number of inhabitants necessary to furnish a cap
tains company of militia. This is before stated at
500 persons of all ages and sexes. From the tables
of mortality (Buff on 's) we find that where there are
500 persons of all ages and sexes, there will always
be 14 in their loth year, 13 and a fraction in their
nth, and 13 in their i2th year; so that the children
of these three years (which are those that ought to
be devoted to the elementary schools) will be a con
stant number of 40; about enough to occupy one
teacher constantly. His wages of $150, partitioned
on these 40, make their teaching cost $3^ a-piece,
annually. If we reckon as many heads of families
in a ward as there are militia (as I think we may,
the unmarried militia men balancing, in numbers,
the married and unmarried exempts) $150 on 67
heads of families (if levied equally) would be $2.24
on each. At the same time the property tax on the
ward being $5000-1-12, or $416, and that again sub
divided on 67 heads of families (if it were levied
equally) would be $6.20 on a family of middling cir
cumstances, the tax which it now pays to the state.
So that to $6.20, the present state tax, the school
tax, would add $2.24, which is about 36 cents to the
dollar, or one third to the present property tax : and
to the whole state would be $150 X 1200 wards
equal to $180,000 of tax added to the present
$500,000.
84 The Writings of [i 8 1 8
Now let us see what the present primary schools
cost us, on the supposition that all the children of 10,
ii and 12 years old are, as they ought to be, at
school : and if they are not, so much the worse is the
system: for they will be untaught, and their igno
rance and vices will, in future life cost us much
dearer in their consequences, than it would have done,
in their correction, by a good education.
I am here at a loss to say what is now paid to our
English elementary schools, generally, through the
state. In my own neighborhood, those who for
merly received from 2os to 305 a scholar, now have
from 20 to 30 dollars; and having no other informa
tion to go on, I must use my own numbers, the re
sult of which, however, will be easily corrected, and
accomodated to the average price through the state,
when ascertained; and will yet, I am persuaded,
leave abundance of difference between the two
systems.
Taking a medium of $25, the 40 pupils in each
ward now cost $1000 a year, instead of $150, or $15
on a family, instead of $2.24; and 1200 wards cost
to the whole state $1,200,000 of tax, in addition to
the present $500,000 instead of $180,000 only; pro
ducing a difference of $1,020,000 in favor of the ward
system, more than doubling the present tax, instead
of adding one third only, and should the price of tui
tion, which I have adopted from that in my own
neighborhood, be much above the average thro' the
state, yet no probable correction will bring the two
systems near a level.
But take into consideration, also, the important
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 85
difference, that the $1,200,000 are now paid by the
people as a poll tax, the poor having as many child
ren as the rich, and paying the whole tuition money
themselves; whereas, on the proposed ward levies
the poor man would pay in proportion to his hut and
peculium only, which the rich would pay on their
palaces and principalities. It cannot, then be that
the people will not agree to have their tuition tax
lightened by levies on the ward rather than on them
selves; and as little believe that their ''representa
tives ' ' will disagree to it ; for even the rich will pay
less than they do now. The portion of the $180,000,
which, on the ward system, they will pay for the edu
cation of the poor as well as of their own children, will
not be as much as they now pay for their own alone.
And will the wealthy individual have no retribu
tion? and what will this be? i. The peopling his
neighborhood with honest, useful and enlightened
citizens, understanding their own rights and firm in
their perpetuation. 2. When his own descendants
became poor, which they generally do within three
generations, (no law of Primogeniture now perpetu
ating wealth in the same families) their children will
be educated by the then rich, and the little advance
he now makes to poverty, while rich himself, will be
repaid by the then rich, to his descendants when
become poor, and thus give them a chance of rising
again. This is a solid consideration, and should go
home to the bosom of every parent. This will be
seed sowed in fertile ground. It is a provision for
his family looking to distant times, and far in dura
tion beyond that he has now in hand for them. Let
86 The Writings of [iSi8
every man count backwards in his own family, and
see how many generations he can go, before he comes
to the ancestor who made the fortune he now holds.
Most will be stopped at the first generation, many at
the 2d, few will reach the third, and not one in the
state go beyond the 5th.
I know that there is much prejudice, even among
the body of the people, against the expense and even
the practicability of a sufficient establishment of ele
mentary schools, but I think it proceeds from vague
ideas on a subject they have never brought to the
test of facts and figures ; but our representatives will
fathom its depths, and the people could and would
do the same, if the facts and considerations belong
ing to the subject were presented to their minds and
their subsequent as certainly as their previous appro
bation, would be secured.
But if the whole expense of the elementary schools,
wages, subsistence and buildings are to come from
the literary fund, and if we are to wait until that
fund shall be accumulated to the requisite amount,
we justly fear that some one unlucky legislature will
intervene within the time, charge the whole appro
priation to the lightening of taxes, and leave us where
we now are.
There is, however, an intermediate measure which
might bring the two plans together. If the literary
fund be of one and a half million of dollars, take the
half million for the colleges and university, it will
establish them meagrely and make a deposite of the
remaining million. Its interest of $60,000 will give
$50 a year to each ward, towards the teacher's
Thomas Jefferson 87
wages, and reduce the tax to 24 instead of 36 cents
to the dollar; and as the literary fund continues to
accumulate give one-third of the increase to the col
leges and university and two -thirds to the ward
schools. The increasing interest of this last portion
will be continually lessening the school tax, until it
will extinguish it altogether; the subsistence and
buildings remaining always to be furnished by the
ward in kind.
A system of general instruction, which shall reach
every description of our citizens from the richest to
the poorest, as it was the earliest, so will it be the
latest of all the public concerns in which I shall per
mit myself to take an interest. Nor am I tenacious
of the form in which it shall be introduced. Be that
what it may, our descendants will be as wise as we
are, and will know how to amend and amend it, until
it shall suit their circumstances. Give it to us, then
in any shape, and receive for the inestimable boon
the thanks of the young and the blessings of the old,
who are past all other services but prayers for the
prosperity of their country and blessings for those
who promote it.
TO DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 3, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — I have just received your favor of
February 2oth, in which you observe that Mr. Wirt,
on page 47 of his Life of Patrick Henry, quotes me as
saying that "Mr. Henry certainly gave the first im
pulse to the ball of revolution." I well recollect to
88 The Writings of [1818
have used some such expression in a letter to him,
and am tolerably certain that our own State being
the subject under contemplation, I must have used
it with respect to that only. Whether he has given
it a more general aspect I cannot say, as the passage
is not in the page you quote, nor, after thumbing
over much of the book, have I been able to find it.1
In page 417 there is something like it, but not the
exact expression, and even there it may be doubted
whether Mr. Wirt had his eye on Virginia alone, or
on all the colonies. But the question, who com
menced the revolution? is as difficult as that of the
first inventors of a thousand good things. For ex
ample, who first discovered the principle of gravity?
Not Newton; for Galileo, who died the year that
Newton was born, had measured its force in the
descent of gravid bodies. Who invented the Lavoi-
serian chemistry? The English say Dr. Black, by
the preparatory discovery of latent heat. Who in
vented the steamboat? Was it Gerbert, the Mar
quis of Worcester, Newcomen, Savary, Papin, Fitch,
Fulton ? The fact is, that one new idea leads to an
other, that to a third, and so on through a course of
time until some one, with whom no one of these ideas
was original, combines all together, and produces
what is justly called a new invention. I suppose it
would be as difficult to trace our revolution to its
first embryo. We do not know how long it was
hatching in the British cabinet before they ventured
to make the first of the experiments which were
to develop it in the end and to produce complete
1 It was on page 41.
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 89
parliamentary supremacy. Those you mention in
Massachusetts as preceding the stamp act, might be
the first visible symptoms of that design. The propo
sition of that act in 1764, was the first here. Your
opposition, therefore, preceded ours, as occasion was
sooner given there than here, and the truth, I sup
pose, is, that the opposition in every colony began
whenever the encroachment was presented to it.
This question of priority is as the inquiry would be
who first, of the three hundred Spartans, offered his
name to Leonidas? I shall be happy to see justice
done to the merits of all, by the unexceptionable
umpirage of date and facts, and especially from the
pen which is proposed to be employed in it.
I rejoice, indeed, to learn from you that Mr. Adams
retains the strength of his memory, his faculties, his
cheerfulness, and even his epistolary industry. This
last is gone from me. The aversion has been grow
ing on me for a considerable time, and now, near the
close of seventy -five, is become almost insuperable.
I am much debilitated in body, and my memory
sensibly on the wane. Still, however, I enjoy good
health and spirits, and am as industrious a reader as
when a student at college. Not of newspapers.
These I have discarded. I relinquish, as I ought to
do, all intermeddling with public affairs, committing
myself cheerfully to the watch and care of those for
whom, in my turn I have watched and cared. When
I contemplate the immense advances in science and
discoveries in the arts which have been made within
the period of my life, I look forward with confidence
to equal advances by the present generation, and
90 The Writings of
have no doubt they will consequently be as much
wiser than we have been as we than our fathers were,
and they than the burners of witches. Even the
metaphysical contest, which you so pleasantly de
scribed to me in a former letter, will probably end in
improvement, by clearing the mind of Platonic mys
ticism and unintelligible jargon. Although age is
taking from me the power of communicating by let
ter with my friends as industriously as heretofore, I
shall still claim with them the same place they will
ever hold in my affections, and on this ground I, with
sincerity and pleasure, assure you of my great esteem
and respect.
TO NATHANIEL BURWELL j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 14, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of February iyth found
me suffering under an attack of rheumatism, which
has but now left me at sufficient ease to attend to the
letters I have received. A plan of female education
has never been a subject of systematic contempla
tion with me. It has occupied my attention so far
only as the education of my own daughters occasion
ally required. Considering that they would be placed
in a country situation, where little aid could be ob
tained from abroad, I thought it essential to give
them a solid education, which might enable them,
when become mothers, to educate their own daugh
ters, and even to direct the course for sons, should
their fathers be lost, or incapable, or inattentive.
My surviving daughter accordingly, the mother of
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 91
many daughters as well as sons, has made their edu
cation the object of her life, and being a better judge
of the practical part than myself, it is with her aid
and that of one of her eleves that I shall subjoin a
catalogue of the books for such a course of reading
as we have practiced.
A great obstacle to good education is the inordin
ate passion prevalent for novels, and the time lost in
that reading which should be instructively employed.
When this poison infects the mind, it destroys its tone
and revolts it against wholesome reading. Reason
and fact, plain and unadorned, are rejected. Nothing
can engage attention unless dressed in all the fig
ments of fancy, and nothing so bedecked comes
amiss. The result is a bloated imagination, sickly
judgment, and disgust towards all the real businesses
of life. This mass of trash, however, is not without
some distinction; some few modelling their narra
tives, although fictitious, on the incidents of real
life, have been able to make them interesting and
useful vehicles of a sound morality. Such, I think,
are Marmontel's new moral tales, but not his old
ones, which are really immoral. Such are the writ
ings of Miss Edgeworth, and some of those of Madame
Genlis. For a like reason, too, much poetry should
not be indulged. Some is useful for forming style
and taste. Pope, Dryden, Thompson, Shakspeare,
and of the French, Moli&re, Racine, the Corneilles,
may be read with pleasure and improvement.
The French language, become that of the general
intercourse of nations, and from their extraordinary
advances, now the depository of all science, is an
92 The Writings of
indispensable part of education for both sexes. In
the subjoined catalogue, therefore, I have placed the
books of both languages indifferently, according as
the one or the other offers what is best.
The ornaments too, and the amusements of life,
are entitled to their portion of attention. These, for
a female, are dancing, drawing, and music. The
first is a healthy exercise, elegant and very attrac
tive for young people. Every affectionate parent
would be pleased to see his daughter qualified to par
ticipate with her companions, and without awkward
ness at least, in the circles of festivity, of which she
occasionally becomes a part. It is a necessary ac
complishment, therefore, although of short use, for
the French rule is wise, that no lady dances after
marriage. This is founded in solid physical reasons,
gestation and nursing leaving little time to a mar
ried lady when this exercise can be either safe or
innocent. Drawing is thought less of in this country
than in Europe. It is an innocent and engaging
amusement, often useful, and a qualification not to be
neglected in one who is to become a mother and an
instructor. Music is invaluable where a person has
an ear. Where they have not, it should not be at
tempted. It furnishes a delightful recreation for the
hours of respite from the cares of the day, and lasts
us through life. The taste of this country, too, calls
for this accomplishment more strongly than for
either of the others.
I need say nothing of household economy, in which
the mothers of our country are generally skilled, and
generally careful to instruct their daughters. We
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 93
all know its value, and that diligence and dexterity
in all its processes are inestimable treasures. The
order and economy of a house are as honorable to the
mistress as those of the farm to the master, and if
either be neglected, ruin follows, and children desti
tute of the means of living.
This, Sir, is offered as a summary sketch on a sub
ject on which I have not thought much. It prob
ably contains nothing but what has already occurred
to yourself, and claims your acceptance on no other
ground than as a testimony of my respect for your
wishes, and of my great esteem and respect.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. 9. 18.
DEAR SIR, — I avail myself as usual of the protec
tion of your cover for my letters that to Cathalan
need only be put into the post office; but for that
for Appleton I must ask the favor of you to adopt
the safest course which circumstances offer. You
will have seen by the newspapers that there is a de
cided ascendancy of the republican party in nearly
all the states. Connecticut decidedly so. It is
thought the elections of this month in Massachusetts
will at length arrange that recreant state on the re
publican side. Maryland is doubtful, and Delaware
only decidedly Anglican; for the term federalist is
nearly laid aside, and the distinction begins to be in
name, what it always was in fact, that ig to say
Anglican and American. There are some turbid ap
pearances in Congress. A quondam colleague of
94 The Writings of [1818
yours, who had acquired some distinction and favor
in the public eye is throwing it away by endeavour
ing to obtain his end by rallying an opposition to the
administration. This error has already ruined some
among us, and will ruin others who do not perceive
that it is the steady abuse of power in other govern
ments which renders that of opposition always the
popular party. I imagine you receive the news
papers and these will give you everything which I
know; so I will only add the assurances of my con
stant affection & respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 17, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — I was so unfortunate as not to receive
from Mr. Holly's own hand your favor of January
the 28th, being then at my other home. He dined
only with my family, and left them with an impres
sion which has filled me with regret that I did not
partake of the pleasure his visit gave them. I am
glad he is gone to Kentucky. Rational Christianity
will thrive more rapidly there than here. They are
freer from prejudices than we are, and bolder in
grasping at truth. The time is not distant, though
neither you nor I shall see it, when we shall be but a
secondary people to them. Our greediness for wealth,
and fantastical expense, have degraded, and will
degrade, the minds of our maritime citizens. These
are the peculiar vices of commerce.
I had been long without hearing from you, but
I had heard of you through a letter from Doctor
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 95
Water-house. He wrote to reclaim against an ex
pression of Mr. Wirt's, as to the commencement of
motion in the revolutionary ball. The lawyers say
that words are always to be expounded secundum sub-
jectani materiem, which, in Mr. Wirt's case, was Vir
ginia. It would, moreover, be as difficult to say at
what moment the Revolution began, and what inci
dent set it in motion, as to fix the moment that the
embryo becomes an animal, or the act which gives
him a beginning. But the most agreeable part of his
letter was that which informed me of your health,
your activity, and strength of memory; and the
most wonderful, that which assured me that you re
tained your industry and promptness in epistolary
correspondence. Here you have entire advantage
over me. My repugnance to the writing table be
comes daily and hourly more deadly and insur
mountable. In place of this has come on a canine
appetite for reading. And I indulge it, because I
see in it a relief against the t&dium senectutis; a
lamp to lighten my path through the dreary wilder
ness of time before me, whose bourne I see not.
Losing daily all interest in the things around us,
something else is necessary to fill the void. With
me it is reading, which occupies the mind without the
labor of producing ideas from my own stock.
I enter into all your doubts as to the event of the
revolution of South America. They will succeed
against Spain. But the dangerous enemy is within
their own breasts. Ignorance and superstition will
chain their minds and bodies under religious and
military despotism. I do believe it would be better
96 The Writings of [1818
for them to obtain freedom by degrees only; be
cause that would by degrees bring on light and
information, and qualify them to take charge of
themselves understandingly ; with more certainty, if
in the meantime, under so much control as may keep
them at peace with one another. Surely, it is our
duty to wish them independence and self-govern
ment, because they wish it themselves, and they have
the right, and we none, to choose for themselves, and
I wish, moreover, that our ideas may be erroneous,
and theirs prove well founded. But these are specu
lations, my friend, which we may as well deliver over
to those who are to see their development. We
shall only be lookers on, from the clouds above,
as now we look down on the labors, the hurry and
bustle of the ants and bees. Perhaps in that super
mundane region, we may be amused with seeing the
fallacy of our own guesses, and even the nothingness
of those labors which have filled and agitated our
own time here.
En attendant, with sincere affections to Mrs.
Adams and yourself, I salute you both cordially.
TO ARCHIBALD STUART '
MONTICELLO, May 28. 18.
DEAR SIR, — Our fathers taught us an excellent
maxim " never to put off to tomorrow what you can
do today." By some of their degenerate sons this
has been reversed by never doing today what we can
1 From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical
Society.
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 97
put off to tomorrow. For example I have been more
than a year intending to send you a Merino ram,
next week, and week after week it has been put off
still to next week, which, like tomorrow was never
present. I now however send you one of full blood,
born of my imported ewe of the race called Aquerres,
by the imported ram of the Paular race which be
longed to the Prince of peace, was sold by order of
the Junto of Estremadura, was purchased and sent
to me 18 10, by Mr Jarvis our Consul at Lisbon. The
Paular's are deemed the finest race in Spain for size
& wool taken together, the aquerres superior to all
in wool, but small. — Supposing the season with you
has not yet given you peas, the opportunity has in-
ticed me to send you a mess. I have not yet com
municated your hospitable message to Mr. Madison
but shall soon have an opportunity of doing it. To
my engagement I must annex a condition that in
case of an adjournment to Charlottesville you make
Monticello your headquarters. But in my opinion
we should not adjourn at all, and to any other place
rather than either of those in competition. I think
the opinion of the legislature strongly implied in
their avoiding both these places, and calling us to
one between both. My own opinion will be against
any adjournment, as long as we can get bread &
water & a floor to lie on at the gap & particularly
against one Westwardly, because there we shall want
water. But my information is that we shall be toler
ably off at the Gap. That they have 40 lodging
rooms and are now making ample preparations. A
waggon load of beds has passed thro' Charlottesville,
VOL. XII. — 7-
98 The Writings of (iSi8
which at that season however we shall not need. I
will certainly however pay you a visit, probably on
the day after our meeting (Sunday) as we shall not
yet have entered on business. Be so good as to
present my respects to Mrs Stuart and to be assured
of my constant friendship.
TO GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 25. 18.
DEAR GENERAL, — A life so much employed in pub
lic as yours has been, must subject you often to be
appealed to for facts by those whom they concern.
An occasion occurs to myself of asking this kind of
aid from your memory & documents. The posthum
ous volume of Wilson's Ornithology, altho' published
some time since, never happened to be seen by me
until a few days ago. In the account of his life, pre
fixed to that volume his biographer indulges himself
in a bitter invective against me, as having refused
to employ Wilson on Pike's expedition to the Arkan
sas, on which particularly he wished to have been
employed. On turning to my papers I have not a
scrip of a pen on the subject of that expedition which
convinces me that it was not one of those which
emanated from myself: and if a decaying memory
does not deceive me I think that it was ordered by
yourself from St. Louis, while Governor and military
commander there; that it was an expedition for
reconnoitring the Indian and Spanish positions which
might be within striking distance; that so far from
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 99
being an expedition admitting a leisurely and scien
tific examination of the natural history of the coun
try, it's movements were to be on the alert, & too
rapid to be accommodated to the pursuits of scien
tific men; that if previously communicated to the
Executive, it was not in time for them, from so great
a distance, to have joined scientific men to it; nor
is it probable it could be known at all to Mr. Wilson
and to have excited his wishes and expectations to
join it. If you will have the goodness to consult
your memory and papers on this subject, & to write
me the result you will greatly oblige me.
My retirement placed me at once in a state of such
pleasing freedom and tranquility, that I determined
never more to take any concern in public affairs, but
to consider myself merely as a passenger in the pub
lic vessel, placed under the pilotage of others, in
whom too my confidence was entire. I therefore dis
continued all correspondence on public subjects, and
was satisfied to hear only so much as true or false,
as a newspaper or two could give me. In these I
sometimes saw matters of much concern, and par
ticularly that of your retirement. A witness myself
of the merit of your services while I was in a situa
tion to know and to feel their benefit, I made no en
quiry into the circumstances which terminated them,
whether moving from yourself or others. With the
assurance however that my estimate of their value
remains unaltered, I pray you to accept that of my
great and continued esteem and respect.
ioo The Writings of
TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD j. MSS.
(SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.)
MONTICELLO NOV. IO. 18.
DEAR SIR, — Totally withdrawn from all attention
to public affairs, & void of all anxiety about them as re
posing entire confidence in those who administer them,
I am led to some remarks on a particular subject by
having heretofore taken some concern in it, and I
should not do it even now but for information that you
had turned your attention to it at the last session of
Congress, and meant to do it again at the ensuing one.
When Mr. Dallas's Tariff first appeared in the pub
lic papers, I observed that among his reforms, none
was proposed on the most exceptionable article in
Mr. Hamilton's original Tariff, I mean that of wines.
I think it a great error to consider a heavy tax on
wines, as a tax on luxury. On the contrary it is a
tax on the health of our citizens. It is a legislative
declaration that none but the richest of them shall
be permitted to drink wine, and in effect a condemna
tion of all the middling & lower conditions of society
to the poison of whisky, which is destroying them by
wholesale, and ruining their families. Whereas were
the duties on the cheap wines proportioned to their
first cost the whole middling class of this country
could have the gratification of that milder stimulus,
and a great proportion of them would go into it's
use and banish the baneful whisky. Surely it is not
from the necessities of our treasury that we thus
undertake to debar the mass of our citizens the use
of not only an innocent gratification, but a healthy
substitute instead of a bewitching poison. This
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 101
aggression on the public taste and comfort has been
ever deemed among the most arbitrary & oppressive
abuses of the English government. It is one which
I hope we shall never copy. But the truth is that
the treasury would gain in the long run by the vast
extension of the use of the article. I should there
fore be for encouraging the use of wine by placing it
among the articles of lightest duty. But be this as
it may, take what rate of duty is thought proper,
but carry it evenly thro' the cheap as well as the
highest priced wines. If we take the duty on Madeira
as the standard, it will be of about 25 per cent on the
first cost, and I am sensible it lessens frauds to enum
erate the wines known and used here, and to lay a
specific duty on them, according to their known cost,
but then the unknown and non enumerated should
be admitted at the same per cent on their first cost.
There are abundance of wines in Europe some weak,
some strong, & of good flavor which do not cost
there more than 2 cents a quart, and which are dutied
here at 15. cents. I have myself imported wines
which cost but 4. cents the quart and paid 15 cents
duty. But an extraordinary inconsistence is in the
following provisions of the Tariff. 'Claret & other
wines not enumerated
imported in bottles, per gallon 70 cents
when imported otherwise than in bottles. 25. cents
black bottles, glass, quart, per gross 144. cents
If a cask of wine then is imported, and the bottles
brought empty to put it into, the wine pays 6i cents
the quart, & the bottles i. cent, making 7^ cents a
bottle. But if the same wine is put into the same
102 The Writings of [1818
bottles there it pays 15 cents the quart, which is a
tax of 7! cents (more than doubling the duty) for
the act of putting it into the bottle there, where it
is so much more skilfully done and contributes so
much to the preservation of the wine on it's passage,
for many of the cheap wines will not bear transporta
tion in the cask which stand it well enough in the
bottle. This is a further proscription of the light
wines, and giving the monopoly of our tables to the
strong & alcoholic, such as are all but equivalent in
their effects to whisky. It would certainly be much
more for the health & temperance of society to en
courage the use of the weak, rather than the strong
wines. 2. cents a quart first cost, & i a cent duty
would give us wine at 2^ cents the bottle with the
addition of freight & other small charges, which is
but half the price of grog.
These, dear Sir, are the thoughts which have long
dwelt on my mind, and have given me the more con
cern as I have the more seen of the loathsome and
fatal effects of whisky, destroying the fortunes, the
bodies, the minds & morals of our citizens. I sug
gest them only to you, who can turn them to account
if just; without meaning to add the trouble of an
answer to the overwhelming labors of your office.
In all cases accept the assurance of my sincere
esteem & high consideration.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 13, 1818.
The public papers, my dear friend, announce the
fatal event of which your letter of October the 2oth
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 103
had given me ominous foreboding. Tried myself in
the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of
connection which can rive the human heart, I know
well, and feel what you have lost, what you have
suffered, are suffering, and have yet to endure. The
same trials have taught me that for ills so immeasur
able, time and silence are the only medicine. I will
not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh
the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sin
cerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more
where words are vain, but that it is of some comfort
to us both, that the term is not very distant, at
which we are to deposit in the same cerement, our
sorrows and suffering bodies, and to ascend in es
sence to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have
loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and
never lose again. God bless you and support you
under your heavy affliction.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 24, 18.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of July 22 was most ac
ceptable to me, by the distinctness of the view it
presented of the state of France. I rejoice in the
propsect that that country will so soon recover from
the effects of the depression under which it has been
laboring; and especially I rejoice in the hope of its
enjoying a government as free as perhaps the state
of things will yet bear. It appears to me, indeed,
that their constitution, as it now is, gives them a
legislative branch more equally representative, more
104 The Writings of [1818
independent, and certainly of more integrity, than
the corresponding one in England. Time and ex
perience will give what is still wanting, and I hope
they will wait patiently for that without hazarding
new convulsions.
Here all is well. The President's message, deliv
ered a few days ago, will have given you a correct
view of the state of our affairs. The capture of Pen-
sacola, which furnished so much speculation for Eu
ropean news-writers (who imagine that our political
code, like theirs, had no chapter of morality), was
nothing here. In the first moment, indeed, there
was a general outcry of condemnation of what ap
peared to be a wrongful aggression. But this was
quieted at once by information that it had been
taken without orders and would be instantly re
stored; and although done without orders, yet not
without justifiable cause, as we are assured will be
satisfactorily shown. This manifestation of the will
of our citizens to countenance no injustice towards
a foreign nation filled me with comfort as to our
future course.
Emigration to the West and South is going on
beyond anything imaginable. The President told
me lately that the sales of public lands within the
last year would amount to ten millions of dollars.
There is one only passage in his message which I
disapprove, and which I trust will not be approved
by our legislature. It is that which proposes to
subject the Indians to our laws without their con
sent. A little patience and a little money are so
rapidly producing their voluntary removal across the
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 105
Mississippi, that I hope this immorality will not be
permitted to stain our history. He has certainly
been surprised into this proposition, so little in
concord with our principles of government.
My strength has been sensibly declining the last
few years, and my health greatly broken by an ill
ness of three months, from which I am but now re
covering. I have been able to get on horseback
within these three or four days, and trust that my
convalescence will now be steady. I am to write
you a letter on the subject of my friend Cathalan, a
very intimate friend of three and thirty years' stand
ing, and a servant of the United States of near forty
years. I am aware that his office is coveted by an
other, and suppose it possible that intrigue may have
been employed to get him removed. But I know
him too well not to pronounce him incapable of such
misconduct as ought to overweigh the long course of
his services to the United States. I confess I should
feel with great sensibility a disgrace inflicted on him
at this period of life. But on this subject I must
write to you more fully when I shall have more
strength, for as yet I sit at the writing table with
great pain.
I am obliged to usurp the protection of your cover
for my letters — a trouble, however, which will be rare
hereafter. My package is rendered more bulky on
this occasion by a book I transmit for M. Tracy. It
is a translation of his Economic politique, which we
have made and published here in the hope of ad
vancing our countrymen somewhat in that science;
the most profound ignorance of which threatened
io6 The Writings of [1818
irreparable disaster during the late war, and by the
parasite institutions of banks is now consuming the
public industry. The flood with which they are delug
ing us of nominal money has placed us completely
without any certain measure of value, and, by inter
polating a false measure, is deceiving and ruining
multitudes of our citizens.
I hope your health, as well as Mrs. Gallatin's, con
tinues good, and that whether you serve us there or
here, you will long continue to us your services.
Their value and their need are fully understood and
appreciated. I salute you with constant and affec
tionate friendship and respect.
TO ROBERT WALSH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 4, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of November the 8th has been
some time received; but it is in my power to give
little satisfaction as to its inquiries. Dr. Franklin
had many political enemies, as every character must,
which, with decision enough to have opinions, has
energy and talent to give them effect on the feelings
of the adversary- opinion. These enmities were
chiefly in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the
former, they were merely of the proprietary party.
In the latter, they did not commence till the Revolu
tion, and then sprung chiefly fom personal animosi
ties, which spreading by little and little, became at
length of some extent. Dr. Lee was his principal
calumniator, a man of much malignity, who, besides
enlisting his whole family in the same hostility, was
i8i8] Thomas Jefferson 107
enabled, as the agent of Massachusetts with the
British government, to infuse it into that State with
considerable effect. Mr. Izard, the Doctor's enemy
also, but from a pecuniary transaction, never coun
tenanced these charges against him. Mr. Jay, Silas
Deane, Mr. Laurens, his colleagues also, ever main
tained towards him unlimited confidence and respect.
That he would have waived the formal recognition
of our independence, I never heard on any authority
worthy notice. As to the fisheries, England was
urgent to retain them exclusively, France neutral,
and I believe, that had they been ultimately made a
sine qua non, our commissioners (Mr. Adams ex-
cepted) would have relinquished them, rather than
have broken off the treaty. To Mr. Adams' perse
verance alone, on that point, I have always under
stood we were indebted for their reservation. As to
the charge of subservience to France, besides the
evidence of his friendly colleagues before named, two
years of my own service with him at Paris, daily
visits, and the most friendly and confidential con
versation, convince me it had not a shadow of
foundation. He possessed the confidence of that
government in the highest degree, insomuch, that it
may truly be said, that they were more under his
influence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that his
temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct
so rational, never urging impossibilities, or even
things unreasonably inconvenient to them, in short,
so moderate and attentive to their difficulties, as well
as our own, that what his enemies called subservi
ency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition,
io8 The Writings of [1818
which, sensible that advantages are not all to be
on one side, yielding what is just and liberal, is
the more certain of obtaining liberality and justice.
Mutual confidence produces, of course, mutual influ
ence, and this was all which subsisted between Dr.
Franklin and the government of France.
I state a few anecdotes of Dr. Franklin,1 within my
own knowledge, too much in detail for the scale of
Delaplaine's work, but which may find a cadre in
some of the more particular views you contemplate.
1 "Our revolutionary process as is well known, commenced by
petitions, memorials, remonstrances &c. from the old Congress.
These were followed by a non-importation agreement, as a pacific
instrument of coercion. While that was before us, and sundry
exceptions, as of arms, ammunition &c. were moved from different
quarters of the house, I was sitting by Dr. Franklin and observed
to him that I thought we should except books: that we ought not to
exclude science, even coming from an enemy. He thought so too,
and I proposed the exception, which was agreed to. Soon after it
occured that medicine should be excepted, & I suggested that also to
the Doctor. ' As to that,' said he ' I will tell you a story. When I was
in London, in such a year, there was a weekly club of Physicians, of
which St. John Pringle was President, and I was invited by my friend
Dr. Fothergill to attend when convenient. Their rule was to propose
a thesis one week, and discuss it the next. I happened there when
the question to be considered was whether Physicians had, on the
whole, done most good or harm? The young members, particularly,
having discussed it very learnedly and eloquently till the subject was
exhausted, one of them observed to St. John Pringle, that, altho' it
was not usual for the President to take part in a debate, yet they were
desirous to know his opinion on the question. He said, they must
first tell him whether, under the appellation of Physicians, they
meant to include old women; if they did, he thought they had done
more good than harm, otherwise more harm than good.'
"The confederation of the States, while on the carpet before the old
Congress, was strenuously opposed by the smaller states, under ap
prehensions that they would be swallowed up by the larger ones. We
were long engaged in the discussion; it produced great heats, much
ill humor, and intemperate declarations from some members. Dr.
Franklin at length brought the debate to a close with one of his little
1818] Thomas Jefferson 109
My health is in a great measure restored, and our
family join with me in affectionate recollections and
assurances of -respect.
TO NATHANIEL MACON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 12, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — The problem you had wished to pro
pose to me was one which I could not have solved;
apologues. He observed that ' at the time of the Union of England &
Scotland, the Duke of Argyle was most violently opposed to that
measure, and among other things predicted that, as the whale had
swallowed Jonas, so Scotland would be swallowed by England.
However/ said the Doctor, 'when Ld. Bute came into the govern
ment, he soon brought into it's administration so many of his country
men that it was found in event that Jonas swallowed the whale.'
This little story produced a general laugh, restored good humor, &
the Article of difficulty was passed.
"When Dr. Franklin went to France on his revolutionary mission,
his eminence as a philosopher, his venerable appearance, and the
cause on which he was sent, rendered him extremely popular. For
all ranks and conditions of men there, entered warmly into the Ameri
can interest. He was therefore feasted and invited to all the court
parties. At these he sometimes met the old Duchess of Bourbon,
who being a chess player of about his force, they very generally
played together. Happening once to put her king into prise, the
Doctor took it. 'Ah,' says she, 'we do not take kings so.' 'We do in
America,' said the Doctor.
"At one of these parties, the emperor Joseph II, then at Paris,
incog, under the title of Count Falkenstein, was overlooking the game,
in silence, while the company was engaged in animated conversations
on the American question. 'How happens it M. le Comte,' said the
Duchess, 'that while we all feel so much interest in the cause of the
Americans, you say nothing for them'? 'I am a king by trade,'
said he.
"When the Declaration of Independence was under the considera
tion of Congress, there were two or three unlucky expressions in it
which gave offence to some members. The words 'Scotch and other
foreign auxiliaries' excited the ire of a gentleman or two of that
country. Severe strictures on the conduct of the British king, in
no The Writings of [1819
for I knew nothing of the facts. I read no news
paper now but Ritchie's, and in that chiefly the ad
vertisements, for they contain the only truths to be
relied on in a newspaper. I feel a much greater in
terest in knowing what has passed two or three
thousand years ago, than in what is now passing.
negativing our repeated repeals of the law which permitted the im
portation of slaves, were disapproved by some Southern gentlemen
whose reflections were not yet matured to the full abhorrence of that
traffic. Altho' the offensive expressions were immediately yielded,
these gentlemen continued their depredations on other parts of the
instrument. I was sitting by Dr. Franklin who perceived that I was
not insensible to these mutilations. 'I have made it a rule,' said he
'whenever in my power, to avoid becoming the draughtsman of
papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson from an
incident which I will relate to you. When I was a journeyman
printer, one of my companions, an apprentice Hatter, having served
out his time, was about to open shop for himself, his first concern
was to have a handsome signboard, with a proper inscription. He
composed it in these words "John Thompson, Hatter, makes and sells
hats for ready money," with a figure of a hat subjoined. But he thought
he would submit it to his friends for their amendments. The first he
shewed it to thought the word "Hatter" tautologous, because followed
by the words "makes hats" which shew he was a Hatter. It was
struck out. The next observed that the word "makes" might as well
be omitted, because his customers would not care who made the hats.
If good & to their mind, they would buy by whomsoever made. He
struck it out. A third said he thought the words "for ready money,1'
were useless as it was not the custom of the place to sell on credit.
Every one who purchased expected to pay. They were parted with,
and the inscription now stood "John Thompson sells hats." "sells
hats" says his next friend? "Why nobody will expect you to give
them away. What then is the use of that word ? " It was stricken out,
and "hats" followed it, — the rather as there was one painted on the
board. So his inscription was reduced ultimately to ' ' John Thompson ' '
with the figure of a hat subjoined.'
"The Doctor told me, at Paris, the two following anecdotes of
Abbe Raynal. He had a party to dine with him one day at Passy of
whom one half were Americans, the other half French & among the
last was the Abbe. During the dinner he got on his favorite theory
of the degeneracy of animals and even of man, in America, and urged
it with his usual eloquence. The Doctor at length noticing the
i8i9] Thomas Jefferson 1 1 1
I read nothing, therefore, but of the heroes of Troy,
of the wars of Lacedaemon and Athens, of Pompey
and Caesar, and of Augustus too, the Bonaparte and
parricide scoundrel of that day. I have had, and
still have, such entire confidence in the late and
present Presidents, that I willingly put both soul
accidental stature and positions of his guests, at table, 'Gome' says he,
'M. L'Abbe, let us try this question by the fact before us. We are
here one half Americans, & one half French, and it happens that the
Americans have placed themselves on one side of the table, and our
French friends are on the other. Let both parties rise and we will see
on which side nature has degenerated.' It happened that his Ameri
can guests were Carmichael, Harmer, Humphreys and others of the
finest stature and form, while those of the other side were remarkably
diminutive, and the Abbe himself particularly was a mere shrimp.
He parried the appeal however, by a complimentary admission of
exceptions, among which the Doctor himself was a conspicuous one.
"The Doctor & Silas Deane were in conversation one day at Passy
on the numerous errors in the Abbe's Historic des deux Indes, when he
happened to step in. After the usual salutations, Silas Deane said to
him 'The Doctor and myself Abbe, were just speaking of the errors
of fact into which you have been led in your history.' 'Oh no, Sir/
said the Abbe, 'that is impossible. I took the greatest care not to
insert a single fact, for which I had not the most unquestionable
authority.' 'Why,' says Deane, 'there is the story of Polly Baker,
and the eloquent apology you have put into her mouth, when brought
before a court of Massachusetts to suffer punishment under a law,
which you cite, for having had a bastard. I know there never was
such a law in Massachusetts.' 'Be assured,' said the Abbe, 'you are
mistaken, and that that is a true story. I do not immediately recol
lect indeed the particular information on which I quote it, but I am
certain that I had for it unquestionable authority.' Doctor Franklin
who had been for some time shaking with restrained laughter at the
Abbe's confidence in his authority for that tale, said, 'I will tell you,
Abbe, the origin of that story. When I was a printer and editor of a
newspaper, we were sometimes slack of news, and to amuse our
customers, I used to fill up our vacant columns with anecdotes, and
fables, and fancies of my own, and this of Polly Baker is a story of my
making, on one of those occasions.' The Abbe without the least dis
concert, exclaimed with a laugh, 'Oh, very well, Doctor, I had rather
relate your stories than other men's truths.'"
ii2 The Writings of [1819
and body into their pockets. While such men as
yourself and your worthy colleagues of the legisla
ture, and such characters as compose the executive
administration, are watching for us all, I slumber
without fear, and review in my dreams the visions of
antiquity. There is, indeed, one evil which awakens
me at times, because it jostles me at every turn. It
is that we have now no measure of value. I am
asked eighteen dollars for a yard of broadcloth,
which, when we had dollars, I used to get for eighteen
shillings; from this I can only understand that a
dollar is now worth but two inches of broadcloth,
but broadcloth is no standard of measure or value.
I do not know, therefore, whereabouts I stand in the
scale of property, nor what to ask, or what to give
for it. I saw, indeed, the like machinery in action
in the years '80 and '81, and without dissatisfaction;
because in wearing out, it was working out our sal
vation. But I see nothing in this renewal of the
game of " Robin's alive" but a general demoraliza
tion of the nation, a filching from industry its honest
earnings, wherewith to build up palaces, and raise
gambling stock for swindlers and shavers, who are
to close too their career of piracies by fraudulent
bankruptcies. My dependence for a remedy, how
ever, is with the wisdom which grows with time and
suffering. Whether the succeeding generation is to
be more virtuous than their predecessors, I cannot
say; but I am sure they will have more worldly
wisdom, and enough, I hope, to know that honesty
is the first chapter in the book of wisdom. I have
made a great exertion to write you thus much; my
Thomas Jefferson 113
antipathy to taking up a pen being so intense that
I have never given you a stronger proof, than in the
effort of writing a letter, how much I value you, and
of the superlative respect and friendship with which
I salute you.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 18. ig.
You oblige me infinitely, dear Sir, by sending me
the Congressional documents in pamphlet form. For
as they come out by piece-meal in the newspapers I
never read them. And indeed I read no newspapers
now but Ritchie's, and in that chiefly the advertise
ments, as being the only truths we can rely on in a
newspaper. But in a pamphlet, where we can go
thro' the whole subject when once taken up, and
seen in all it's parts, we avoid the risk of false
judgment which a partial view endangers. On the
subject of these communications, I will venture a
suggestion which, should it have occurred to yourself
or to Mr. Adams as is probable, will only be a little
labor lost. I propose then that you select Mr.
Adams's 4. principal letters on the Spanish subject,
to wit, that which establishes our right to the Rio-
bra vo which was laid before the Congress of 1817 .18.
His letters to Onis of July 23. & Nov. 30. and to
Erving of Nov. 28 perhaps also that of Dec. 2. Have
them well translated into French, and send English
& French copies to all our ministers at foreign courts,
and to our consuls. The paper on our right to the
Rio-bra vo, and the letter to Erving of Nov. 28. are
VOL. XII. 8.
ii4 The Writings of [1819
the most important and are among the ablest com
positions I have ever seen, both as to logic and style.
A selection of these few in pamphlet form will be
read by every body; but, by nobody, if buried
among Onis's long-winded and tergiversating dia
tribes, and all the documents ; the volume of which
alone will deter an European reader from ever open
ing it. Indeed it would be worth while to have the
two most important of these published in the Leyden
gazette, from which it would go into the other lead
ing gazettes of Europe. It is of great consequence
to us, & merits every possible endeavor, to maintain
in Europe a correct opinion of our political morality.
These papers will place the event with the world in
the important cases of our Western boundary, of
our military entrance into Florida, & of the execu
tion of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. On the two first
subjects it is very natural for an European to go
wrong, and to give into the charge of ambition,
which the English papers (read every where) en
deavor to fix on us. If the European mind is once
set right on these points, they will go with us in all
the subsequent proceedings, without further enquiry.
While on the subject of this correspondence, I will
presume also to suggest to Mr. Adams the question
whether he should not send back Onis's letters in
which he has the impudence to qualify you by the
term ' ' his Excellency " ? An American gentleman in
Europe can rank with the first nobility because we
have no titles wrhich stick him at any particular place
in their line. So the President of the US. under that
designation ranks with Emperors and kings, but add
1 8 1 9] Thomas Jefferson 1 1 5
Mr. Onis's courtesy of "his Excellency" and he is
then on a level with Mr. Onis himself, with the Gov
ernors of provinces and even of every petty fort in
Europe, or the colonies. I salute you with constant
affection & respect.
TO BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 31. 19.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the isth was received
on the 27th, and I am glad to find the name and
character of Samuel Adams coming forward and in
so good hands as I suppose them to be. But I have
to regret that I can add no facts to the stores pos
sessed. I was the youngest man but one in the old
Congress, and he the oldest but one, as I believe.
His only senior, I suppose, was Stephen Hopkins, of
and by whom the honorable mention made in your
letter was richly merited. Altho' my high reverence
for Samuel Adams was returned by habitual notices
from him which highly nattered me, yet the dispar
ity of age prevented intimate and confidential com
munications. I always considered him as more than
any other member the fountain of our important
measures. And altho' he was neither an eloquent
nor easy speaker, whatever he said was sound, and
commanded the profound attention of the House.
In the discussions on the floor of Congress he re
posed himself on our main pillar in debate Mr. John
Adams. These two gentlemen were verily a host in
our councils. Comparisons with their associates,
Northern or Southern, would answer no profitable
n6 The Writings of [1819
i.
purpose, but they would suffer by comparison with
none. I salute you with perfect esteem & respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Mar. 3. 19.
DEAR SIR, — I promised your gardener some seeds
which I put under a separate cover and address to
you by mail. I also inclose you a letter from Mr.
Cabell which will shew you that the "sour grapes " of
Wm. & Mary are spreading; but certainly not to the
"enlightened part of society" as the letter supposes.
I have sent him a transcript from our journals that
he may see how far we are under engagements to
Dr. Cooper. I observe Ritchie imputes to you and
myself opinions against Jackson's conduct in the
Seminole war. I certainly never doubted that the
military entrance into Florida, the temporary occu
pation of their posts, and the execution of Arbuthnot
& Ambrister were all justifiable. If I had ever
doubted P. Barber's speech would have brought me
to rights. I at first felt regret at the execution ; but
I have ceased to feel [torn] on mature reflection, and
a belief the example will save much blood. Affec
tionately yours.
P. S. On my return I fell in with Mr. Watson
who signed our proceedings.
TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 21, 1819
SIR, — Your letter of February the i8th came to
hand on the ist instant; and the request of the
1819] Thomas Jefferson 1 1 7
history of my physical habits would have puzzled me
not a little, had it not been for the model with which
you accompanied it, of Doctor Rush's answer to a
similar inquiry. I live so much like other people,
that I might refer to ordinary life as the history of
my own. Like my friend the Doctor, I have lived
temperately, eating little animal food, and that not
as an aliment, so much as a condiment for the vege
tables, which constitute my principal diet. I double,
however, the Doctor's glass and a half of wine, and
even treble it with a friend ; but halve its effects by
drinking the weak wines only. The ardent wines I
cannot drink, nor do I use ardent spirits in any form.
Malt liquors and cider are my table drinks, and my
breakfast, like that also of my friend, is of tea and
coffee. I have been blest with organs of digestion
which accept and concoct, without ever murmuring,
whatever the palate chooses to consign to them, and
I have not yet lost a tooth by age. I was a hard
student until I entered on the business of life, the
duties of which leave no idle time to those disposed
to fulfil them; and now, retired, and at the age of
seventy -six, I am again a hard student. Indeed, my
fondness for reading and study revolts me from the
drudgery of letter writing. And a stiff wrist, the
consequence of an early dislocation, makes writing
both slow and painful. I am not so regular in my
sleep as the Doctor says he was, devoting to it from
five to eight hours, according as my company or the
book I am reading interests me; and I never go to
bed without an hour, or half hour's previous reading
of something moral, whereon to ruminate in the
n8 The Writings of [1819
intervals of sleep. But whether I retire to bed early
or late, I rise with the sun. I use spectacles at night,
but not necessarily in the day, unless in reading
small print. My hearing is distinct in particular
conversation, but confused when several voices cross
each other, which unfits me for the society of the
table. I have been more fortunate than my friend
in the article of health. So free from catarrhs that
I have not had one, (in the breast, I mean) on an
average of eight or ten years through life. I ascribe
this exemption partly to the habit of bathing my feet
in cold water every morning, for sixty years past.
A fever of more than twenty-four hours I have not
had above two or three times in my life. A periodi
cal headache has afflicted me occasionally, once, per
haps, in six or eight years, for two or three weeks at
a time, which seems now to have left me ; and except
on a late occasion of indisposition, I enjoy good
health; too feeble, indeed, to walk much, but riding
without fatigue six or eight miles a day, and some
times thirty or forty. I may end these egotisms,
therefore, as I began, by saying that my life has been
so much like that of other people, that I might say
with Horace, to every one "nomine mutato, narratur
fabula de te." I must not end, however, without due
thanks for the kind sentiments of regard you are so
good as to express towards myself; and with my
acknowledgments for these, be pleased to accept the
assurances of my respect and esteem.
1819] Thomas Jefferson 119
TO SAMUEL ADAMS WELLS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 12, 1819.
SIR, — An absence of some time at an occasional
and distant residence must apologize for the delay
in acknowledging the receipt of your favor of April
1 2th. And candor obliges me to add that it has been
somewhat extended by an aversion to writing, as
well as to calls on my memory for facts so much
obliterated from it by time as to lessen my confi
dence in the traces which seem to remain. One of
the inquiries in your letter, however, may be an
swered without an appeal to the memory. It is that
respecting the question wrhether committees of cor
respondence originated in Virginia or Massachusetts?
On which you suppose me to have claimed it for Vir
ginia. But certainly I have never made such a
claim. The idea, I suppose, has been taken up from
what is said in Wirt's history of Mr. Henry, p. 87,
and from an inexact attention to its precise term.
It is there said "this house [of burgesses of Virginia]
had the merit of originating that powerful engine of
resistance, corresponding committees between the
legislatures of the different colonies." That the fact
as here expressed is true, your letter bears witness
when it says that the resolutions of Virginia for this
purpose were transmitted to the speakers of the
different Assemblies, and by that of Massachusetts
was laid at the next session before that body, who
appointed a committee for the specified object : add
ing, "thus in Massachusetts there were two commit
tees of correspondence, one chosen by the people, the
other appointed by the House of Assembly; in
120 The Writings of [1819
the former, Massachusetts preceded Virginia ; in the
latter, Virginia preceded Massachusetts." To the
origination of committees for the interior corre
spondence between the counties and towns of a State,
I know of no claim on the part of Virginia ; but cer
tainly none was ever made by myself. I perceive,
however, one error into which memory had led me.
Our committee for national correspondence was ap
pointed in March, '73, and I well remember that
going to Williamsburg in the month of June follow
ing, Peyton Randolph, our chairman, told me that
messengers, bearing despatches between the two
States, had crossed each other by the way ; that of
Virginia carrying our propositions for a committee
of national correspondence, and that of Massachu
setts bringing, as my memory suggested, a similar
proposition. But here I must have misremembered ;
and the resolutions brought us from Massachusetts
were probably those you mention of the town meet
ing of Boston, on the motion of Mr. Samuel Adams,
appointing a committee "to state the rights of the
colonists, and of that province in particular, and the in
fringements of them, to communicate them to the
several towns, as the sense of the town of Boston,
and to request of each town a free communication
of its sentiments on this subject " ? I suppose, there
fore, that these resolutions were not received, as you
think, while the House of Burgesses was in session in
March, 1773 ; but a few days after we rose, and were
probably what was sent by the messenger who
crossed ours by the way. They may, however, have
been still different. I must therefore have been
1819] Thomas Jefferson 121
mistaken in supposing and stating to Mr. Wirt, that
the proposition of a committee for national corre
spondence was nearly simultaneous in Virginia and
Massachusetts.
A similar misapprehension of another passage in
Mr. Wirt's book, for which I am also quoted, has pro
duced a similar reclamation of the part of Massachu
setts by some of her most distinguished and estimable
citizens. I had been applied to by Mr. Wirt for such
facts respecting Mr. Henry, as my intimacy with him,
and participation in the transactions of the day,
might have placed within my knowledge. I accord
ingly committed them to paper, and Virginia being
the theatre of his action, was the only subject within
my contemplation, while speaking of him. Of the
resolutions and measures here, in which he had the
acknowledged lead, I used the expression that ''Mr.
Henry certainly gave the first impulse to the ball of
revolution. ' ' [Wirt, p. 4 1 .] The expression is indeed
general, and in all its extension would compre
hend all the sister States. But indulgent construc
tion would restrain it, as was really meant, to the
subject matter under contemplation, which was Vir
ginia alone ; according to the rule of the lawyers, and
a fair canon of general criticism, that every expression
should be construed secundum subjectam materiem.
Where the first attack was made, there must have
been of course, the first act of resistance, and that
was of Massachusetts. Our first overt act of war
was Mr. Henry's embodying a force of militia from
several counties, regularly armed and organized,
marching them in military array, and making reprisal
122 The Writings of [1819
on the King's treasury at the seat of government
for the public powder taken away by his Gov
ernor. This was on the last days of April, 1775.
Your formal battle of Lexington was ten or twelve
days before that, which greatly overshadowed in im
portance, as it preceded in time our little affray, which
merely amounted to a levying of arms against the
King, and very possibly you had had military affrays
before the regular battle of Lexington.
These explanations will, I hope, assure you, Sir,
that so far as either facts or opinions have been truly
quoted from me they have never been meant to in
tercept the just fame of Massachusetts, for the
promptitude and perseverance of her early resistance.
We willingly cede to her the laud of having been
(although not exclusively) "the cradle of sound prin
ciples," and if some of us believe she has deflected
from them in her course, we retain full confidence in
her ultimate return to them.
I will now proceed to your quotation from Mr.
Galloway's statements of what passed in Congress
on their declaration of independence, in which state
ment there is not one word of truth, and where, bear
ing some resemblance to truth, it is an entire
perversion of it. I do not charge this on Mr. Galloway
himself; his desertion having taken place long before
these measures, he doubtless received his informa
tion from some of the loyal friends whom he left be
hind him. But as yourself, as well as others, appear
embarrassed by inconsistent accounts of the pro
ceedings on that memorable occasion, and as those
who have endeavored to restore the truth have
1819] Thomas Jefferson 123
themselves committed some errors, I will give you
some extracts from a written document on that sub
ject, for the truth of which I pledge myself to heaven
and earth ; having, while the question of independence
was under consideration before Congress, taken writ
ten notes, in my seat, of what was passing, and re
duced them to form on the final conclusion. I have
now before me that paper, from which the following
are extracts: * * * I
Governor McKean, in his letter to McCorkle of
July 1 6th, 1817, has thrown some lights on the trans
actions of that day, but trusting to his memory
chiefly at an age when our memories are not to be
trusted, he has confounded two questions, and
ascribed proceedings to one which belonged to the
other. These two questions were, i. The Virginia
motion of June yth to declare independence, and 2,
The actual declaration, its matter and form. Thus
he states the question on the declaration itself as
decided on the ist of July. But it was the Virginia
motion which was voted on that day in committee
of the whole; South Carolina, as well as Pennsyl
vania, then voting against it. But the ultimate de
cision in the House on the report of the committee
being by request postponed to the next morning, all
the States voted for it, except New York, whose vote
was delayed for the reason before stated. It was not
till the 2d of July that the declaration itself was
taken up, nor till the 4th that it was decided ; and it
was signed by every member present, except Mr.
Dickinson.
1 See Vol. I., p. 20, for the document here omitted.
124 The Writings of [1819
The subsequent signatures of members who were
not then present, and some of them not yet in office,
is easily explained, if we observe who they were ; to
wit, that they were of New York and Pennsylvania.
New York did not sign till the 1 5th, because it was
not till the gth, (five days after the general signature,)
that their convention authorized them to do so.
The convention of Pennsylvania, learning that it
had been signed by a minority only of their dele
gates, named a new delegation on the 2oth leaving
out Mr. Dickinson, who had refused to sign, Willing
and Humphreys who had withdrawn, reappointing
the three members who had signed, Morris who had
not been present, and five new ones, to wit, Rush,
Clymer, Smith, Taylor and Ross; and Morris and the
five new members were permitted to sign, because
it manifested the assent of their full delegation, and
the express will of their convention, which might
have been doubted on the former signature of a min
ority only. Why the signature of Thornton of New
Hampshire was permitted so late as the 4th of No
vember, I cannot now say; but undoubtedly for
some particular reason which we should find to have
been good, had it been expressed. These were the
only post-signers, and you see, Sir, that there were
solid reasons for receiving those of New York and
Pennsylvania, and that this circumstance in no wise
affects the faith of this declaratory charter of our
rights and of the rights of man.
With a view to correct errors of fact before they
become inveterate by repetition, I have stated what
I find essentially material in my papers; but with
1819] Thomas Jefferson 125
that brevity which the labor of writing constrains me
to use.
On the fourth particular articles of inquiry in your
letter, respecting your grandfather, the venerable
Samuel Adams, neither memory nor memorandums
enable me to give any information. I can say that
he was truly a great man, wise in council, fertile in
resources, immovable in his purposes, and had, I
think, a greater share than any other member, in
advising and directing our measures, in the northern
war especially. As a speaker he could not be com
pared with his living colleague and namesake, whose
deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted
firmness, made him truly our bulwark in debate.
But Mr. Samuel Adams, although not of fluent elocu
tion, was so rigorously logical, so clear in his views,
abundant in good sense, and master always of his
subject, that he commanded the most profound at
tention whenever he rose in an assembly by which
the froth of declamation was heard with the most
sovereign contempt. I sincerely rejoice that the
record of his worth is to be undertaken by one so
much disposed as you will be to hand him down
fairly to that posterity for whose liberty and happi
ness he was so zealous a laborer.
With sentiments of sincere veneration for his mem
ory, accept yourself this tribute to it with the assur
ances of my great respect.
P. S. August 6th, 1822, since the date of this
letter, to wit, this day, August 6th, '22, I received
the new publication of the secret Journals of Con
gress, wherein is stated a resolution, July igth, 1776,
126 The Writings of x [1819
that the declaration passed on the 4th be fairly en
grossed on parchment, and when engrossed, be signed
by every member; and another of August 2d, that
being engrossed and compared at the table, was
signed by the members. That is to say the copy
engrossed on parchment (for durability) was signed by
the members after being compared at the table with
the original one, signed on paper as before stated.
I add this P. S. to the copy of my letter to Mr. Wells,
to prevent confounding the signature of the original
with that of the copy engrossed on parchment.1
TO RICHARD RUSH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 22. 19.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Mar. i. has been duly
received, and requires my thanks for the kind offer
1 Jefferson further wrote to Wells:
" MONTICELLO, June 23. 19.
" DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 26. inst. has been duly received, & I
answer your request to make use of the information given in mine of
May 12 by a free permission, to employ it for any purpose you may
think useful. You suppose that the fact that six colonies were not
yet matured for a separation from the parent stock could not have
been known unless a vote had been taken. Yet nothing easier. For
the opinion of every individual was known to every one who had
anxiety enough on the subject to scrutinize and calculate. There was
neither concealment nor reserve on the subject on either side; and
how the vote of each colony would be, if then pushed to a vote was
exactly ascertainable. Nor does the appointment of a Committee to
prepare an instrument of confederation offer ground of doubt, for that
was but a proposition to save time provisionally, and subject to the
ultimate negative of the minority. It was moreover a necessary
measure in the opinion of all whether permanent, or limited to the
duration of the controversy. I certainly will not, on the authority
of memory alone affirm facts in opposition to Mr. Galloway, Judge
McKean, or any one else. But what I wrote on the paper from which
1819] Thomas Jefferson 127
of your services in London. Books are indeed with
me a necessary of life; and since I ceded my library
to Congress, I have been annually importing from
Paris. Not but that I need some from London also,
but that they have risen there to such enormous
prices as cannot be looked at. England must lose
her foreign commerce in books, unless the taxes on
it's materials are reduced. Paris now prints the
most popular of the English books, and sells them
far below the English price. I send there therefore
for such of them as I want. We too reprint now
I sent extracts to you, was written on the spot, in the moment, and is
true ; and all that remains is to reconcile to that the contradictions of
others by enquiring whether they may not have confounded different
subjects, or whether after such a lapse of time their memory has not
been more liable to err than the litera scripta. Galloway can be no
better authority than the common herd of passengers in the streets.
He knew nothing but the rumors of hearsay; for he had quitted us
long before. And Mr. McKean was very old, and his memory much
decayed when he gave his statement.
" The painting lately executed by Colo. Trumbull, I have never seen,
but as far back as the days of Horace at least we are told that pictori-
bus atque poetis; Quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas. He has
exercised this licentia pictoris in like manner in the surrender of York,
where he has placed Ld. Cornwallis at the head of the surrender altho'
it is well known that he was excused by General Washington from
appearing.
" Of the return of Massachusetts to sound principles I never had a
doubt. The body of her citizens has never been otherwise than re
publican. Her would-be dukes and lords, indeed, have been itching
for coronets; her lawyers for robes of ermin, her priests for lawn
sleeves, and for a religious establishment which might give them
wealth, power, and independence of personal merit. But her citizens
who were to supply with the sweat of their brow the treasures on
which these drones were to riot, could never have seen any thing to
long for in the oppressions and pauperism of England. After the
shackles of Aristocracy of the bar & priesthood have been burst by
Connecticut, we cannot doubt the return of Massachusetts to the
bosom of the republican family.
" I repeat with pleasure the assurance of my great respect & esteem."
128 The Writings of [1819
such of the new English works as have merit, much
cheaper than is done in England, but dearer than
they ought to be. But we are now under the opera
tion of the remedy for that. The enormous abuses
of the banking system are not only prostrating our
commerce, but producing revolution of property,
which without more wisdom than we possess, will be
much greater than were produced by the revolution
ary paper. That too had the merit of purchasing our
liberties, while the present trash has only furnished
aliment to usurers and swindlers. The banks them
selves were doing business on capitals, three fourths
of which were fictitious: and, to extend their profit
they furnished fictitious capital to every man, who
having nothing and disliking the labours of the
plough, chose rather to call himself a merchant to
set up a house of 5000. D. a year expence, to dash
into every species of mercantile gambling, and if that
ended as gambling generally does, a fraudulent bank
ruptcy was an ultimate resource of retirement and
competence. This fictitious capital probably of 100.
millions of Dollars, is now to be lost, & to fall on
some body; it must take on those who have property
to meet it, & probably on the less cautious part,
who, not aware of the impending catastrophe have
suffered themselves to contract, or to be in debt, and
must now sacrifice their property of a value many
times the amount of their debt. We have been truly
sowing the wind, and are now reaping the whirlwind.
If the present crisis should end in the annihilation of
these pennyless & ephemeral interlopers only, and
reduce our commerce to the measure of our own
1819] Thomas Jefferson 129
wants and surplus productions, it will be a benefit
in the end. But how to effect this, and give time
to real capital, and the holders of real property, to
back out of their entanglements by degrees requires
more knolege of Political economy than we possess.
I believe it might be done, but I despair of it's being
done. The eyes of our citizens are not yet suffi
ciently open to the true cause of our distresses. They
ascribe them to every thing but their true cause, the
banking system; a system, which, if it could do good
in any form, is yet so certain of leading to abuse, as
to be utterly incompatible with the public safety and
prosperity. At present all is confusion, uncertainty
and panic.
I avail myself of your kindness to put under the
protection of your cover a letter to St. John Philip-
part, who requested it might be sent through your
channel, and I salute you with affectionate esteem
and respect.
TO WILLIAM WIRT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO June 27. 19.
DEAR SIR, — My letters of Jan. 5 and Nov. 10. of
the last year had informed you generally that Genl.
Kosciuzko had left a considerable sum of money in
the hands of the US. and had, by a will deposited in
my hands, disposed of it to a charitable purpose : &
I asked the favor of your opinion in what court the
will should be proved. According to that opinion,
expressed in your favor of Dec. 28 I proved the will
in our district court, renouncing the executorship.
130 The Writings of [1819
The purport of the will is that the whole funds in
this country shall be laid out in the purchase of
young negroes, in their education & their emancipa
tion. I had formerly intended to get an admr ap
pointed here with the will annexed, and to have the
trust placed entirely under the direction of the court,
but circumstances since occurring change my view
of the case. Genl. Armstrong, on behalf of his son
Kosciuzko Armstrong has a claim to 3704. D. which
is well founded. A Mr. Zoeltner of Solense the friend
in whose house Kosciuzko lived and died, claims the
share under a will deposited with him. This I am
persuaded will appear not to reach the property here.
A relation of the General's has lately, through the
minister of Russia, Mr. Poletika, claimed the whole
also in right of his relationship. These claimants
being all foreigners, or of another state, have a right
to place the litigation in a federal court ; and I have
supposed the most convenient one to them would be
the district court of Columbia, and my wish is to
transfer it there, if that court will take cognisance
and charge of it. I suppose they would name an
Admr with the will annexed, and that he would re
quire the claimant to interplead, that the court might
decide the right. I wish therefore in the first
place to constitute you general Counsel for the trust.
You would draw your compensation of course from
the funds of the testator, and that you would advise
me in what form I must apply to the court to effect
the transfer. I suppose by a petition to them in
Chancery, delivering to them the will, and the orig
inal certificates, which are in my hands, and amount
*8l9] Thomas Jefferson 131
to 17,159.63 D. and praying to be entirely relieved
and discharged from all further concern or responsi
bility. Mr. Barnes, who has been the agent in fact,
will settle his account of transactions during the life
of the General. I have none to settle, having never
acted but thro' Mr. Barnes, and not meaning to
charge little incidental disbursements incurred. Will
you undertake this, my dear Sir, and inform me how
I am to proceed? I shall be at Poplar Forest near
Lynchburg before you receive this, and shall be there
3. months. But your answer will reach me there,
and I mention it only to explain before hand the
greater delays in the correspondence which the
greater distance of that place may occasion. In
the hope therefore of hearing from you as soon as
convenient, and of your aid in getting relief from
this charge, now become too litigious for me, I salute
you with constant friendship and respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS
MONTICELLO, July Q, l8lQ.
DEAR SIR, — I am in debt to you for your letters of
May the 2ist, 27th, and June the 22d. The first,
delivered me by Mr. Greenwood, gave me the grati
fication of his acquaintance; and a gratification it
always is, to be made acquainted with gentlemen of
candor, worth, and information, as I found Mr.
Greenwood to be. That, on the subject of Mr.
Samuel Adams Wells, shall not be forgotten in time
and place, when it can be used to his advantage.
But what has attracted my peculiar notice, is the
132 The Writings of [1819
paper from Mecklenburg county, of North Carolina,
published in the Essex Register, which you were so
kind as to enclose in your last, of June the 2 2d. And
you seem to think it genuine. I believe it spurious.
I deem it to be a very unjustifiable quiz, like that of
the volcano, so minutely related to us as having
broken out in North Carolina, some half a dozen
years ago, in that part of the country, and perhaps
in that very county of Mecklenburg, for I do not
remember its precise locality. If this paper be really
taken from the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder
it should have escaped Ritchie, who culls what is
good from every paper, as the bee from every flower;
and the National Intelligencer, too, which is edited
by a North Carolinian; and that the fire should
blaze out all at once in Essex, one thousand miles
from where the spark is said to have fallen. But if
really taken from the Raleigh Register, who is the
narrator, and is the name subscribed real, or is it as
fictitious as the paper itself? It appeals, too, to an
original book, which is burnt, to Mr. Alexander, who
is dead, to a joint letter from Caswell, Hughes, and
Hooper, all dead, to a copy sent to the dead Caswell,
and another sent to Doctor Williamson, now prob
ably dead, whose memory did not recollect, in the
history he has written of North Carolina, this gi
gantic step of its county of Mecklenburg. Horry,
too, is silent in his history of Marion, whose scene of
action was the country bordering on Mecklenburg-
Ramsay, Marshall, Jones, Girardin, Wirt, historians
of the adjacent States, all silent. When Mr. Henry's
resolutions, far short of independence, flew like
1819] Thomas Jefferson 133
lightning through every paper, and kindled both
sides of the Atlantic, this flaming declaration of the
same date, of the independence of Mecklenburg
county, of North Carolina, absolving it from the
British allegiance, and abjuring all political connec
tion with that nation, although sent to Congress
too, is never heard of. It is not known even a
twelvemonth after, when a similar proposition is
first made in that body. Armed with this bold ex
ample, would not you have addressed our timid
brethren in peals of thunder on their tardy fears?
Would not every advocate of independence have
rung the glories of Mecklenburg county in North
Carolina, in the ears of the doubting Dickinson and
others, who hung so heavily on us? Yet the exam
ple of independent Mecklenburg county, in North
Carolina, was never once quoted. The paper speaks,
too, of the continued exertions of their delegation
(Caswell, Hooper, Hughes) ''in the cause of liberty
and independence/' Now you remember as well as
I do, that we had not a greater tory in Congress than
Hooper; that Hughes was very wavering, some
times firm, sometimes feeble, according as the day
was clear or cloudy; that Caswell, indeed, was a
good whig, and kept these gentlemen to the notch,
while he was present; but that he left us soon, and
their line of conduct became then uncertain until
Penn came, who fixed Hughes and the vote of the
State. I must not be understood as suggesting any
doubtfulness in the State of North Carolina. No
State was more fixed or forward. Nor do I affirm,
positively, that this paper is a fabrication; because
134 The Writings of [1819
the proof of a negative can only be presumptive.
But I shall believe it such until positive and solemn
proof of its authenticity be produced. And if the
name of McKnitt be real, and not a part of the fabri
cation, it needs a vindication by the production of
such proof. For the present, I must be an un
believer in the apocryphal gospel.
I am glad to learn that Mr. Ticknor has safely re
turned to his friends; but should have been much
more pleased had he accepted the Professorship in
our University, which we should have offered him
in form. Mr. Bowditch, too, refuses us; so fascinat
ing is the vinculum of the duke natale solum. Our
wish is to procure natives, where they can be found,
like these gentlemen, of the first order of requirement
in their respective lines ; but preferring foreigners of
the first order to natives of the second, we shall cer
tainly have to go for several of our Professors, to
countries more advanced in science than we are.
I set out within three or four days for my other
home, the distance of which, and its cross mails, are
great impediments to epistolary communications. I
shall remain there about two months; and there,
here, and everywhere, I am and shall always be,
affectionately and respectfully yours.
TO JOSEPH MARX j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG Aug. 24, 19.
SIR, — I inclose you a renewal of the two notes of
10,000 D. each for which I am by endorsement re
sponsible to the US. bank, for Colo. W. C. Nicholas.
1819] Thomas Jefferson 135
I do this on his information that it will be received
as sufficient for 60 days within which term I will
execute a bond jointly with him for the amount of
these notes, with a third person made acceptable to
the bank. In seeking for a 3d name my reluctance
at placing any friend in the state of uneasiness in
which this responsibility would place him, is in
superable. I greatly prefer therefore what I am
told will be acceptable to the bank, to make a 3d
name competent by a conveyance of real property
abundantly sufficient to cover the debt. My grand
son Thos J. Randolph is the person whom I should
chuse with the least scruple in this business and I
will accordingly convey lands amply sufficient for
this debt, to him in trust for it's payment, & as a
special security to the bank, applicable to no other
purpose; while this makes him sufficient as a se
curity, all the rest of my property is responsible for
the same debt, on the ground of my being separately
bound. That it is sufficient for many times this
amount is probably known, and I assure you on my
honor that not a dollar's worth of it is under incum-
brance to any mortal or for any purpose. You shall
receive the bond and a copy of the deed immediately
after my return to Monticello, which will be within
3. or 4. weeks. Accept the assurance of my great
respect and esteem.
TO JUDGE SPENCER ROANE j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, September 6, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — I had read in the Enquirer, and with
great approbation, the pieces signed Hampden, and
136 The Writings of [1819
have read them again with redoubled approbation,
in the copies you have been so kind as to send me.
I subscribe to every tittle of them. They contain
the true principles of the revolution of 1800, for that
was as real a revolution in the principles of our gov
ernment as that of 1 776 was in its form ; not effected
indeed by the sword, as that, but by the rational and
peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the
people. The nation declared its will by dismissing
functionaries of one principle, and electing those of
another, in the two branches, executive and legis
lative, submitted to their election. Over the judi
ciary department, the constitution had deprived
them of their control. That, therefore, has con
tinued the reprobated system, and although new
matter has been occasionally incorporated into the
old, yet the leaven of the old mass seems to assimi
late to itself the new, and after twenty years' con
firmation of the federal system by the voice of the
nation, declared through the medium of elections,
we find the judiciary on every occasion, still driving
us into consolidation.
In denying the right they usurp of exclusively
explaining the constitution, I go further than you
do, if I understand rightly your quotation from the
Federalist, of an opinion that "the judiciary is the
last resort in relation to the other departments of
the government, but not in relation to the rights of
the parties to the compact under which the judiciary
is derived." If this opinion be sound, then indeed is
our constitution a complete felo de se. For intend
ing to establish three departments, co-ordinate and
1819] Thomas Jefferson 137
independent, that they might check and balance one
another, it has given, according to this opinion, to
one of them alone, the right to prescribe rules for
the government of the others, and to that one too,
which is unelected by, and independent of the na
tion. For experience has already shown that the
impeachment it has provided is not even a scare
crow; that such opinions as the one you combat,
sent cautiously out, as you observe also, by detach
ment, not belonging to the case often, but sought
for out of it, as if to rally the public opinion before
hand to their views, and to indicate the line they are
to walk in, have been so quietly passed over as never
to have excited animadversion, even in a speech of
any one of the body entrusted with impeachment.
The constitution, on this hypothesis, is a mere thing
of wax in the hands of the judiciary, which they may
twist, and shape into any form they please. It
should be remembered, as an axiom of eternal truth
in politics, that whatever power in any government
is independent, is absolute also; in theory only, at
first, while the spirit of the people is up, but in
practice, as fast as that relaxes. Independence can
be trusted nowhere but with the people in mass.
They are inherently independent of all but moral
law. My construction of the constitution is very
different from that you quote. It is that each de
partment is truly independent of the others, and has
an equal right to decide for itself what is the mean
ing of the constitution in the cases submitted to its
action; and especially, where it is to act ultimate
ly and without appeal. I will explain myself by
138 The Writings of [1819
examples, which, having occurred while I was in office,
are better known to me, and the principles which
governed them.
A legislature had passed the sedition law. The
federal courts had subjected certain individuals to
its penalties of fine and imprisonment. On coming
into office, I released these individuals by the power
of pardon committed to executive discretion, which
could never be more properly exercised than where
citizens were suffering without the authority of law,
or, which was equivalent, under a law unauthorized
by the constitution, and therefore null. In the case
of Marbury and Madison, the federal judges declared
that commissions, signed and sealed by the Presi
dent, were valid, although not delivered. I deemed
delivery essential to complete a deed, which, as long
as it remains in the hands of the party, is as yet no
deed, it is in posse only, but not in esse, and I with
held delivery of the commissions. They cannot is
sue a mandamus to the President or legislature, or
to any of their officers.1 When the British treaty
of - - arrived, without any provision against the
impressment of our seamen, I determined not to
ratify it. The Senate thought I should ask their
advice. I thought that would be a mockery of
them, when I was predetermined against following
it, should they advise its ratification. The constitu
tion had made their advice necessary to confirm a
treaty, but not to reject it. This has been blamed
by some; but I have never doubted its soundness.
1 The constitution controlling the common law in this particular,—
T.J.
1819] Thomas Jefferson 139
In the cases of two persons, antenati, under exactly
similar circumstances, the federal court had deter
mined that one of them (Duane) was not a citizen;
the House of Representatives nevertheless deter
mined that the other (Smith, of South Carolina)
was a citizen, and admitted him to his seat in their
body. Duane was a republican, and Smith a feder
alist, and these decisions were made during the
federal ascendancy.
These are examples of my position, that each of
the three departments has equally the right to de
cide for itself what is its duty under the constitution,
without any regard to what the others may have de
cided for themselves under a similar question. But
you intimate a wish that my opinion should be
known on this subject. No, dear Sir, I withdraw
from all contests of opinion, and resign everything
cheerfully to the generation now in place. They
are wiser than we were, and their successors will be
wiser than they, from the progressive advance of
science. Tranquillity is the summum bonum of age.
I wish, therefore, to offend no man's opinion, nor to
draw disquieting animadversions on my own. While
duty required it, I met opposition with a firm and
fearless step. But loving mankind in my individual
relations with them, I pray to be permitted to depart
in their peace; and like the superannuated soldier,
" quadragenis stipendiis enteritis" to hang my arms
on the post. I have unwisely, I fear, embarked in
an enterprise of great public concern, but not to be
accomplished within my term, without their liberal
and prompt support. A severe illness the last year,
140 The Writings of [1819
and another from which I am just emerged, admon
ish me that repetitions may be expected, against
which a declining frame cannot long bear up. I am
anxious, therefore, to get our University so far ad
vanced as may encourage the public to persevere to
its final accomplishment. That secured, I shall sing
my nunc demittas. I hope your labors will be long
continued in the spirit in which they have always
been exercised, in maintenance of those principles on
which I verily believe the future happiness of our
country essentially depends. I salute you with
affectionate and great respect.
TO WILLIAM SHORT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 31, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 2ist is received.
My late illness, in which you are so kind as to feel an
interest, was produced by a spasmodic stricture of
the ilium, which came upon me on the yth inst. The
crisis was short, passed over favorably on the fourth
day, and I should soon have been well but that a
dose of calomel and jalap, in which were only eight
or nine grains of the former, brought on a salivation.
Of this, however, nothing now remains but a little
soreness of the mouth. I have been able to get on
horseback for three or four days past.
As you say of yourself, I too am an Epicurian. I
consider the genuine (not the imputed) doctrines of
Epicurus as containing everything rational in moral
philosophy which Greece and Rome have left us.
1819] Thomas Jefferson 141
Epictetus indeed, has given us what was good of the
stoics ; all beyond, of their dogmas, being hypocrisy
and grimace. Their great crime was in their cal
umnies of Epicurus and misrepresentations of his
doctrines ; in which we lament to see the candid char
acter of Cicero engaging as an accomplice. Diffuse,
vapid, rhetorical, but enchanting. His prototype
Plato, eloquent as himself, dealing out mysticisms
incomprehensible to the human mind, has been
deified by certain sects usurping the name of Christ
ians; because, in his foggy conceptions, they found
a basis of impenetrable darkness whereon to rear
fabrications as delirious, of their own invention.
These they fathered blasphemously on him whom
they claimed as their founder, but who would dis
claim them with the indignation which their carica
tures of his religion so justly excite. Of Socrates we
have nothing genuine but in the Memorabilia of
Xenophon; for Plato makes him one of his Col
locutors merely to cover his own whimsies under the
mantle of his name; a liberty of which we are told
Socrates himself complained. Seneca is indeed a
fine moralist, disfiguring his work at times with
some Stoicisms, and affecting too much of antithesis
and point, yet giving us on the whole a great deal of
sound and practical morality. But the greatest of
all the reformers of the depraved religion of his own
country, was Jesus of Nazareth. Abstracting what
is really his from the rubbish in which it is buried,
easily distinguished by its lustre from the dross of
his biographers, and as separable from that as the
diamond from the dunghill, we have the outlines of
142 The Writings of I>8l9
a system of the most sublime morality which has
ever fallen from the lips of man ; outlines which it is
lamentable he did not live to fill up. Epictetus and
Epicurus give laws for governing ourselves, Jesus
a supplement of the duties and charities we owe
to others. The establishment of the innocent and
genuine character of this benevolent moralist, and
the rescuing it from the imputation of imposture,
which has resulted from artificial systems,1 invented
by ultra-Christian sects, unauthorized by a single
word ever uttered by him, is a most desirable object,
and one to which Priestley has successfully devoted
his labors and learning. It would in time, it is to be
hoped, effect a quiet euthanasia of the heresies of
bigotry and fanaticism which have so long triumphed
over human reason, and so generally and deeply
afflicted mankind ; but this work is to be begun by
winnowing the grain from the chaff of the historians
of his life. I have sometimes thought of translating
Epictetus (for he has never been tolerable translated
into English) by adding the genuine doctrines of
Epicurus from the Syntagma of Gassendi, and an
abstract from the Evangelists of whatever has the
stamp of the eloquence and fine imagination of Jesus.
The last I attempted too hastily some twelve or
fifteen years ago. It was the work of two or three
nights only, at Washington, after getting through
the evening task of reading the letters and papers of
1 e. g. The immaculate conception of Jesus, his deification, the
creation of the world by him, his miraculous powers, his resurrection
and visible ascension, his corporeal presence in the Eucharist, the
Trinity; original sin, atonement, regeneration, election, orders of
Hierarchy, &c.— T. J.
1 819] Thomas Jefferson 143
the day. But with one foot in the grave, these are
now idle projects for me. My business is to beguile
the wearisomeness of declining life, as I endeavor to
do, by the delights of classical reading and of mathe
matical truths, and by the consolations of a sound
philosophy, equally indifferent to hope and fear.
I take the liberty of observing that you are not a
true disciple of our master Epicurus, in indulging
the indolence to which you say you are yielding.
One of his canons, you know, was that "the indul
gence which prevents a greater pleasure, or produces
a greater pain, is to be avoided." Your love of re
pose will lead, in its progress, to a suspension of
healthy exercise, a relaxation of mind, an indifference
to everything around you, and finally to a debility
of body, and hebetude of mind, the farthest of all
things from the happiness which the well-regulated
indulgences of Epicurus ensure; fortitude, you know,
is one of his four cardinal virtues. That teaches us
to meet and surmount difficulties; not to fly from
them, like cowards; and to fly, too, in vain, for they
will meet and arrest us at every turn of our road.
Weigh this matter well; brace yourself up; take a
seat with Correa, and come and see the finest portion
of your country, which, if you have not forgotten,
you still do not know, because it is no longer the
same as when you knew it. It will add much to the
happiness of my recovery to be able to receive
Correa and yourself, and prove the estimation in
which I hold you both. Come, too, and see our in
cipient University, which has advanced with great
activity this year. By the end of the next, we shall
144 The Writings of [1819
have elegant accommodations for seven professors,
and the year following the professors themselves.
No secondary character will be received among them.
Either the ablest which America or Europe can fur
nish, or none at all. They will give us the selected
society of a great city separated from the dissipa
tions and levities of its ephemeral insects.
I am glad the bust of Condorcet has been saved
and so well placed. His genius should be before us ;
while the lamentable, but singular act of ingratitude
which tarnished his latter days, may be thrown
behind us.
I will place under this a syllabus of the doctrines
of Epicurus,1 somewhat in the lapidary style, which
I wrote some twenty years ago, a like one of the phi
losophy of Jesus, of nearly the same age, is too long
to be copied. Vale, et tibi persuade carissimum te
esse mihi.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 7, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — Three long and dangerous illnesses
within the last twelve months, must apologize for
my long silence towards you.
The paper bubble is then burst. This is what
you and I, and every reasoning man, seduced by no
1 Syllabus of the doctrines of Epicurus.
Physical. — The Universe eternal.
Its parts, great and small, interchangeable.
Matter and Void alone.
Motion inherent in matter which is weighty and declining.
Eternal circulation of the elements of bodies.
Gods, an order of beings next superior to man, enjoying in their
1819] Thomas Jefferson 145
obliquity of mind or interest, have long foreseen ; yet
its disastrous effects are not the less for having been
foreseen. We were laboring under a dropsical ful
ness of circulating medium. Nearly all of it is now
called in by the banks, who have the regulation of
the safety-valves of our fortunes, and who condense
and explode them at their will. Lands in this State
cannot now be sold for a year's rent; and unless our
Legislature have wisdom enough to effect a remedy
by a gradual diminution only of the medium, there
will be a general revolution of property in this state.
Over our own paper and that of other States coming
among us, they have competent powers; over that
of the bank of the United States there is doubt, not
here, but elsewhere. That bank will probably con
form voluntarily to such regulations as the Legisla
ture may prescribe for the others. If they do not,
sphere, their own felicities; but not meddling with the concerns of the
scale of beings below them.
Moral. — Happiness the aim of life.
Virtue the foundation of happiness.
Utility the test of virtue.
Pleasure active and In-do-lent.
In-do-lence is the absence of pain, the true felicity.
Active, consists in agreeable motion; it is not happiness, but the
means to produce it.
Thus the absence of hunger is an article of felicity; eating the
means to obtain it.
The summum bonum is to be not pained in body, nor troubled in
mind.
i. e. In-do-lence of body, tranquillity of mind.
To procure tranquillity of mind we must avoid desire and fear, the
two principal diseases of the mind.
Man is a free agent.
Virtue consists in i. Prudence. 2. Temperance. 3. Fortitude.
4. Justice.
To which are opposed, i. Folly. 2. Desire. 3. Fear. 4. Deceit.
VOL. xn. — 10.
146 The Writings of
we must shut their doors, and join the other States
which deny the right of Congress to establish banks,
and solicit them to agree to some mode of settling
this constitutional question. They have them
selves twice decided against their right, and twice
for it. Many of the States have been uniform in
denying it, and between such parties the Constitu
tion has provided no umpire. I do not know par
ticularly the extent of this distress in the other
States; but southwardly and westwardly I believe
all are involved in it. God bless you, and preserve
you many years.
TO JOHN NICHOLAS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 10, 1819.
SIR, — Your letter, and the draught of a memorial
proposed to be presented to the Legislature, are duly
received. With respect to impressions from any
differences of political opinion, whether major or
minor, alluded to in your letter, I have none. I
left them all behind me on quitting Washington,
where alone the state of things had, till then, re
quired some attention to them. Nor was that the
lightest part of the load I was there disburthened of ;
and could I permit myself to believe that with the
change of circumstances a corresponding change had
taken place in the minds of those who differed from
me, and that I now stand in the peace and good will
of my fellow-citizens generally, it would indeed be
a sweetening ingredient in the last dregs of my life.
It is not then from that source that my testimony
1819] Thomas Jefferson 147
may be scanty, but from a decaying memory, illy
retaining things of recent transaction, and scarcely
with any distinctness those of forty years back, the
period to which your memorial refers: general im
pressions of them remain, but details are mostly
obliterated.
Of the transfer of your corps from the general to
the State line, and the other facts in the memorial
preceding my entrance on the administration of
the State government, June 2, 1779, I, of course,
have no knowledge; but public documents, as well
as living witnesses, will probably supply this. In
1780, I remember your appointment to a command
in the militia sent under General Stevens to the aid
of the Carolinas, of which fact the commission signed
by myself is sufficient proof. But I have no par
ticular recollections which respect yourself personally
in that service. Of what took place during Arnold's
invasion in the subsequent winter I have more
knowledge, because so much passed under my own
eye, and I have the benefit of some notes to aid my
memory. In the short interval of fifty-seven hours
between our knowing they had entered James river
and their actual debarkation at Westover, we could
get together but a small body of militia, (my notes
say of three hundred men only,) chiefly from the
city and its immediate vicinities. You were placed
in the command of these, and ordered to proceed to
the neighborhood of the enemy, not with any view
to face them directly with so small a force, but to
hang on their skirts, and to check their march as much
as could be done, to give time for the more distant
148 The Writings of [1819
militia to assemble. The enemy were not to be
delayed, however, and were in Richmond in twenty-
four hours from their being formed on shore at
Westover. The day before their arrival at Rich
mond, I had sent my family to Tuckahoe, as the
memorial states, at which place I joined them
about i o'clock of that night, having attended late
at Westham, to have the public stores and papers
thrown across the river. You came up to us at
Tuckahoe the next morning, and accompanied me,
I think, to Britton's opposite Westham, to see
about the further safety of the arms and other
property. Whether you stayed there to look after
them, or went with me to the heights of Manchester,
and returned thence to Britton's, I do not recollect.
The enemy evacuated Richmond at noon on the 5th
of January, having remained there but twenty -three
hours. I returned to it in the morning of the 8th,
they being still encamped at Westover and Berkley,
and yourself and corps at the Forest. They re-
embarked at i o'clock of the loth. The particulars
of your movements down the river, to oppose their
re-landing at different points, I do not specifically
recollect, but, as stated in the memorial, they are so
much in agreement with my general impressions,
that I have no doubt of their correctness, and I know
that your conduct from the first advance of the
enemy to his departure, was approved by myself
and by others generally. The rendezvous of the
militia at the Tuckahoe bridge, and your having
the command of them, I think I also remember,
but nothing of their subsequent movements. The
1819] Thomas Jefferson 149
legislature had adjourned to meet at Charlottes-
ville, where, at the expiration of my second year, I
declined a re-election in the belief that a military
man would be more likely to render services ade
quate to the exigencies of the times. Of the subse
quent facts, therefore, stated in the memorial, I
have no knowledge.
This, Sir, is the sum of the information I am able
to give on the subjects of your memorial, and if it
may contribute to the purposes of justice in your
case, I shall be happy that in bearing testimony to
the truth, I shall have rendered you a just service.
I return the memorial and commission, as requested,
and pray you to accept my respectful salutations.
TO WILLIAM C. RIVES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 28, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — The distresses of our country, pro
duced first by the flood, then by the ebb of bank
paper, are such as cannot fail to engage the interpo
sition of the legislature. Many propositions will, of
course, be offered, from all of which something may
probably be culled to make a good whole. I ex
plained to you my project, when I had the pleasure
of possessing you here; and I now send its outline
in writing, as I believe I promised you. Although
preferable things will I hope be offered, yet some
twig of this may perhaps be thought worthy of being
engrafted on a better stock. But I send it with no
particular object or request, but to use it as you
150 The Writings of [1819
please. Suppress it, suggest it, sound opinions, or
anything else, at will, only keeping my name un-
mentioned, for which purpose it is copied in another
hand, being ever solicitous to avoid all offence which
is heavily felt, when retired from the bustle and con
tentions of the world. If we suffer the moral of the
present lesson to pass away without improvement
by the eternal suppression of bank paper, then in
deed is the condition of our country desperate, until
the slow advance of public instruction shall give to
our functionaries the wisdom of their station. Vale,
et tibi persuade carissimum te mihi esse.1
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTI CELLO, December 10, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt
of your favor of November the 23d. The banks,
lPlan for reducing the circulating medium.
The plethory of circulating medium which raised the prices of
everything to several times their ordinary and standard value, in
which state of things many and heavy debts were contracted; and
the sudden withdrawing too great a proportion of that medium, and
reduction of prices far below that standard, constitutes the disease
under which we are now laboring, and which must end in a general
revolution of property, if some remedy is not applied. That remedy
is clearly a gradual reduction of the medium to its standard level,
that is to say, to the level which a metallic medium will always find
for itself, so as to be in equilibro with that of the nations with which
we have commerce.
To effect this,
Let the whole of the present paper medium be suspended in its
circulation after a certain and not distant day.
Ascertain by proper inquiry the greatest sum of it which has at any
one time been in actual circulation.
Take a certain term of years for its gradual reduction, suppose it to-
1819] Thomas Jefferson 151
bankrupt law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, are
nothing. These are occurrences which, like waves
in a storm will pass under the ship. But the Mis
souri question, is a breaker on which we lose the
Missouri country by revolt, and what more, God
only knows. From the battle of Bunker's Hill to
the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a
question. It even damps the joy with which I hear
of your high health, and welcomes to me the con
sequences of my want of it. I thank God that I
shall not live to witness its issue. Sed hcec hactenus.
I have been amusing myself latterly with reading
the voluminous letters of Cicero. They certainly
breathe the purest effusions of an exalted patriot,
while the parricide Caesar is lost in odious contrast.
be five years; then let the solvent banks issue f of that amount in
new notes, to be attested by a public officer, as a security that neither
more or less is issued, and to be given out in exchange for the sus
pended notes, and the surplus in discount.
Let ^th of these notes bear on their face that the bank will dis
charge them with specie at the end of one year; another 5th at the
end of two years; a third 5th at the end of three years; and so of
the 4th and 5th. They will be sure to be brought in at their respective
periods of redemption. .
Make it a high offence to receive or pass within this State a note
of any other.
There is little doubt that our banks will agree readily to this opera
tion; if they refuse, declare their charters forfeited by their former
irregularities, and give summary process against them for the sus
pended notes.
The Bank of the United States will probably concur also; if not,
shut their doors and join the other States in respectful, but firm ap
plications to Congress, to concur in constituting a tribunal (a special
convention, e. g.) for settling amicably the question of their right to
institute a bank, and that also of the States to do the same.
A stay-law for the suspension of executions, and their discharge at
five annual instalments, should be accommodated to these measures.
Interdict forever, to both the State and national governments, the
152 The Writings of [1819
When the enthusiasm, however, kindled by Cicero's
pen and principles, subsides into cool reflection, I
ask myself, what was that government which the
virtues of Cicero were so zealous to restore, and the
ambition of Caesar to subvert? And if Caesar had
been as virtuous as he was daring and sagacious,
what could he, even in the plenitude of his usurped
power, have done to lead his fellow citizens into
good government? I do not say to restore it, be
cause they never had it, from the rape of the Sabines
to the ravages of the Caesars. If their people indeed
had been, like ourselves, enlightened, peaceable, and
really free, the answer would be obvious. " Restore
independence to all your foreign conquests, relieve
Italy from the government of the rabble of Rome,
power of establishing any paper bank; for without this interdiction,
we shall have the same ebbs and flows of medium, and the same
revolutions of property to go through every twenty or thirty years.
In this way the value of property, keeping pace nearly with the
sum of circulating medium, will descend gradually to its proper level,
at the rate of about ^ every year, the sacrifices of what shall be sold
for payment of the first instalments of debts will be moderate, and
time will be given for economy and industry to come in aid of those
subsequent. Certainly no nation ever before abandoned to the
avarice and jugglings of private individuals to regulate, according to
their own interests, the quantum of circulating medium for the nation,
to inflate, by deluges of paper, the nominal prices of property, and
then to buy up that property at is. in the pound, having first with
drawn the floating medium which might endanger a competition in
purchase. Yet this is what has been done, and will be done, unless
stayed by the protecting hand of the legislature. The evil has been
produced by the error of their sanction of this ruinous machinery of
banks; and justice, wisdom, duty, all require that they should inter
pose and arrest it before the schemes of plunder and spoliation deso
late the country. It is believed that Harpies are already hoarding
their money to commence these scenes on the separation of the legis
lature; and we know that lands have been already sold under the
hammer for less than a year's rent.
1819] Thomas Jefferson 153
consult it as a nation entitled to self-government,
and do its will." But steeped in corruption, vice
and venality, as the whole nation was, (and nobody
had done more than Caesar to corrupt it,) what could
even Cicero, Cato, Brutus have done, had it been
referred to them to establish a good government for
their country? They had no ideas of government
themselves, but of their degenerate Senate, nor the
people of liberty, but of the factious opposition of
their Tribunes. They had afterwards their Tituses,
their Trajans and Antoninuses, who had the will to
make them happy, and the power to mould their
government into a good and permanent form. But
it would seem as if they could not see their way
clearly to do it. No government can continue good,
but under the control of the people ; and their people
were so demoralized and depraved, as to be incapable
of exercising a wholesome control. Their reforma
tion then was to be taken up ab incunabulis. Their
minds were to be informed by education what is
right and what wrong ; to be encouraged in habits of
virtue, and deterred from those of vice by the dread
of punishments, proportioned indeed, but irremis-
sible; in all cases, to follow truth as the only safe
guide, and to eschew error, which bewilders us in
one false consequence after another, in endless suc
cession. These are the inculcations necessary to
render the people a sure basis for the structure of
order and good government. But this would have
been an operation of a generation or two, at least,
within which period would have succeeded many
Neros and Commoduses, who would have quashed
154 The Writings of [1820
the whole process. I confess then, I can neither see
what Cicero, Cato, and Brutus, united and uncon
trolled, could have devised to lead their people into
good government, nor how this enigma can be solved,
nor how further shown why it has been the fate of
that delightful country never to have known, to this
day, and through a course of five and twenty hundred
years, the history of which we possess, one single day
of free and rational government. Your intimacy
with their history, ancient, middle and modern,
your familiarity with the improvements in the
science of government at this time, will enable you,
if any body, to go back with our principles and
opinions to the times of Cicero, Cato, and Brutus,
and tell us by what process these great and virtuous
men could have led so unenlightened and vitiated a
people into freedom and good government, et eris
mihi magnus Apollo. Cura ut valeas, et tibi per-
suadeas carissimum te mihi esse.
TO JOSEPH 0. OABELL j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 22. 20.
DEAR SIR, — I send you the inclosed as an exhibit
to our enemies as well as friends. Kentucky, our
daughter, planted since Virginia was a distinguished
state, has an University, with 14. professors & up
wards of 200 students. While we, with a fund of a
million & a half of Dollars ready raised and appro
priated, are higgling without the heart to let it go
to it's use. If our legislature does not heartily push
l82°l Thomas Jefferson 155
our University, we must send our children for educa
tion to Kentucky or Cambridge. The latter will
return them to us fanatics & tories, the former will
keep them to add to their population. If however
we are to go a begging anywhere for our educa
tion, I would rather it should be to Kentucky than
any other state, because she has more of the flavor
of the old cask than any other. All the states but
our own are sensible that knolege is power. The
Missouri question is for power. The efforts now
generally making all the states to advance their
science is for power, while we are sinking into the
barbarism of our Indian aborigines, and expect like
them to oppose by ignorance the overwhelming mass
of light & science by which we shall be surrounded.
It is a comfort that I am not to live to see this. Our
exertions in building this last year have amounted
to the whole of the public annuity of this year, for
which therefore we have been obliged to draw to re
lieve the actual distresses of our workmen ; the sub
scriptions come in slow & grudgingly. You know
that we are to pay Dr. Cooper 1500 D. in May, and
his family will depend on it for subsistence in his ab
sence. We have been obliged therefore to set apart,
as our only sure dependence, 6. subscriptions on the
punctuality of which we can depend, to wit, yours,
Mr. Madison's, Genl Cocke's, Mr. Diges's and John
Harrison's, & mine, which exactly make up the
money. Affectly yours.
156 The Writings of [1820
TO ROBERT WALSH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 6. 20.
DEAR SIR, — Continual ill health for 18. months
past had nearly ended the business of letter-writing
with me. I cannot however but make an effort to
thank you for your vindicia Americana against Gr.
Britain. The malevolence and impertinence of her
critics & writers really called for the rod, and I re
joiced when I heard it was in hands so able to wield
it with strength and correctness. Your work will
furnish the ist volume of every future American his
tory; the Ante-revolutionary part especially. The
latter part will silence the libellists of the day, who
finding refutation impossible, and that men in glass
houses should not provoke a war of stones, will be
glad of a truce, to hush and be done with it. I wish
that, being placed on the vantage ground by these
researches and expositions of facts, our own citizens
and our antagonists would now bury the hatchet
and join in a mutual amnesty. No two nations on
earth can be so helpful to each other as friends, nor
so hurtful as enemies. And, in spite of their in
solence I have ever wished for an honorable and
cordial amity with them as a nation. I think the
looking glass you have held up to them will now so
compleatly humble their pride as to dispose them
also to wish and court it.
Here I must lay down my pen with affectionate
salutations to you, and on whichever side of the
Styx I may be, with cordial wishes for your health,
prosperity and happiness.
1 8 20] Thomas Jefferson 157
TO HUGH NELSON
MONTICELLO Feb. 7. 20.
DEAR SIR, — * * * I thank you for your in
formation on the progress & prospects of the Missouri
question. It is the most portentous one which ever
yet threatened our Union. In the gloomiest mo
ment of the revolutionary war I never had any ap
prehensions equal to what I feel from this source.
I observe you are loaded with petitions from the
Manufacturing commercial & agricultural interests,
each praying you to sacrifice the others to them.
This proves the egotism of the whole and happily
balances their cannibal appetites to eat one another.
The most perfect confidence in the wisdom of Con
gress leaves me without a fear of the result. I do
not know whether it is any part of the petitions of
the farmers that our citizens shall be restrained to
eat nothing but bread, because that can be made
here. But this is the common spirit of all their
petitions. My ill-health has obliged me to retire
from all public concerns. I scarcely read a news
paper. I cannot therefore tell you what is a doing
in the state, but this you will get fully from others.
I will therefore add only the assurances of my great
& friendly esteem and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Nelson:
" MONTICELLO, March 12, 1820
" I thank you, dear Sir, for the information in your favor of the 4th
instant, of the settlement, for the present, of the Missouri question. I
am so completely withdrawn from all attention to public matters,
that nothing less could arouse me than the definition of a geographical
line, which on an abstract principle is to become the line of separation
of these States, and to render desperate the hope that man can ever
enjoy the two blessings of peace and self-government. The question
158 The Writings of [1820
TO JOHN HOLMES j. MSS
MONTICELLO, April 22, 1820.
I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been
so kind as to send me of the letter to your constitu
ents on the Missouri question. It is a perfect justi
fication to them. I had for a long time ceased to
read newspapers, or pay any attention to public
affairs, confident they were in good hands, and con
tent to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from
which I am not distant. But this momentous ques
tion, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled
me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell
of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment.
But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A
geographical line, coinciding with a marked prin
ciple, moral and political, once conceived and held
up to the angry passions of men, will never be ob
literated; and every new irritation will mark it
deeper and deeper. I can say, with conscious truth,
sleeps for the present, but is not dead. This State is in a condition of
unparalleled distress. The sudden reduction of the circulating medium
from a plethory to all but annihilation is producing an entire revolu
tion of fortune. In other places I have known lands sold by the
sheriff for one year's rent ; beyond the mountain we hear of good
slaves selling for one hundred dollars, good horses for five dollars,
and the sheriffs generally the purchasers. Our produce is now selling
at market for one-third of its price, before this commercial catastrophe,
say flour at three and a quarter and three and a half dollars the
barrel. We should have less right to expect relief from our legislators
if they had been the establishes of the unwise system of banks. A
remedy to a certain degree was practicable, that of of reducing the
quantum of circulation gradually to a level with that of the countries
with which we have commerce, and an eternal abjuration of paper.
But they have adjourned without doing anything. I fear local in
surrections against these horrible sacrifices of property. In every
condition of trouble or tranquillity be assured of my constant esteem
and respect."
1820] Thomas Jefferson 159
that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice
more than I would to relieve us from this heavy re
proach, in any practicable way. The cession of that
kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle
which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that
way, a general emancipation and expatriation could
be effected; and gradually, and with due sacrifices,
I think it might be. But as it is, we have the wolf
by the ears, and we can neither hold him, nor safely
let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preserva
tion in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as
the passage of slaves from one State to another,
would not make a slave of a single human being who
would not be so without it, so their diffusion over a
greater surface would make them individually hap
pier, and proportionally facilitate the accomplish
ment of their emancipation, by dividing the burthen
on a greater number of coadjutors. An abstinence
too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy
excited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate
the condition of the different descriptions of men
composing a State. This certainly is the exclusive
right of every State, which nothing in the constitu
tion has taken from them and given to the General
Government. Could Congress, for example, say, that
the non -freemen of Connecticut shall be freemen, or
that they shall not emigrate into any other State ?
I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the
useless sacrifice of themselves by the generation of
1776, to acquire self-government and happiness to
their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise
and unworthy passions of their sons, and that my
160 The Writings of
only consolation is to be, that I five not to weep
over it. If they would but dispassionately weigh
the blessings they wifl throw away, against an ab
stract principle more likely to be effected by union
than by scission, they would pause before they would
perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of
treason against die hopes of the world. To your-
self .-.s :/.v f.u:h:\il :,r.v;c^:c : :"•.-. V:u :. 1 :rr..ier
th: c :: -5 es:ee:: ::.
TO JAMES MONROE
VrxrrirzL^c. May 14. iS.r
:ur :V ::" :he :i is receive::.
lways -^rith welcome. These texts of truth relieve
e fr— The ± :.j.rlng f^lsAoods of the public papers.
Our assent to it has
, ily :err.:.s " : E
; :y :: :he:r
placed tiiem in the
, and that is well; but
r :he rl:hes: Stite
:er:::r. I: .err
' _ _-.-.."_" " -". ir. its r.zrtr. =:
'tr :r_ e^rth rlzrli^ n:re-:ver. is :urs.
considfirs it such a right.
ti<Hi in time of peace,
mrr. :::ihes i: : -.ITS "ithrut
.e fr.er.ily .1 i v.seiv-e:-.:.- :
- : -"- Thomas Jefferson 161
of Russia and France , as well as the change of gov
ernment hi Spam, now ensured, require a further
and respectful forbearance. While their request
will rebut the plea of prescriptive possession, it wiH
give us a right to their approbation when taken in
the maturity of circumstances. I really think, too,
that neither the state of our finances, the condition
- -- -:.' ' -'.:.-'. ir-i:n. MT^S u
precipitation into war. The treaty has had the
valuable effect of strengthening our title to the
Techas, because the cession of the Floridas in ex
change for Techas imports an acknowledgement of
our right to it. This province moreover, the
r'.-.r. "..:.,. : -..r. 1 ; -"'-":•" -'-" : ~" -- ; '-'»- '-' '• ' '••'• '- -'
:: tr.eir in ietien iencs : mea ure tc
which their new government win probably accede
voluntarily. But why should I be saying all this
to vou, whose T:. ~
affair have had possession for years ? I shall rejoice
to see you here; and were I to Hve to see you here
finally, it would be a day of jubilee. But our days
are all numbered, and mine are not many. God
bless you and preserve you muchos anos.
TO WILLIAM CHARLES JARVLS
!"" --ILL ~ ~
I thank you, Sir, for the copy of your
which you have been so kind as to send
should have acknowledged it sooner but
just returned home after a long absent
1 62 The Writings of [1820
not yet had time to read it seriously, but in looking
over it cursorily I see much in it to approve, and
shall be glad if it shall lead our youth to the practice
of thinking on such subjects and for themselves.
That it will have this tendency may be expected,
and for that reason I feel an urgency to note what
I deem an error in it, the more requiring notice as
your opinion is strengthened by that of many others.
^You seem, in pages 84 and 148, to consider the
judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional
questions; a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and
one which would place us under the despotism of
an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as other
men, and not more so. They have, with others, the
same passions for party, for power, and the privilege
of their corps. Their maxim is liboni judicis est
ampliare jurisdictionem" and their power the more
dangerous as they are in office for life, and not re
sponsible, as the other functionaries are, to the
elective control. The constitution has erected no
such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands
confided, with the corruptions of time and party, its
members would become despots. It has more
wisely made all the departments co-equal and co-
sovereign within themselves. If the legislature fails
to pass laws for a census, for paying the judges and
other officers of government, for establishing a
militia, for naturalization as prescribed by the con
stitution, or if they fail to meet in congress, the
judges cannot issue their mandamus to them ; if the
President fails to supply the place of a judge, to ap
point other civil or military officers, to issue requisite
1820] Thomas Jefferson 163
commissions, the judges cannot force him. They
can issue their mandamus or distringas to no execu
tive or legislative officer to enforce the fulfilment of
their official duties, any more than the president or
legislature may issue orders to the judges or their
officers. Betrayed by English example, and un
aware, as it should seem, of the control of our con
stitution in this particular, they have at times
overstepped their limit by undertaking to command
executive officers in the discharge of their executive
duties; but the constitution, in keeping three de
partments distinct and independent, restrains the
authority of the judges to judiciary organs, as it
does the executive and legislative to executive and
legislative organs. The judges certainly have more
frequent occasion to act on constitutional questions,
because the laws of meum and tuum and of criminal
action, forming the great mass of the system of law,
constitute their particular department. When the
legislative or executive functionaries act unconstitu
tionally, they are responsible to the people in their
elective capacity. The exemption of the judges
from that is quite dangerous enough. I know no
safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society
but the people themselves ; and if we think them not
enlightened enough to exercise their control with a
wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it
from them, but to inform their discretion by edu
cation. This is the true corrective of abuses of
constitutional power. Pardon me, Sir, for this differ
ence of opinion. My personal interest in such ques
tions is entirely extinct, but not my wishes for the
1 64 The Writings of [1820
longest possible continuance of our government on
its pure principles; if the three powers maintain
their mutual independence on each other it may last
long, but not so if either can assume the authorities
of the other. I ask your candid re-consideration of
this subject, and am sufficiently sure you will form a
candid conclusion. Accept the assurance of my
great respect.
TO CHARLES PINCKNEY j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 30, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — An absence of some time from home
has occasioned me to be thus late in acknowledging
the receipt of your favor of the 6th, and I see in it
with pleasure evidences of your continued health
and application to business. It is now, I believe,
about twenty years since I had the pleasure of seeing
you, and we are apt, in such cases, to lose sight of
time, and to conceive that our friends remain sta
tionary at the same point of health and vigor as
when we last saw them. So I perceive by your
letter you think with respect to myself, but twenty
years added to fifty-seven make quite a different
man. To threescore and seventeen add two years
of prostrate health, and you have the old, infirm,
and nerveless body I now am, unable to write but
with pain, and unwilling to think without necessity.
In this state I leave the world and its affairs to the
young and energetic, and resign myself to their care,
of whom I have endeavored to take care when
young. I read but one newspaper and that of my
1820] Thomas Jefferson 165
own State, and more for its advertisements than its
news. I have not read a speech in Congress for
some years. I have heard, indeed, of the questions
of the tariff and Missouri, and formed prima fade
opinions on them, but without investigation. As
to the tariff, I should say put down all banks, ad
mit none but a metallic circulation, that will take
its proper level with the like circulation in other
countries, and then our manufacturers may work
in fair competition with those of other countries,
and the import duties which the government may
lay for the purposes of revenue will so far place
them above equal competition. The Missouri ques
tion is a mere party trick. The leaders of feder
alism, defeated in their schemes of obtaining power
by rallying partisans to the principle of monarchism,
a principle of personal not of local division, have
changed their tack, and thrown out another barrel
to the whale. They are taking advantage of the
virtuous feelings of the people to effect a division of
parties by a geographical line; they expect that
this will ensure them, on local principles, the major
ity they could never obtain on principles of federal
ism ; but they are still putting their shoulder to the
wrong wheel; they are wasting Jeremiads on the
miseries of slavery, as if we were advocates for it.
Sincerity in their declamations should direct their
efforts to the true point of difficulty, and unite
their counsels with ours in devising some reasonable
and practicable plan of getting rid of it. Some of
these leaders, if they could attain the power, their
ambition would rather use it to keep the Union
166 The Writings of [1820
together, but others have ever had in view its separa
tion. If they push it to that, they will find the line
of separation very different from their 36° of lati
tude, and as manufacturing and navigating States
they will have quarrelled with their bread and
butter, and I fear not that after a little trial they will
think better of it, and return to the embraces of
their natural and best friends. But this scheme of
party I leave to those who are to live under its
consequences. We who have gone before have per
formed an honest duty, by putting in the power of
our successors a state of happiness which no nation
ever before had within their choice. If that choice
is to throw it away, the dead will have neither the
power nor the right to control them. I must hope,
nevertheless, that the mass of our honest and well-
meaning brethren of the other States, will discover
the use which designing leaders are making of their
best feelings, and will see the precipice to which they
are led, before they take the fatal leap. God grant
it, and to you health and happiness.
TO J. OORREA DE SERRA j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 24, 1820.
Your kind letter, dear Sir of October i2th, was
handed to me by Dr. Cooper, and was the first cor
rection of an erroneous belief that you had long
since left our shores. Such had been Colonel Ran
dolph's opinion, and his had governed mine. I re
ceived your adieu with feelings of sincere regret at
1820] Thomas Jefferson 167
the loss we were to sustain, and particularly of those
friendly visits by which you had made me so happy.
I shall feel, too, the want of your counsel and ap
probation in what we are doing and have yet to do
in our University, the last of my mortal cares, and
the last service I can render my country. But
turning from myself, throwing egotism behind me,
and looking to your happiness, it is a duty and con
solation of friendship to consider that that may be
promoted by your return to your own country.
There I hope you will receive the honors and re
wards you merit, and which may make the rest of
your life easy and happy ; there too you will render
precious services by promoting the science of your
country, and blessing its future generations with the
advantages that bestows. Nor even there shall we
lose all the benefits of your friendship; for this
motive, as well as the love of your country, will be
an incitement to promote that intimate harmony
between our two nations which is so much the
interest of both. Nothing is so important as that
America shall separate herself from the systems of
Europe, and establish one of her own. Our cir
cumstances, our pursuits, our interests, are dis
tinct, the principles of our policy should be so also.
All entanglements with that quarter of the globe
should be avoided if we mean that peace and justice
shall be the polar stars of the American societies. I
had written a letter to a friend while you were here,
in a part of which these sentiments were expressed,
and I had made an extract from it to put into your
hands, as containing my creed on that subject.
1 68 The Writings of
You had left us, however, in the morning earlier
than I had been aware ; still I enclose it to you, be
cause it would be a leading principle with me, had
I longer to live. During six and thirty years that
I have been in situations to attend to the conduct
and characters of foreign nations, I have found the
government of Portugal the most just, inoffensive
and unambitious of any one with which we had
concern, without a single exception. I am sure
that this is the character of ours also. Two such
nations can never wish to quarrel with each other.
Subordinate officers may be negligent, may have
their passions and partialities, and be criminally re
miss in preventing the enterprises of the lawless
banditti who are to be found in every seaport of
every country. The late piratical depredations
which your commerce has suffered as well as ours,
and that of other nations, seem to have been com
mitted by renegado rovers of several nations,
French, English, American, which they as well as
we have not been careful enough to suppress. I
hope our Congress now about to meet will strengthen
the measures of suppression. Of their disposition
to do it there can be no doubt; for all men of moral
principle must be shocked at these atrocities. I
had repeated conversations on this subject with the
President while at his seat in this neighborhood.
No man can abhor these enormities more deeply.
I trust it will not have been in the power of aban
doned rovers, nor yet of negligent functionaries, to
disturb the harmony of two nations so much dis
posed to mutual friendship, and interested in it.
1820] Thomas Jefferson 169
To this, my dear friend, you can be mainly instru
mental, and I know your patriotism and philan
thropy too well to doubt your best efforts to cement
us. In these I pray for your success, and that
heaven may long preserve you in health and pro
sperity to do all the good to mankind to which your
enlightened and benevolent mind disposes you.
Of the continuance of my affectionate friendship,
with that of my life, and of its fervent wishes for
your happiness, accept my sincere assurance.
TO JOSEPH 0. OABELL j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, November 28, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — I sent in due time the Report of the
Visitors to the Governor, with a request that he
would endeavor to convene the Literary Board in
time to lay it before the legislature on the second
day of their session. It was enclosed in a letter
which will explain itself to you. If delivered before
the crowd of other business presses on them, they
may act on it immediately, and before there will have
been time for unfriendly combinations and maneu-
vres by the enemies of the institution. I enclose
you now a paper presenting some views which may
be useful to you in conversations, to rebut exag
gerated estimates of what our institution is to cost,
and reproaches of deceptive estimates. One hund
red and sixty-two thousand three hundred and
sixty -four dollars will be about the cost of the whole
establishment, when completed. Not an office at
Washington has cost less. The single building of
1 70 The Writings of [1820
the court house at Henrico has cost nearly that ; and
the massive walls of the millions of bricks of William
and Mary could not now be built for a less sum.
Surely Governor Clinton's display of the gigantic
efforts of New York towards the education of her
citizens, will stimulate the pride as well as the pa
triotism of our legislature, to look to the reputation
and safety of their own country, to rescue it from the
degradation of becoming the Barbary of the Union,
and of falling into the ranks of our own negroes.
To that condition it is fast sinking. We shall be in
the hands of the other States, what our indigenous
predecessors were when invaded by the science and
arts of Europe. The mass of education in Virginia,
before the Revolution, placed her with the foremost
of her sister colonies. What is her education now?
Where is it? The little we have we import, like
beggars, from other States; or import their beggars
to bestow on us their miserable crumbs. And what
is wanting to restore us to our station among our
confederates? Not more money from the people.
Enough has been raised by them, and appropriated
to this very object. It is that it should be employed
understandingly, and for their greatest good. That
good requires, that while they are instructed in
general, competently to the common business of
life, others should employ their genius with necessary
information to the useful arts, to inventions for
saving labor and increasing our comforts, to nour
ishing our health, to civil government, military
science, &c.
Would it not have a good effect for the friends
1820] Thomas Jefferson 171
of this University to take the lead in proposing and
effecting a practical scheme of elementary schools?
To assume the character of the friends, rather than
the opponents of that object. The present plan has
appropriated to the primary schools forty -five thou
sand dollars for three years, making one hundred and
thirty -five thousand dollars. I should be glad to know
if this sum has educated one hundred and thirty -five
poor children ? I doubt it much. And if it has, they
have cost us one thousand dollars a piece for what
might have been done with thirty dollars. Sup
posing the literary revenue to be sixty thousand
dollars, I think it demonstrable, that this sum,
equally divided between the two objects would am
ply suffice for both. One hundred counties, divided
into about twelve wards each, on an average, and a
school in each ward of perhaps ten children, would
be one thousand a ad two hundred schools, dis
tributed proportionably over the surface of the
State. The inhabitants of each ward, meeting to
gether (as when they work on the roads), building
good log houses for their school and teacher, and
contributing for his provisions, rations of pork, beef,
and corn, in the proportion each of his other taxes,
would thus lodge and feed him without feeling it;
and those of them who are able, paying for the
tuition of their own children, would leave no call on
the public fund but for the tuition fee of, here and
there, an accidental pauper, who would still be fed
and lodged with his parents. Suppose this fee ten
dollars, and three hundred dollars apportioned to a
county on an average, (more or less proportioned,)
172 The Writings of [1820
would there be thirty such paupers for every county?
I think not. The truth is, that the want of common
education with us is not from our poverty, but
from want of an orderly system. More money is
now paid for the education of a part, than would be
paid for that of the whole, if systematically ar
ranged. Six thousand common schools in New
York, fifty pupils in each, three hundred thousand
in all; one hundred and sixty thousand dollars an
nually paid to the masters ; forty established acad
emies, with two thousand two hundred and eighteen
pupils; and five colleges, with seven hundred and
eighteen students; to which last classes of institu
tions seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars
have been given; and the whole appropriations for
education estimated at two and a half millions of
dollars! What a pigmy to this is Virginia become,
with a population almost equal to that of New York !
And whence this difference? From the difference
their rulers set on the value of knowledge, and the
prosperity it produces. But still, if a pigmy, let her
do what a pigmy may do. If among fifty children
in each of the six thousand schools of New York,
there are only paupers enough to employ twenty-
five dollars of public money to each school, surely
among the ten children of each of our one thousand
and two hundred schools, the same sum of twenty-
five dollars to each school will teach its paupers,
(five times as much as to the same number in New
York,) and will amount for the whole to thirty
thousand dollars a year, the one-half only of our
literary revenue.
1820] Thomas Jefferson 173
Do then, dear Sir, think of this, and engage our
friends to take in hand the whole subject. It will
reconcile the friends of the elementary schools, and
none are more warmly so than myself, lighten the
difficulties of the University, and promote in every
order of men the degree of instruction proportioned
to their condition, and to their views in life. It will
combine with the mass of our force, a wise direction
of it, which will insure to our country its future
prosperity and safety. I had formerly thought that
visitors of the school might be chosen by the county,
and charged to provide teachers for every ward, and
to superintend them. I now think it would be
better for every ward to choose its own resident
visitor, whose business it would be to keep a teacher
in the ward, to superintend the school, and to call
meetings of the ward for all purposes relating to it ;
their accounts to be settled, and wards laid off by
the courts. I think ward elections better for many
reasons, one of which is sufficient, that it will keep
elementary education out of the hands of fanaticis-
ing preachers, who, in county elections, would be
universally chosen, and the predominant sect of the
county would possess itself of all its schools.
A wrist stiffened by an ancient accident, now
more so by the effect of age, renders writing a slow
and irksome operation with me. I cannot, there
fore, present these views, by separate letters to each
of our colleagues in the legislature, but must pray
you to communicate them to Mr. Johnson and
General Breckenridge, and to request them to con
sider this as equally meant for them. Mr. Gordon
174 The Writings of [1820
being the local representative of the University, and
among its most zealous friends, would be a more
useful second to General Breckenridge in the House
of Delegates, by a free communication of what con
cerns the University, with which he has had little
opportunity of becoming acquainted. So, also,
would it be to Mr. Rives, who would be a friendly
advocate.
Accept the assurances of my constant and affec
tionate esteem and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, November 29, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — The enclosed letter from our ancient
friend Tenche Coxe, came unfortunately to Monti -
cello after I had left it, and has had a dilatory pass
age to this place, where I received it yesterday, and
obey its injunction of immediate transmission to
you. We should have recognized the style even
without a signature, and although so written as to
be much of it indecipherable. This is a sample of
the effects we may expect from the late mischievous
law vacating every four years nearly all the execu
tive offices of the government. It saps the con
stitutional and salutary functions of the President,
and introduces a principle of intrigue and corrup
tion, which will soon leaven the mass, not only of
Senators, but of citizens. It is more baneful than
the attempt which failed in the beginning of the
government, to make all officers irremovable but
with the consent of the Senate. This places, every
1820] Thomas Jefferson 175
four years, all appointments under their power, and
even obliges them to act on every one nomination.
It will keep in constant excitement all the hungry
cormorants for office, render them, as well as those in
place, sycophants to their Senators, engage these in
eternal intrigue to turn out one and put in another,
in cabals to swap work ; and make of them what all
executive directories become, mere sinks of cor
ruption and faction. This must have been one of
the midnight signatures of the President, when he
had not time to consider, or even to read the law;
and the more fatal as being irrepealable but with the
consent of the Senate, which will never be obtained.
F. Gilmer has communicated to me Mr. Correa's
letter to him of adieux to his friends here, among
whom he names most affectionately Mrs. Madison
and yourself. No foreigner, I believe, has ever
carried with him more friendly regrets. He was to
sail the next day (November 10) in the British
packet for England, and thence take his passage
in January for Brazil. His present views are of
course liable to be affected by the events of Portugal,
and the possible effects of their example on Brazil.
I expect to return to Monticello about the middle
of the ensuing month, and salute you with constant
affection and respect.
TO THOMAS RITCHIE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 25, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — On my return home after a long
absence, I find here your favor of November the
1 76 Thomas Jefferson [1820
23d, with Colonel Taylor's Construction Construed,
which you have been so kind as to send me, in the
name of the author as well as yourself. Permit me,
if you please, to use the same channel for conveying
to him the thanks I render you also for this mark of
attention. I shall read it, I know, with edification,
as I did his Inquiry, to which I acknowledge myself
indebted for many valuable ideas, and for the cor
rection of some errors of early opinion, never seen in
a correct light until presented to me in that work.
That the present volume is equally orthodox, I
know before reading it, because I know that Colonel
Taylor and myself have rarely, if ever, differed in
any political principle of importance. Every act
of his life, and every word he ever wrote, satisfies
me of this. So, also, as to the two Presidents, late
and now in office, I know them both to be of prin
ciples as truly republican as any men living. If
there be anything amiss, therefore, in the present
state of our affairs, as the formidable deficit lately
unfolded to us indicates, I ascribe it to the inatten
tion of Congress to their duties, to their unwise
dissipation and waste of the public contributions.
They seemed, some little while ago, to be at a loss
for objects whereon to throw away the supposed
fathomless funds of the treasury. I had feared the
result, because I saw among them some of my old
fellow laborers, of tried and known principles, yet
often in their minorities. I am aware that in one
of their most ruinous vagaries, the people were
themselves betrayed into the same phrenzy with
their Representatives. The deficit produced, and a
1820] Thomas Jefferson 177
heavy tax to supply it, will, I trust, bring both to
their sober senses.
But it is not from this branch of government we
have most to fear. Taxes and short elections will
keep them right. The judiciary of the United "*"7
States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners 1
constantly working under ground to undermine the
foundations of our confederated fabric. They are
construing our constitution from a co-ordination of
a general and special government to a general and
supreme one alone. This will lay all things at their
feet, and they are too well versed in English law to
forget the maxim, "boni judicis est ampliare juris -
dictionem." We shall see if they are bold enough
to take the daring stride their five lawyers have
lately taken. If they do, then, with the editor of
our book, in his address to the public, I will say,
that "against this every man should raise his
voice," and more, should uplift his arm. Who
wrote this admirable address? Sound, luminous,
strong, not a word too much, nor one which can be
changed but for the worse. That pen should go
on, lay bare these wounds of our constitution^ex-
pose the decisions s^riatim^frnd arouse, as it is able,
the attention of the nstidn to these bold speculators
on its patience. Having found, from experience,
that impeachment is an impracticable thing, a mere
scare-crow, they consider themselves secure for life;
they sculk from responsibility to public opinion, the
only remaining hold on them, under a practice first
introduced into England by Lord Mansfield. An
opinion is huddled up in conclave, perhaps by a
VOL. XII. 12.
178 The Writings of [1820
majority of one, delivered as if unanimous, and with
the silent acquiescence of lazy or timid associates,
by a crafty chief judge, who sophisticates the law to
his mind, by the turn of his own reasoning. A
judiciary law was once reported by the Attorney
General to Congress, requiring each judge to deliver
his opinion seriatim and openly, and then to give it
in writing to the clerk to be entered in the record.
A judiciary independent of a king or executive
alone, is a good thing ; but independence of the will
of the nation is a solecism, at least in a republican
government.
But to return to your letter; you ask for my
opinion of the work you send me, and to let it go
out to the public. This I have ever made a point
of declining, (one or two instances only excepted.)
Complimentary thanks to writers who have sent
me their works, have betrayed me sometimes before
the public, without my consent having been asked.
But I am far from presuming to direct the reading
of my fellow citizens, who are good enough judges
themselves of what is worthy their reading. I am,
also, too desirous of quiet to place myself in the way
of. contention. Against this I am admonished by
bodily decay, which cannot be unaccompanied by
corresponding wane of the mind. Of this I am as
yet sensible, sufficiently to be unwilling to trust my
self before the public, and when I cease to be so, I
hope that my friends will be too careful of me to
draw me forth and present me, like a Priam in
armor, as a spectacle for public compassion. I
hope our political bark will ride through all its
1820] Thomas Jefferson 179
dangers; but I can in future be but an inert pas
senger.
I salute you with sentiments of great friendship
and respect.
TO DAVID BAILEY WARDEN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26. 20.
DEAR SIR, — Your acceptable letters of Mar. &
Apr. 20 and of May 15. of the present year, have
not been sooner answered, nor the brochures you so
kindly sent me, acknowledged because the state of
my health has in a great degree interdicted to me
the labors of the writing table. Add to this a
stiffening wrist, the effect of age on an antient dis
location, which is likely to deprive me entirely of
the use of the pen.
We are expecting to see you all involved in war,
in Europe. Revolutions going on in so many of it's
countries, such military movements to suppress
them, the intestine barbarisms of Engl? France,
and Germany, seem impossible to pass away with
out war; in a region too where war seems to be the
natural state of man.
Nor are we much at our ease here. The mischiefs
of bank papers, catastrophe of our commerce, sud
den and continued reduction of the nominal value
of property & produce, which has doubled and
trebled in fact the debts of those who owed any
thing, place us in a state of great depression. But
nothing disturbs us so much as the dissension lately
produced by what is called the Missouri question:
i So The Writings of [1820
a question having just enough of the semblance of
morality to throw dust into the eyes of the people,
& to fanaticise them; while with the knowing ones
it is simply a question of power. The Federalists,
unable to rise again under the old division of whig
and tory, have invented a geographical division
which gives them 14. states against 10. and seduces
their old opponents into a coalition with them.
Real morality is on the other side. For while the
removal of slaves from one state to another adds no
more to their numbers than their removal from one
country to another, the spreading them over a
larger surface adds to their happiness and renders
their future emancipation more practicable. 'v Mr.
Botta when he published his excellent history of
our revolution, was so kind as to send me a copy of
it, for which I immediately & before I had read it,
returned him my thanks. A careful perusal as soon
as I had time made me sensible of it's high value,
and anxious to get it translated & published. After
some time I engaged a very competent person to
undertake it, & lent him my copy. He proceeded
however very slowly, & had made little progress
when a Mr. Otis sent me a first volume of a transla
tion he had made, and lately a 2d, the 3d and last
being now in press. It is well done, and I am
anxious to send a copy to Mr. Botta, if I can find
the means. The ist difficulty is to keep it out of
the French post office, which would tax it beyond
it's value, and you know my situation among the
mountains of the country, & how little probable it
is that I should meet with a passenger going to
i82o] Thomas Jefferson 181
Paris. I will therefore address a copy thro' my
friend John Vaughan of Philadelphia and request
him to deliver it to some passenger from that place
to Paris. Would it be asking too great a favor of
you to mention this, with my great respect, to Mr.
Botta, supplying my inability to write?) And could
you even go further, should you at any time find
yourself in the bookshop of Messrs Debures and say
to them that I shall take care in the spring to
remit them the 3f8_4c0 balance of their last anovi,
which arrived safely, to which I shall add a further
call for some books.
Our family, all present at least, join in friendly
remembrances of you. Mr. Randolph is at present
our Governor, & of course at Richmond. He has
had the courage to propose to our legislature a plan
of general emancipation & deportation of our slaves.
Altho this is not ripe to be immediately acted on, it
will, with the Missouri question, force a serious at
tention to this object by our citizens, which the
vicinage of St. Domingo brings within the scope of
possibility. I salute you with constant & affec
tionate respect and attachment.
TO A. 0. V. 0. DESTUTT DE TRACY j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26, 20.
Long ill health, dear Sir, has brought me much
into default with my corresponding friends, and it's
sufferings have been augmented by the remorse re
sulting from this default. I learnt with pleasure
182 The Writings of [1820
from your last letter, and from a later one of M. de
la Fayette, that you were mending in health, and
particularly that your eye-sight was sensibly im
proved. I have to thank you for the copy of your
Commentary on Montesquieu accompanying your
letter, and a second thro Mr. Barnet. The world
ought to possess it in it's native language, which
cannot be compensated by any translation. This
edition published here is now exhausted, and the
copyright being near out, it will be reprinted with
a corrected translation. For altho the former was
one sent to me for revisal, sheet by sheet, yet the
original not being sent with them (for the printer
was 100. leagues distant) I could correct inaccuracies
of language only, and not inconformities of senti
ment with the original. The original MS. was re
turned to me afterwards, and I hold it as testimony
against the infidelities of Liege, or of another
country.
A second edition of your Economie Politique will
soon also be called for here, in which Milligan's error
on the freedom of your press will not be repeated.
When he first printed the Prospectus of that work,
the observation was true, as it was some time before
your original was published in Paris. But he was
so slow in getting it thro' the press that the original
appeared before his translation. He ought cer
tainly after that to have omitted or corrected his
prospectus. The knowledge however of your char
ter has corrected the error here, by it's sanction of
the freedom of the press, and the publication of the
work there, and still more that of the commentary
1820] Thomas Jefferson 183
on Montesquieu are a full vindication of the char
acter of the Charter. These two works will become
the Statesman's Manual, with us, and they certainly
shall be the elementary books of the political de
partment in our new University. This institution
of my native state, the Hobby of my old age, will
be based on the illimitable freedom of the human
mind, to explore and to expose every subject sus
ceptible of it's contemplation.
I still hold and duly value your little MS. entitled
Logique. Being too small to make a volume of
itself, I had it put into the hands of a very able
editor of a periodical publication which promised
to be valuable. It would have made a distinguished
article in that work; but it's continuance having
failed for want of the encouragement it merited, I
was disappointed in the hope of giving to the
world this compendious demonstration of the reality
& limits of human knolege. I am still on the
watch for a favorable opportunity of doing it. I
am not without the hope that the improvement in
your health may enable you still to compleat your
Encyclopedic Morale, by adding the volume which
was to treat of our sentiments and passions. This
would fill up our moral circle, and the measure of
our obligations to you.
We go with you all lengths in friendly affections
to the independance of S. America. But an im
mediate acknolegement of it calls up other con
siderations. We view Europe as covering at present
a smothered fire, which may shortly burst forth and
produce general conflagration. From this it is our
1 84 The Writings of [1820
duty to keep aloof. A formal acknolegement of the
independance of her colonies would involve us with
Spain certainly, and perhaps too with England, if
she thinks that a war would divert her internal
troubles. Such a war would hurt us more than it
would help our brethren of the South: and our
right may be doubted of mortgaging posterity for
the expences of a war in which they will have a
right to say their interests were not concerned. It
is incumbent on every generation to pay it's own
debts as it goes. A principle which, if acted on,
would save one half the wars of the world; and
justifies I think our present circumspection. In
the meantime we receive & protect the flag of S.
America in it's commercial intercourse with us, in
the acknoleged principles of neutrality between two
belligerant parties in a civil war: and if we should
not be the first, we shall certainly be the second
nation in acknoleging the entire independance of our
new friends. What that independance will end in,
I fear is problematical. Whether in wise govern
ment or military despotisms. But prepared how
ever, or not, for self-government, if it is their will to
make the trial, it is our duty and desire to wish it
cordially success, and of ultimate success there can
be no doubt, and that it will richly repay all inter
mediate sufferings. Of this your country, as well
as ours, furnishes living examples. With the ex
pression of hopes for them, accept my prayers for
the perfect restoration of your health, & it's con
tinuance thro' a life as long as you shall wish it.
i82o] Thomas Jefferson 185
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 26, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — "It is said to be an ill wind which
blows favorably to no one." My health has long
suspended the too frequent troubles I have here
tofore given you with my European correspondence.
To this is added a stiffening wrist, — the effects of
age on an ancient dislocation, — which renders writ
ing slow and painful, and disables me nearly from
all correspondence, and may very possibly make
this the last trouble I shall give you in that way.
Looking from our quarter of the world over the
horizon of yours, we imagine we see storms gather
ing which may again desolate the face of that
country. So many revolutions going on in different
countries at the same time, such combinations of
tyranny and military preparations and movements
to suppress them, England and France unsafe from
internal conflict, Germany on the first favorable oc
casion ripe for insurrection, such a state of things,
we suppose, must end in war, which needs a kind
ling spark in one spot only to spread over the
whole. Your information can correct these views,
which are stated only to inform you of impressions
here.
At home things are not well. The flood of paper
money, as you well know, had produced an ex
aggeration of nominal prices, and at the same time
a facility of obtaining money, which not only en
couraged speculations on fictitious capital, but se
duced those of real capital, even in private life, to
contract debts too freely. Had things continued in
1 86 The Writings of [1820
the same course, these might have been managable :
but the operations of the United States Bank for the
demolition of the States banks obliged these sud
denly to call in more than half their paper, crushed
all fictitious and doubtful capital, and reduced the
prices of property and produce suddenly to one -third
of what they had been. Wheat, for example, at the
distance of two or three days from market, fell to, and
continued at, from one-third to half a dollar. Should
it be stationary at this for a while, a very general
revolution of property must take place. Some
thing of the same character has taken place in our
fiscal system. A little while back, Congress seemed
at a loss for objects whereon to squander the sup
posed fathomless fund of our Treasury. This short
frenzy has been arrested by a deficit of 5 millions the
last year and of 7 millions this year. A loan was
adopted for the former and is proposed for the
latter, which threatens to saddle us with a per
petual debt. I hope a tax will be preferred, because
it will awaken the attention of the people and make
reformation and economy the principles of the next
election. The frequent recurrence of this chasten
ing operation can alone restrain the propensity of
governments to enlarge expense beyond income.
The steady tenor of the courts of the United States
to break down the constitutional barriers between
the co-ordinate powers of the States and of the
Union, and a formal opinion lately given by five
lawyers of too much eminence, to be neglected, give
uneasiness. But nothing has ever presented so
threatening an aspect as what is called the Missouri
1820] Thomas Jefferson 187
question. The Federalists, completely put down
and despairing of ever rising again under the old
divisions of Whig and Tory, devised a new one of
slave -holding and non -slave-holding States, which,
while it had a semblance of being moral, was at the
same time geographical, and calculated to give them
ascendency by debauching their old opponents to a
coalition with them. Moral the question certainly
is not, because the removal of slaves from one State
to another, no more than their removal from one
country to another, would never make a slave of
one human being who would not be so without it.
Indeed, if there were any morality in the question
it is on the other side; because by spreading them
over a larger surface their happiness would be in
creased, and burden of their future liberation
lightened by bringing a greater number of shoulders
under it. However, it served to throw dust into the
eyes of the people and to fanaticize them, while to
the knowing ones it gave a geographical and pre
ponderant line of the Potomac and Ohio, throwing
fourteen States to the North and East, and ten to
the South and West. With these, therefore, it is
merely a question of power; but with this geo
graphical minority it is a question of existence.
For if Congress once goes out of the Constitution
to arrogate a right of regulating the condition of
the inhabitants of the States, its majority may, and
probably will, next declare that the condition of all
men within the United States shall be that of free
dom; in which case all the whites south of the
Potomac and Ohio must evacuate their States, and
i88 The Writings of [1820
most fortunate those who can do it first. And so
far this crisis seems to be advancing. The Missouri
constitution is recently rejected by the House of
Representatives ; what will be their next step is yet
to be seen. If accepted on the condition that
Missouri shall expunge from it the prohibition of
free people of color from emigration to their State,
it will be expunged, and all will be quieted until the
advance of some new State, shall present the ques
tion again. If rejected unconditionally, Missouri
assumes independent self-government, and Con
gress, after pouting awhile, must receive them on
the footing of the original States. Should the
Representatives propose force, i, the Senate will
not concur; 2, were they to concur, there would be
a secession of the members south of the line, and
probably of the three Northwestern States, who,
however inclined to the other side, would scarcely
separate from those who would hold the Mississippi
from its mouth to its source. What next? Con
jecture itself is at a loss. But whatever it shall be
you will hear from others and from the newspapers ;
and finally the whole will depend on Pennsylvania.
While she and Virginia hold together, the Atlantic
States can never separate. Unfortunately, in the
present case she has become more fanatisized than
any other State. However useful where you are,
I wish you were with them. You might turn the
scale there, which would turn it for the whole.
Should this scission take place, one of the most
deplorable consequences would be its discourage
ment of the efforts of the European nations in the
1820] Thomas Jefferson 189
regeneration of their oppressive and cannibal govern
ments. Amidst this prospect of evil I am glad to
see one good effect. It has brought the necessity
of some plan of general emancipation and deporta
tion more home to the minds of our people than it
has ever been before, insomuch that our governor
has ventured to propose one to the Legislature.
This will probably not be acted on at this time, nor
would it be effectual; for, while it proposes to de
vote to that object one-third of the revenue of the
State, it would not reach one-tenth of the annual
increase. My proposition would be that the holders
should give up all born after a certain day, past,
present, or to come; that these should be placed
under the guardianship of the State, and sent at a
proper age to St. Domingo. They are willing to
receive them, and the shortness of the passage
brings the deportation within the possible means of
taxation, aided by charitable contributions. In
these I think Europe, which has forced this evil on
us, and the Eastern States, who have been its chief
instruments of importation, would be bound to give
largely. But the proceeds of the land office, if
appropriate to this, would be quite sufficient. God
bless you, and preserve you multos anos.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 26, 1820.
It is long, indeed, my very dear friend, since I have
been able to address a letter to you. For more than
two years my health has been so entirely prostrate,
1 90 The Writings of [1820
that I have, of necessity, intermitted all correspond
ence. The dislocated wrist, too, which perhaps you
may recollect, has now become so stiff from the
effects of age, that writing is become a slow and
painful operation, and scarcely ever undertaken but
under the goad of imperious business. In the mean
time your country has been going on less well than I
had hoped. But it will go on. The light which has
been shed on the mind of man through the civilized
world, has given it a new direction, from which no
human power can divert it. The sovereigns of Eu
rope who are wise, or have wise counsellors, see this,
and bend to the breese which blows; the unwise
alone stiffen and meet its inevitable crush. The vol
canic rumblings in the bowels of Europe, from north
to south, seem to threaten a general explosion, and
the march of armies into Italy cannot end in a simple
march. The disease of liberty is catching; those
armies will take it in the south, carry it thence to
their own country, spread there the infection of
revolution and representative government, and raise
its people from the prone condition of brutes to the
erect altitude of man. Some fear our envelopment
in the wars engendering from the unsettled state of
our affairs with Spain, and therefore are anxious for
a ratification of our treaty with her. I fear no such
thing, and hope that if ratified by Spain it will be re
jected here. We may justly say to Spain, "when
this negotiation commenced, twenty years ago, your
authority was acknowledged by those you are selling
to us. That authority is now renounced, and their
right of self -disposal asserted. In buying them from
1820] Thomas Jefferson 191
you, then, we buy but a war-title, a right to subdue
them, which you can neither convey nor we acquire.
This is a family quarrel in which we have no right to
meddle. Settle it between yourselves, and we will
then treat with the party whose right is acknow
ledged." With whom that will be, no doubt can be
entertained. And why should we revolt them by
purchasing them as cattle, rather than receiving
them as fellow -men? Spain has held off until she
sees they are lost to her, and now thinks it better to
get something than nothing for them. When she
shall see South America equally desperate, she will
be wise to sell that also.
With us things are going on well. The boisterous
sea of liberty indeed is never without a wave, and
that from Missouri is now rolling towards us, but we
shall ride over it as we have over all others. It is
not a moral question, but one merely of power. Its
object is to raise a geographical principle for the
choice of a president, and the noise will be kept up
till that is effected. All know that permitting the
slaves of the south to spread into the west will not
add one being to that unfortunate condition, that it
will increase the happiness of those existing, and by
spreading them over a larger surface, will dilute the
evil everywhere, and facilitate the means of getting
finally rid of it, an event more anxiously wished
by those on whom it presses than by the noisy
pretenders to exclusive humanity. In the mean
time, it is a ladder for rivals climbing to power. * * *
i92 The Writings of [1821
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 13, 21.
DEAR SIR, — I return you Mr. Coxe's letter without
saying I have read it. I made out enough to see that
it was about the Missouri question, and the printed
papers told me on which side he was. Could I have
devoted a day to it, by interlining the words as I
could pick them out, I might have got at more.
The lost books of Livy or Tacitus might be worth
this. Our friend would do well to write less and
write plainer.
I am sorry to hear of the situation of your family,
and the more so as that species of fever is dangerous
in the hands of our medical boys. I am not a
physician & still less a quack but I may relate a fact.
While I was at Paris, both my daughters were taken
with what we formerly called a nervous fever, now
a typhus, distinguished very certainly by a thread
like pulse, low, quick and every now and then
fluttering. Dr. Gem, an English physician, old, &
of great experience, & certainly the ablest I ever met
with, attended them. The one was about 5. or 6.
weeks ill, the other 10. years old was 8. or ten weeks.
He never gave them a single dose of physic. He
told me it was a disease which tended with certainty
to wear itself off, but so slowly that the strength of
the patient might first fail if not kept up. That
this alone was the object to be attended to by
nourishment and stimulus. He forced them to
eat a cup of rice, or panada, or gruel, or of some
of the farinaceous substances of easy digestion
every 2. hours and to drink a glass of Madeira. The
1821] Thomas Jefferson 193
youngest took a pint of Madeira a day without feel
ing it, and that for many weeks. For costiveness,
injections were used ; and he observed that a single
dose of medicine taken into the stomach and con
suming any of the strength of the patient was often
fatal. He was attending a grandson of Mme. Hel-
vetius, of 10 years old, at the same time, & under the
same disease. The boy got so low that the old lady
became alarmed and wished to call in another
physician for consultation. Gem consented, that
physician gave a gentle purgative, but it exhausted
what remained of strength, and the patient expired
in a few hours.
I have had this fever in my family 3. or 4. times
since I have lived at home, and have carried be
tween 20. & 30. patients thro' it without losing a
single one, by a rigorous observance of Dr. Gem's
plan and principle. Instead of Madeira I have
used toddy of French brandy about as strong as
Madeira. Brown preferred this stimulus to Ma
deira. I rarely had a case, if taken in hand early,
to last above i. 2. or 3. weeks, except a single one
of 7. weeks, in whom when I thought him near his
last, I discovered a change in his pulse to regularity,
and in 12. hours he was out of danger. I vouch for
these facts only, not for their theory. You may on
their authority, think it expedient to try a single
case before it has shewn signs of danger.
On the portentous question before Congress, I
think our Holy Alliance will find themselves so
embarrassed with the difficulties presented to them
as to find their solution only in yielding to Missouri
VOL. XII. 13.
194 The Writings of [1821
her entrance on the same footing with the other
states, that is to say with the right to admit or
exclude slaves at her own discretion. Ever & affec
tionately yours.
P. S. I should have observed that the same ty
phus fever prevailed in my neighborhood at the
same times as in my family, and that it was very
fatal in the hands of our Philadelphia Tyros.
TO FRANCIS EPPES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 19, 1821.
DEAR FRANCIS, — Your letter of the ist came safely
to hand. I am sorry you have lost Mr. Elliot, how
ever the kindness of Dr. Cooper will be able to keep
you in the track of what is worthy of your time.
You ask my opinion of Lord Bolingbroke and
Thomas Paine. They are alike in making bitter
enemies of the priests and pharisees of their day.
Both were honest men; both advocates for human
liberty. Paine wrote for a country which permitted
him to push his reasoning to whatever length it
would go. Lord Bolingbroke in one restrained by a
constitution, and by public opinion. He was called
indeed a tory ; but his writings prove him a stronger
advocate for liberty than any of his countrymen,
the whigs of the present day. Irritated by his exile,
he committed one act unworthy of him, in connect
ing himself momentarily with a prince rejected by
his country. But he redeemed that single act by
his establishment of the principles which proved it
1821] Thomas Jefferson 195
to be wrong. These two persons differed remark
ably in the style of their writing, each leaving a
model of what is most perfect in both extremes of
the simple and the sublime. No writer has ex
ceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in
perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation,
and in simple and unassuming language. In this
he may be compared with Dr. Franklin ; and indeed
his Common Sense was, for awhile, believed to have
been written by Dr. Franklin, and published under
the borrowed name of Paine, who had come over
with him from England. Lord Bolingbroke's, on
the other hand, is a style of the highest order.
The lofty, rhythmical, full-flowing eloquence of
Cicero. Periods of just measure, their members
proportioned, their close full and round. His con
ceptions, too, are bold and strong, his diction
copious, polished and commanding as his subject.
His writings are certainly the finest samples in the
English language, of the eloquence proper for the
Senate. His political tracts are safe reading for
the most timid religionist, his philosophical, for those
who are not afraid to trust their reason with dis
cussions of right and wrong.
You have asked my opinion of these persons, and,
to you, I have given it freely. But, remember, that
I am old, that I wish not to make new enemies, nor
to give offence to those who would consider a
difference of opinion as sufficient ground for un
friendly dispositions. God bless you, and make
you what I wish you to be.
196 The Writings of [1821
TO ARCHIBALD THWEAT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 19, 1821.
DEAR SIR, — I duly received your favor of the
nth, covering Judge Roane's letter, which I now
return. Of the kindness of his sentiments expressed
towards myself I am highly sensible; and could I
believe that my public services had merited the ap
probation he so indulgently bestows, the satisfaction
I should derive from it would be reward enough to
his wish that I would take a part in the transactions
of the present day. I am sensible of my incom
petence. For first, I know little about them, having
long withdrawn my attention from public affairs,
and resigned myself with folded arms to the care of
those who are to care for us all. And, next, the
hand of time pressing heavily on me, in mind as well
as body, leaves to neither sufficient energy to engage
in public contentions. I am sensible of the inroads
daily making by the federal, into the jurisdiction of
its co-ordinate associates, the State govemments.
The legislative and executive branches may some
times err, but elections and dependence will bring
them to rights. The judiciary branch is the in
strument which, working Tike~~^rccvity, rwithout in-
termission JiSLtopress us at last into one consolidated
mass. Against this I know no one who, equally
with Judge Roane himself, possesses the power and
the courage to make resistance; and to him I look,
and have long looked, as our strongest bulwark. If
Congress fails to shield the States from dangers so
palpable and so imminent, the States must shield
themselves, and meet the invader foot to foot.
1821] Thomas Jefferson 197
This is already half done by Colonel Taylor's book;
because a conviction that we are right accomplishes
half the difficulty of correcting wrong. This book
is the most effectual retraction of our government
to its original principles which has ever yet been
sent by heaven to our aid. Every State in the
Union should give a copy to every member they
elect, as a standing instruction, and ours should
set the example. Accept with Mrs. Thweat the
assurance of my affectionate and respectful attach
ment.1
1 Jefferson again wrote to Thweat :
*' MONTICELLO, Dec. 24, 21.
" DEAR SIR, — I have duly received your two favors of Nov. 6. &
Dec. 13. requesting me to consent to the publication of my opinion
on the encroachments of the judiciary of the U.S. expressed in a
former letter to you, but my dear Sir, there is a time for things; for
advancing and for retiring; for a Sabbath of rest as well as for days
of labor, and surely that Sabbath has arrived for one near entering
on his Both year. Tranquility is the summum bonum of that age. I
wish now for quiet, to withdraw from the broils of the world, to
soothe enmities and to die in the peace and good will of all mankind.
The thing too which you request has been done in substance. In the
extract of a letter, published with my consent, recommending Colo.
Taylor's book, and in a letter to a Mr. Jarvis, who wrote and sent me
a book entitled the Republican, in which letter, I formally combated
his heretical doctrine that the judiciary is the ultimate expounder
and arbiter of all constitutional questions. You are not aware of the
inveterate hatred still rankling in the hearts of some of our old tories.
I received the last summer a 4th of July oration from the son of a
deceased friend. In my answer I commended it's principles in
moderate and inoffensive terms, expressing at the same time my
affections for his father. He published my letter, and it drew on me
torrents of abuse, from particular tory papers, in the revived spirit
of 96. and 1800. Their columns were filled with Billingsgate against
me, for several months. No, my dear friend, permit me at length to
retire from the angry passions of mankind and to pass in undis
turbed repose the few days remaining to me of life. They will surely
be past in sentiments of sincere esteem and respect for yourself, and
affectionate attachment to Mrs. Thweat."
198 The Writings of [1821
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 22, 1821.
I was quite rejoiced, dear Sir, to see that you had
health and spirits enough to take part in the late con
vention of your State, for revising its constitution,
and to bear your share in its debates and labors.
The amendments of which we have as yet heard,
prove the advance of liberalism in the intervening
period ; and encourage a hope that the human mind
will some day get back to the freedom it enjoyed two
thousand years ago. This country, which has given
to the world the example of physical liberty, owes to
it that of moral emancipation also, for as yet it is but
nominal with us. The inquisition of public opinion
overwhelms in practice, the freedom asserted by the
laws in theory.
Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated
in the question, what does the Holy Alliance in and
out of Congress mean to do with us on the Missouri
question ? And this, by-the-bye, is but the name of
the case, it is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of
the ejectment. The real question, as seen in the
States afflicted with this unfortunate population, is,
are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a
dagger? For if Congress has the power to regulate
the conditions of the inhabitants of the States,
within the States, it will be but another exercise of
that power, to declare that all shall be free. Are we
then to see again Athenian and Lacedemonian con
federacies? To wage another Peloponnesian war to
settle the ascendency between them? Or is this the
tocsin of merely a servile war? That remains to be
1821] Thomas Jefferson 199
seen ; but not, I hope, by you or me. Surely, they
will parley awhile, and give us time to get out of the
way. What a Bedlamite is man? But let us turn
from our own uneasiness to the miseries of our
southern friends. Bolivar and Morillo, it seems,
have come to the parley, with dispositions at length
to stop the useless effusion of human blood in that
quarter. I feared from the beginning, that these
people were not yet sufficiently enlightened for self-
government; and that after wading through blood
and slaughter, they would end in military tyrannies,
more or less numerous. Yet as they wished to try
the experiment, I wished them success in it; they
have now tried it, and will possibly find that their
safest road will be an accommodation with the
mother country, which shall hold them together by
the single link of the same chief magistrate, leaving
to him power enough to keep them in peace with one
another, and to themselves the essential power of
self-government and self-improvement, until they
shall be sufficiently trained by education and habits
of freedom, to walk safely by themselves. Repre
sentative government, native functionaries, a qual
ified negative on their laws, with a previous security
by compact for freedom of commerce, freedom of
the press, habeas corpus and trial by jury, would
make a good beginning. This last would be the
school in which their people might begin to learn
the exercise of civil duties as well as rights. For
freedom of religion they are not yet prepared. The
scales of bigotry have not sufficiently fallen from
their eyes, to accept it for themselves individually.
200 The Writings of [1821
much less to trust others with it. But that will
come in time, as well as a general ripeness to break
entirely from the parent stem. You see, my dear
Sir, how easily we prescribe for others a cure for
their difficulties, while we cannot cure our own. We
must leave both, I believe, to heaven, and wrap our
selves up in the mantle of resignation, and of that
friendship of which I tender to you the most sincere
assurances.
TO GEORGE A. OTIS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Feb. 15. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I have just now received your favor
of Jan. 30. and confirm, by my belief, Mr. Jay's
criticism on the passages quoted from Botta. I can
answer for it's truth from this state southwardly
and Northwardly, I believe, to New York, for which
state Mr. Jay is himself a competent witness. What,
Eastward of that, might be the dispositions towards
England before the commencement of hostilities I
know not. Before that I never had heard a whisper
of disposition to separate from Great Britain. And
after that, it's possibility was contemplated with
affliction by all. Writing is so slow and painful to
me that I cannot go into details, but must refer you
to Girardin's history of Virginia pa. 134. and Ap
pendix No. 12, where you will find some evidence of
what the sentiment was at the moment, and given
at the moment. I salute you with great esteem &
respect.
1821] Thomas Jefferson 201
TO JUDGE SPENCER ROANE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 9, 1821.
DEAR SIR, — I am indebted for your favor of
February 25th, and especially for your friendly in
dulgence to my excuses for retiring from the polemi
cal world. I should not shrink from the post of
duty, had not the decays of nature withdrawn me
from the list of combatants. Great decline in the
energies of the body import naturally a correspond
ing wane of the mind, and a longing after tranquillity
as the last and sweetest asylum of age. It is a law
of nature that the generations of men should give
way, one to another, and I hope that the one now
on the stage will preserve for their sons the political
blessings delivered into their hands by their fathers.
Time indeed changes manners and notions, and so
far we must expect institutions to bend to them.
But time produces also corruption of principles, and
against this it is the duty of good citizens to be ever
on the watch, and if the gangrene is to prevail at
last, let the day be kept off as long as possible. We
see already germs of this, as might be expected.
But we are not the less bound to press against them.
The multiplication of public offices, increase of ex
pense beyond income, growth and entailment of a
public debt, are indications soliciting the employ
ment of the pruning-knif e ; and I doubt not it will
be employed ; good principles being as yet prevalent
enough for that.
The great object of my fear is the federal judiciary.
That body, like gravity, ever acting, with noiseless
foot, and unalarming advance, gaining ground step
202 The Writings of [1821
by step, and holding what it gains, is ingulphing
insidiously the special governments into the jaws of
that which feeds them. The recent recall to first
principles, however, by Colonel Taylor, by yourself,
and now by Alexander Smith, will, I hope, be heard
and obeyed, and that a temporary check will be
effected. Yet be not weary of well doing. Let the
eye of vigilance never be closed.
Last and most portentous of all is the Missouri
question. It is smeared over for the present; but
its geographical demarcation is indelible. What it
is to become, I see not ; and leave to those who will
live to see it. The University will give employment
to my remaining years, and quite enough for my
senile faculties. It is the last act of usefulness I
can render, and could I see it open I would not ask
an hour more of life. To you I hope many will still
be given ; and, certain they will all be employed for
the good of our beloved country, I salute you with
sentiments of especial friendship and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Judge Roane :
" MONTICELLO, June 27, 1821.
"DEAR SIR, — I have received through the hands of the Governor,
Colonel Taylor's letter to you. It is with extreme reluctance that I
permit myself to usurp the office of an adviser of the public, what
books they should read, and what not. I yield, however, on this
occasion to your wish and that of Colonel Taylor, and do what (with
a single exception only) I never did before, on the many similar ap
plications made to me. On reviewing my letters to Colonel Taylor
and to Mr. Thweat, neither appeared exactly proper. Each contained
matter which might give offence to the judges, without adding strength
to the opinion. I have, therefore, out of the two, cooked up what may
be called 'an extract of a letter from Th: J. to ;' but without
saying it is published with my consent. That would forever deprive
me of the ground of declining the office of a Reviewer of books in
future cases. I sincerely wish the attention of the public may be
1821] Thomas Jefferson 203
TO SAMUEL H. SMITH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. 12. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your favor of the
5th and now inclose for Mr. Barton a letter of
drawn to the doctrines of the book; and if this self-styled extract
may contribute to it, I shall be gratified. I salute you with constant
friendship and respect."
The "cooked up" commendation was:
"EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM TH: JEFFERSON TO .
"I have read Colonel Taylor's book of Constructions Construed, with
great satisfaction, and, I will say, with edification; for I acknowledge
it corrected some errors of opinion into which I had slidden without
sufficient examination. It is the most logical retraction of our
governments to the original and true principles of the constitution
creating them, which has appeared since the adoption of that instru
ment. I may not perhaps concur in all its opinions, great and small;
for no two men ever thought alike on so many points. But on all
its important questions, it contains the true political faith, to which
every catholic republican should steadfastly hold. It should be put
into the hands of all our functionaries, authoritatively, as a standing
instruction, and true exposition of our Constitution, as understood at
the time we agreed to it. It is a fatal heresy to suppose that either
our State governments are superior to the federal, or the federal to
the States. The people, to whom all authority belongs, have divided
the powers of government into two distinct departments, the leading
characters of which are foreign and domestic; and they have ap
pointed for each a distinct set of functionaries. These they have
made co-ordinate, checking and balancing each other, like the three
cardinal departments in the individual States: each equally supreme
as to the powers delegated to itself, and neither authorized ultimately
to decide what belongs to itself, or to its coparcener in government.
As independent, in fact, as different nations, a spirit of forbearance
and compromise, therefore, and not of encroachment and usurpation,
is the healing balm of such a constitution; and each party should
prudently shrink from all approach to the line of demarcation, in
stead of rashly overleaping it, or throwing grapples ahead to haul
to hereafter. But, finally, the peculiar happiness of our blessed
system is, that in differences of opinion between these different sets
of servants, the appeal is to neither, but to their employers peaceably
assembled by their representatives in Convention. This is more
rational than the jus fortioris, or the cannon's mouth, the ultima et
sola ratio re gum."
2O4 The Writings of [1821
introduction to M. de la Fayette, the only personal
acquaintance I have, now living in France.
On politics I can say little to you, having with
drawn all attention to them from the day of my re
tirement. My confidence in both my successors has
been so entire, that assured that all was going on for
the best under their care I have not enquired what
was going on. I am sorry to see our expences
greater than our income. Debt & revolution are
inseparable as cause and effect. It is the point of
peculiar sensibility in our people, and one which
they will not long endure. Parties will be arrayed
on the principle of reformation, and there can be no
doubt which will be the strongest. It would do
some good if it would obliterate the geographical
division which threatened and still threatens our
separation. This last is a most fatal of all divisions
as no minority will submit to be governed by a
majority acting merely on a geographical principle.
It has ever been my creed that the continuance of
our union depends entirely on Pennsylve & Virginia,
if they hold together nothing North or South will fly
off. I firmly believe all the governments of Europe
will become representative. The very troops sent
to quell the spirit of reformn. in Naples will catch
the fever & carry it back to their own country. We
owe to all mankind the sacrifice of those morbid
passions which would break our confederacy, the
only anchor to which the hopes of the world are
moored. Our thoughts and conversations are often
turned to Mrs. Smith & yourself, and always affec
tionately. In these sentiments the family now
1821] Thomas Jefferson 205
joins me, and in tendering to you our affectionate
souvenirs.
TO HENRY DEARBORN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, AugUSt 17, 1 82 1.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 8th came to hand
yesterday evening. I hope you will never suppose
your letters to be among those which are trouble
some to me. They are always welcome, and it is
among my great comforts to hear from my ancient
colleagues, and to know that they are well. The
affectionate recollection of Mrs. Dearborne, cherished
by our family, will ever render her health and hap
piness interesting to them. You are so far astern
of Mr. Adams and myself, that you must not yet
talk of old age. I am happy to hear of his good
health. I think he will outlive us all, I mean the
Declaration-men, although our senior since the
death of Colonel Floyd. It is a race in which I have
no ambition to win. Man, like the fruit he eats, has
his period of ripeness. Like that, too, if he con
tinues longer hanging to the stem, it is but an useless
and unsightly appendage. I rejoice with you that
the State of Missouri is at length a member of our
Union. Whether the question it excited is dead,
or only sleepeth, I do not know. I see only that it
has given resurrection to the Hartford convention
men. They have had the address, by playing on
the honest feelings of our former friends, to se
duce them from their kindred spirits, and to borrow
their weight into the federal scale. Desperate of
206 The Writings of [1821
regaining power under political distinctions, they
have adroitly wriggled into its seat under the au
spices of morality, and are again in the ascendency
from which their sins had hurled them. It is in
deed of little consequence who governs us, if they
sincerely and zealously cherish the principles of
union and republicanism.
I still believe that the Western extension of our
confederacy will ensure its duration, by overruling
local factions, which might shake a smaller asso
ciation. But whatever may be the merit or demerit
of that acquisition, I divide it with my colleagues,
to whose counsels I was indebted for a course of
administration which, notwithstanding this late co
alition of clay and brass, will, I hope, continue to
receive the approbation of our country.
The portrait by Stewart was received in due time
and good order, and claims, for this difficult acquisi
tion, the thanks of the family, who join me in
affectionate souvenirs of Mrs. Dearborne and your
self. My particular salutations to both flow, as
ever, from the heart, continual and warm.
TO NATHANIEL MACON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Aug. IQ. 21.
DEAR SIR, — You have probably seen in the news
papers a letter of mine recommending Colo. Taylor's
book to the notice of our fellow-citizens. I am
pelted for it in print, and in letters, also complaining
1821] Thomas Jefferson 207
of the unfair use made of it by certain commenta
tors. For this misuse I cannot be responsible.
But I inclose to you my answer to one of these letters
and place it in your hands as the Depository of old
& sound principles and as a record of my protest
against this parricide tribunal. There are two
measures which if not taken, we are undone, ist.
to check these unconstitutional invasions of state
rights by the federal judiciary. How? not by im
peachment in the first instance, but by a strong
protestation of both houses of Congress that such
and such doctrines, advanced by the supreme
court, are contrary to the constitution: and if
afterwards they relapse into the same heresies, im
peach and set the whole adrift. For what was the
government divided into three branches, but that
each should watch over the others, and oppose their
usurpations? 2. To cease borrowing money & to
pay off the national debt. If this cannot be done
without dismissing the army & putting the ships out
of commission, haul them up high and dry, and re
duce the army to the lowest point at which it was
ever established. There does not exist an engine
so corruptive of the government and so demoraliz
ing of the nation as a public debt. It will bring on
us more ruin at home than all the enemies from
abroad against whom this army and navy are to
protect us. What interest have we in keeping
ships in service in the Pacific Ocean ? To protect a
few speculative adventurers in a commerce dealing
in nothing in which we have an interest. As if the
Atlantic & Mediterranean were not large enough for
2o8 The Writings of [1821
American capital! As if commerce and not agri
culture was the principle of our association! God
bless you & long continue your wholesome influence
in the public councils.1
1 In reply to a question from Macon concerning this letter, Jefferson
wrote to him:
" BUCKSPRING, Oct. 20, '21.
" Absence at an occasional but distant residence prevented my re
ceiving your friendly letter of Oct. 20. [sic] till 3. d. ago. A line from
good old friends is like balm to my soul. You ask me what you are to
do with my letter of Sep. [sic] 19. I wrote it, my dear Sir, with no other
view than to pour my thoughts into your bosom. I knew they would
be safe there, and I believed they would be welcome, but if you think,
as you say, that 'good would be done by shewing it to a few well tried
friends' I have no objectn to that. But ultimately you cannot do
better than to throw it into the fire. My confidence, as you kindly
observed, has been often abused by the publication of my Itres for
the purposes of interest or vanity; and it has been to me the source
of much pain to be exhibited before the public in forms not meant
for them. I receive Ires expressed in the most frdly & even affection
ate terms, sometimes perhaps asking my opn on some subject. I
cannot refuse to answer such letters, nor can I do it dryly & sus
piciously. Among a score or two of such correspdts, one perhaps
betrays me. I feel it mortifyingly, but conclude I had better incur
one treachery than offend a score or two of good people. I sometimes
expressly desire that my letters may not be publd, but this is so like
requesting a man not to steal or cheat that I am ashamed of it after
I have done it.
" Our govmt is now taking so steady a course as to shew by what road
it will pass to destruction, to wit, by consolidn first, & then corruption,
it's necessary consequence. The engine of consolidn will be the Fedl
judiciary, the two other branches the corrupted & corrupting in
struments. I fear an explosion in our state legislature, I wish they
may confine themselves to a strong but pacific temper. Protestn
Virge is not at present in favr with her co-states. An opposn headed
by her would determine all the anti-Missouri states to take the con
trary side. She had better lie by therefore until the shoe shall pinch
an Eastern state. Let the cry be first raised from that quarter & we
may fall into it with effect. But I fear our Eastern associates wish
for consolidn, in which they would be joined by the smaller states
generally, but with a foot in the grave I have no right to meddle with
these things. Ever & affectly."
1821] Thomas Jefferson 209
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Sep. 16. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I have no doubt you have occasion
ally been led to reflect on the character of the duty
imposed by Congress on the importation of books.
Some few years ago, when the tariff was before
Congress, I engaged some of our members of Con
gress to endeavour to get the duty repealed and
wrote on the subject to some other acquaintances
in Congress, and pressingly to the Secretary of the
treasury. The effort was made by some members
with zeal and earnestness, but it failed. The
northern colleges are now proposing to make a
combined effort for that purpose as you will see
by the inclosed extract of a letter from Mr. Ticknor
asking the co-operation of the Southern and Western
institutions, & of our university particularly. Mr.
Ticknor goes so ably into all the considerations
justifying this step, that nothing need be added
here, & especially to you; and we have only to
answer his questions, whether we think with them
on the subject of the tax? What should be the
extent of the relaxation solicited? What mode of
proceeding we think best? And whether we will
co-operate in our visitatorial character? I must
earnestly request your thoughts on these questions,
fearful of answering them unadvisedly, and on my
own opinions alone.
I think that another measure, auxiliary to that
of petitioning might be employed with great effect.
That is for the several institutions, in their corporate
capacities, to address letters to their representatives
VOL. XII. — 14.
210 The Writings of [1821
in both houses of Congress, recommending the
proposition to their advocation. Such a recom
mendation would certainly be respected, and might
excite to activity those who might otherwise be
indifferent and inactive and in this way a great
vote, perhaps a majority might be obtained. There
is a consideration going to the injustice of the tax
which might be added to those noticed by Mr.
Ticknor. Books constitute capital. A library book
lasts as long as a house, for hundreds of years. It
is not then an article of mere consumption but
fairly of capital, and often in the case of professional
men, setting out in life it is their only capital.
Now there is no other form of capital which is first
taxed 1 8. per cent on the gross, and the proprietor
then left to pay the same taxes in detail with others
whose capital has paid no tax on the gross. Nor
is there a description of men less proper to be
singled out for extra taxation. Mr. Ticknor, you
observe, asks a prompt answer, and I must ask it
from you for the additional reason that within about
a week, I set out for Bedford to remain there till the
approach of winter. Be so good as to return me
also the inclosed extract and be assured of my con
stant & affectionate friendship.
1821] Thomas Jefferson 2 1 1
TO MRS. ELIZABETH PAGE '
[NEE MISS NELSON.]
MONTICELLO, Dec. 8, '21.
It would give me infinite pleasure, dear Madam,
could I have afforded you the information requested
in your favor of the 2yth of Nov. respecting the
sacrifices of property to the relief of his country
made by the virtuous General Nelson, your father,
while in office during the war of the revolution. I
retired from the administration of the government
in May 1781. Until that time the paper money,
altho' it had been gradually depreciating from an
early period, yet served the purposes of obtaining
supplies, and was issued, as wanted, by the legisla
ture. Consequently until that period there had
been no occasion for advances of money in aid of
the public, by any private individual. I was suc
ceeded as governor by Genl. Nelson. Within his
period the credit of the money went rapidly down
to nothing, and ceased to be offered or received.
At this time came on the Northern & French armies,
and to enable these to keep the field during the
siege of York was probably the occasion which led
the General to take on himself responsibilities for
which the public credit might not perhaps be
sufficient. I was entirely withdrawn from public
affairs, being confined at home, first for many
months by a severe domestic loss, until I was sent
to Congress and thence to Europe, from whence I
did not return until some time after the death of
1 From the original in the possession of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet
of New York.
212 The Writings of [1821
the worthy General. I then first heard mention of
his losses by responsibilities for the public: and
knowing his zeal, liberality & patriotism, I readily
credited what I heard, altho' I knew nothing of
the particulars or of their extent.
It would have been a matter of great satisfaction
to me, could I by any knowledge of facts have con
tributed to obtain a just remuneration and relief
for his family, and particularly for Mrs. Nelson,
whose singular worth and goodness I have intim
ately known now more than half a century and
whose name revives in my mind the affectionate
recollections of my youth. With my regrets at
this unprofitable appeal, be so kind as to tender her
assurances of my continued and devoted respect,
and to accept yourself those of my highest esteem
and regard.
TO THE REV. MR. HATCH '
MONTICELLO, Dec. 8. 21.
DEAR SIR, — In the antient Feudal times of our
good old forefathers when the Seigneur married his
daughter, or knighted his son, it was the usage for
his vassals to give him a year's rent extra in the
name of an Aid. I think it as reasonable when our
Pastor builds a house, that each of his flock should
give him an Aid of a year's contribution. I inclose
mine as a tribute of Justice, which of itself indeed
is nothing, but as an example, if followed, may
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. F. G. Burnham of
Momstown, New Jersey.
1821] Thomas Jefferson 213
become something. In any event be pleased to ac
cept it as an offering of duty, & a testimony of
my friendly attachment and high respect.
TO JAMES PLEASANTS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I learn with real regret from your
favor of the roth the several circumstances which
have deprived me of the pleasure of seeing, either
here or at Poplar Forest, a relation whom I have
long been taught to esteem, altho I have not the
advantage of his personal acquaintance. I must
find my consolation in the French adage that tout
ce qui est differe n'est pas perdu, assuring you that
no visit will be received with more welcome. My
hope too of a reiteration of effort is strengthened by
the presumed additional excitement of curiosity to
see our University; this now draws to it numerous
visitors from every part of the state & from strangers
passing thro it. I can assure you there is no build
ing in the US. so worthy of being seen, and which
gives an idea so adequate of what is to be seen be
yond the Atlantic. There, to be sure they have
immensely larger and more costly masses, but no
thing handsomer or in chaster style.
The balance which you mention as coming to me
from Ronald's executors be so good as to have paid
into the hands of Colo. Bernard Peyton my corre
spondent in Richmond.
I find you are to be harassed again with a bankrupt
214 The Writings of [1821
law. Could you not compromise between agricul
ture and commerce by passing such a law which
like the bye laws of incorporate towns, should be
binding on the inhabitants of such towns only,
being the residence of commerce, leaving the
agriculturists, inhabitants of the country, in undis
turbed possession of the rights & modes of proceed
ings to which their habits, their interests and their
partialities attach them ? This would be as uniform
as other laws of local obligation.
But you will have a more difficult task in curbing
the Judiciary in their enterprises on the constitution.
I doubt whether the erection of the Senate into an
appellate court on Constitutional questions would
be deemed an unexceptionable reliance; because it
would enable the judiciary, with the representatives
in Senate of one third only of our citizens, and that
in a single house, to make by construction what they
should please of the constitution, and thus bind in a
double knot the other two thirds, for I believe that
one third of our citizens chuse a majority of the
Senate, and these too of the smaller states whose
interests lead to lessen state influence, & strengthen
that of the general government. A better remedy
I think, and indeed the best I can devise would be
to give future commissions to judges for six years
(the Senatorial term) with a re-appointmentability
by the president with the approbation of both
houses. That of the H. of Repr. imports a majority
of citizens, that of the Senate a majority of states
and that of both a majority of the three sovereign
departments of the existing government, to wit, of
Thomas Jefferson 215
it's Executive & legislative branches. If this would
not be independance enough, I know not what
would be such, short of the total irresponsibility
under which we are acting and sinning now. The
independance of the judges in England on the King
alone is good; but even there they are not inde-
pendant on the Parliament; being removable on the
joint address of both houses, by a vote of a majority
of each, but we require a majority of one house and
2/3 of the other, a concurrence which, in practice,
has been and ever will be found impossible ; for the
judiciary perversions of the constitution will forever
be protected under the pretext of errors of judg
ment, which by principle are exempt from punish
ment. Impeachment therefore is a bugbear which
they fear not at all. But they would be under some
awe of the canvas of their conduct which would be
open to both houses regularly every 6th year. It
is a misnomer to call a government republican, in
which a branch of the supreme power is independent
of the nation. By this change of tenure a remedy
would be held up to the states, which altho' vedjr
distant, would probably keep them quiet. In aid
of this a more immediate effect would be produced
by a joint protestation of both Houses of Congress,.,
that the doctrines of the judges in the case of Cohens,
adjudging a state amenable to their tribunal, and
that Congress can authorize a corporation of the
district of Columbia to pass any act which shall
have the force of law within a state, are contrary
to the provisions of the Constitution of the US.
This would be effectual; as with such an avowal of
216 The Writings of [1821
Congress, no state would permit such a sentence to
be carried into execution, within it's limits. If, by
the distribution of the sovereign powers among
three branches, they were intended to be checks on
one another, the present case calls loudly for the
exercise of that duty, and such a counter declaration,
while proper in form, would be most salutary as a
precedent.
" Another most condemnable practice of the su
preme court to be corrected is that of cooking up a
decision in Caucus & delivering it by one of their
members as the opinion of the court, without the
possibility of our knowing how many, who, and for
what reasons each member concurred. This com-
pleatly defeats the possibility of impeachment by
smothering evidence. A regard for character in
each being now the only hold we can have of them,
we should hold fast to it. They would, were they
to give their opinions seriatim and publicly, en
deavor to justify themselves to the world by ex
plaining the reasons which led to their opinion.
While Edmd Randolph was attorney general, he
was charged on a particular occasion by the H. of
R. to prepare a digest and some amendments to the
judiciary law. One of the amendments he pro
posed was that every judge should give his individual
opinion, and reasons in open court, which opinions
and reasons should be recorded in a separate book
to be published occasionally in the nature of Reports.
Other business prevented Congress from acting then
on the bill. Such a provision would produce valu
able effect and emulation in forming an opinion and
i82i] Thomas Jefferson 217
correctly reasoning on it; and would give us Re
ports, unswelled by the arguments of counsel and
within the compass of our reading and book shelves.
But these things belong to the present generation,
who are to live under them. The machine, as it is,
will, I believe, last my time, and those coming after
will know how to repair it to their own minds. I
cannot help sometimes yielding to senile garrulity
on matters not belonging to me, yet I pray not to be
quoted, but pardoned for this weakness of age.
With my prayers that our constitution may per-
petuum durare per aevum accept the assurances of
my affectionate esteem and respect.
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 31. 21.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed paper was handed to me
by our dear Martha with a request that I would con
sider it, and say to you what I think of it. General
Taylor has certainly stated the objections to Mr.
Hackley's claim so fairly, fully and powerfully, that
I need not repeat them, observing only that in men
tioning the notice which Erving had of the negocia-
tion with Alagon, he does not mention Mr. Hackley's
notice, who on the 2gth of May 1819 took a con
veyance from Alagon with a full knolege that 3.
months before, the US. had by treaty become pro
prietors of the whole province, and with an express
annulment of the very title he was purchasing.
This is more than a set off against the implied no
tice of our government thro Erving. However the
218 The Writings of [1821
circumstance of notice, duly examined, has little
weight in the case. The effect of the ratification is
the true point, & that on which Genl. Taylor very
properly rests it, and on which it will turn. On that
two questions will arise.
i. Did the ratification by the Cortes extend to the
2d & 3d articles only and not to the 8th and it's
subsequent explanations of the extent of these
articles? If we are to decide this question for our
selves (doubting the judgment of our government)
we should have the act of the Cortes before us, to
examine critically it's precise terms. But that I
presume we have not ; as Genl. Taylor seems to take
his information of it from the recital in the preamble
of the Spanish ratification, that the "consent and
authority of the general Cortes with respect to the
occasion mentioned and stipulated in the 26. and
3d articles, had been first obtained." May not this
mean that they had consented to all the articles
which respect the cession mentioned in the 26. and
3d? Is it a necessary inference from this that the
Cortes had not consented to any other article, and
especially the 8th and it's explanations which re
spect the cession mentioned in the 2d and 3d, and
their extent? Which is most probable, that the
Cortes refused their assent to that article? or that
the King omitted to communicate it to them? or
that, altho' the fact of consent might be material,
it's mention in the recital being unnecessary &
superfluous, might be neither fully nor critically
made? Again, when we consider that our govern
ment (informed that grants had been made to
i82i] Thomas Jefferson 219
Alagon, Punon Rostro & de Vargas, subsequent in
truth to Jan. 24. 18. but antedated fraudulently to
bring them within the treaty, which grants covered
nearly the whole country, from the boundary of the
US. to the sea) made their nullification a sine qua
non of the treaty, that they pertinaciously continued
to refuse concluding it until their nullification was
agreed to, can we believe they did conclude without
knowing that the ratification of this article was as
formal and firm as that of the articles it respected
and explained? Did they mean to deceive their
country and palm upon us a fallacious instrument?
or were they deceived themselves, that is to say, the
President, all the heads of departments, the Atty
General, and the whole Senate, as having less
knolege than we have of what was a valid ratifica
tion? I confess that these considerations have
weight with me when opposed to the opinion of
Genl. Taylor as to the validity of the ratification.
2. But a second question may be made, whether
the ratification of the Cortes was necessary ? Whether
the constitution proposed by them for the colonies
had authority in them until accepted in each colony
respectively ? The inhabitants of the colonies them
selves, our government and our nation, certainly
deny that it could, on principle, be in force in any
colony without it's consent; and at the date of the
ratification, not a single colony had accepted, nor
do I know that a single one has done it to this day.
I think myself certain that the Floridas have not.
The old government continued in them to the day
of their surrender; and under the old government,
220 The Writings of [1821
a cession of territory and ratification by the king
was conclusive. Of this the cession of the same
countries by the king to England, that of a degree
of latitude of them to the US. and that of Louisiana
to France are sufficient proofs.
It is with real reluctance that I feel or express any
doubts adverse to the interests of Mr. Hackley. I
do it to yourself only, and with a wish not to be
quoted, as well to avoid injury to him, as the im
plication of myself in anything controversial. I am
far from having strong confidence in doubts of what
two such able jurists have decided; yet for Mr.
Hackley's sake I anxiously wish that he should not
be so far over-confident in the certainty of these
opinions as to enter into any warranties of title in
the portions he may dispose of. These vast grants
of land are entirely against the policy of our govern
ment. They have ever set their faces most decid
edly against such monopolies. In all their sales of
land they have taken every measure they could de
vise to prevent speculations in them by purchases
to sell again, & to provide that sales should be made
to settlers alone. On this ground Mr. Hackley will
have to contend against prejudices deeply rooted.
These might perhaps be somewhat softened if, in
stead of taking adverse possession, which the Presi
dent is bound to remove summarily by the military,
he were to make to Congress a full and candid
statement of the considerations he has paid, or the
sacrifices made, of which these lands are the com
pensation. They might in that case make him such
a grant as would amount to a liberal indemnification.
1822] Thomas Jefferson 221
I shall ever studiously avoid expressing to any
person any doubt which might injure Mr. Hackley's
prospects from this source, and sincerely wish him
the most can be made of them. I renew to yourself
affectionate assurances of attachment and respect.
TO THOMAS RITCHIE j. MSS.
MONTO. Jan. 7. 22.
DR. SIR, — I see with much concern in your paper
of the 3d that they are endeavoring to compromit
me on the subject of the next President. The in-
formn said to come from a gent, from Columbia is
totally unfounded, & you will observe that the
Augusta Chronicle which cited me as giving an acct.
of the same Caucus says not a word of any letter
from me. For all of the gentlemen named as sub
jects of the future election I have the highest esteem
and should much regret that they should suppose
me to take any part in it. I entirely and decidedly
withdraw myself from all intermeddling in matters
of this nature. You will oblige me by inserting in
your paper some such contribution as below x in a
form not importing to come directly from myself.
It is the more necessary as you seem to have given
credit to it. I salute you with frdshp & resp.
1 "In our paper of the 3d, under the head of the 'next President'
we quoted from the Petersbg Intelligencer the information of a Gentle
man from Columbia S. O. mentioning that in a Caucus of members as
sembled there for the nomin of a President a letter was read from
Mr. Jefferson pointing to this object. We are authorized by a friend
of Mr. J's much in his society & intimacy to declare that that Gent,
never wrote such a letter, never put pen to paper on that subject,
and studiously avoids all conversn on it."
222 The Writings of [1822
TO JEDEDIAH MORSE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 6, 1822.
SIR, — I have duly received your letter of February
the 1 6th, and have now to express my sense of the
honorable station proposed to my ex -brethren and
myself, in the constitution of the society for the
civilization and improvement of the Indian tribes.
The object too, expressed as that of the association,
is one which I have ever had much at heart, and
never omitted an occasion of promoting while I
have been in situations to do it with effect, and
nothing, even now, in the calm of age and retire
ment, would excite in me a more lively interest than
an approvable plan of raising that respectable and
unfortunate people from the state of physical and
moral abjection, to which they have been reduced
by circumstances foreign to them. That the plan
now proposed is entitled to unmixed approbation, I
am not prepared to say, after mature consideration,
and with all the partialities which its professed ob
ject would rightfully claim from me.
I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarca
tion between private associations of laudable views
and unimposing numbers, and those whose magni
tude may rivalize and jeopardize the march of
regular government. Yet such a line does exist.
I have seen the days, they were those which pre
ceded the revolution, when even this last and
perilous engine became necessary; but they were
days which no man would wish to see a second
time. That was the case where the regular author
ities of the government had combined against the
1822] Thomas Jefferson 223
rights of the people, and no means of correction re
mained to them but to organize a collateral power,
which, with their support, might rescue and secure
their violated rights. But such is not the case with
our government. We need hazard no collateral
power, which, by a change of its original views,
and assumption of others we know not how virtuous
or how mischievous, would be ready organized and
in force sufficient to shake the established founda
tions of society, and endanger its peace and the
principles on which it is based. Is not the machine
now proposed of this gigantic stature ? It is to con
sist of the ex-Presidents of the United States, the
Vice President, the Heads of all the Executive de
partments, the members of the supreme judiciary,
the Governors of the several States and territories,
all the members of both Houses of Congress, all the
general officers of the army, the commissioners of
the navy, all Presidents and Professors of colleges
and theological seminaries, all the clergy of the
United States, the Presidents and Secretaries of all
associations having relation to Indians, all com
manding officers within or near Indian territories,
all Indian superintendents and agents; all these
ex officio; and as many private individuals as will
pay a certain price for membership. Observe, too,
that the clergy will constitute * nineteen twentieths
of this association, and, by the law of the majority,
may command the twentieth part, which, composed
1 The clergy of the United States may probably be estimated at
eight thousand. The residue of this society at four hundred ; but if
the former number be halved, the reasoning will be the same. — T. J.
224 The Writings of [1822
of all the high authorities of the United States,
civil and military, may be outvoted and wielded by
the nineteen parts with uncontrollable power, both
as to purpose and process. Can this formidable
array be reviewed without dismay? It will be said,
that in this association will be all the confidential
officers of the government; the choice of the people
themselves. No man on earth has more implicit
confidence than myself in the integrity and discre
tion of this chosen band of servants. But is con
fidence or discretion, or is strict limit, the principle
of our constitution? It will comprehend, indeed,
all the functionaries of the government ; but seceded
from their constitutional stations as guardians of the
nation, and acting not by the laws of their station,
but by those of a voluntary society, having no
limit to their purposes but the same will which
constitutes their existence. It will be the author
ities of the people and all influential characters from
among them, arrayed on one side, and on the other
the people themselves deserted by their leaders. It
is a fearful array. It will be said that these are
imaginary fears. I know they are so at present. I
know it is as impossible for these agents of our
choice and unbounded confidence, to harbor machina
tions against the adored principles of our constitu
tion, as for gravity to change its direction, and
gravid bodies to mount upwards. The fears are
indeed imaginary, but the example is real. Under
its authority, as a precedent, future associations
will arise with objects at which we should shudder
at this time. The society of Jacobins, in another
1822] Thomas Jefferson 225
country, was instituted on principles and views as
virtuous as ever kindled the hearts of patriots. It
was the pure patriotism of their purposes which ex
tended their association to the limits of the nation,
and rendered their power within it boundless; and
it was this power which degenerated their principles
and practices to such enormities as never before
could have been imagined. Yet these were men,
and we and our descendants will be no more. The
present is a case where, if ever, we are to guard
against ourselves; not against ourselves as we are,
but as we may be; for who can now imagine what
we may become under circumstances not now
imaginable? The object of this institution, seems
to require so hazardous an example as little as any
which could be proposed. The government is, at
this time, going on with the process of civilizing the
Indians on a plan probably as promising as any one
of us is able to devise, and with resources more com
petent than we could expect to command by volun
tary taxation. Is it that the new characters called
into association with those of the government, are
wiser than these? Is it that a plan originated by a
meeting of private individuals is better than that
prepared by the concentrated wisdom of the nation,
of men not self-chosen, but clothed with the full
confidence of the people? Is it that there is no
danger that a new authority, marching, independ
ently, along side of the government, in the same
line and to the same object, may not produce
collision, may not thwart and obstruct the opera
tions of the government, or wrest the object entirely
VOL. XII. — 15.
226 The Writings of [1822
from their hands? Might we not as well appoint a
committee for each department of the government,
to counsel and direct its head separately, as volun
teer ourselves to counsel and direct the whole, in
mass? And might we not do it as well for their
foreign, their fiscal, and their military, as for their
Indian affairs? And how many societies, auxiliary
to the government, may we expect to see spring up,
in imitation of this, offering to associate themselves
in this and that of its functions? In a word, why
not take the government out of its constitutional
hands, associate them indeed with us, to preserve a
semblance that the acts are theirs, but insuring them
to be our own by allowing them a minor vote only ?
These considerations have impressed my mind
with a force so irresistible, that (in duty bound to
answer your polite letter, without which I should
not have obtruded an opinion) I have not been able
to withhold the expression of them. Not knowing
the individuals who have proposed this plan, I
cannot be conceived as entertaining personal dis
respect for them. On the contrary, I see in the
printed list persons for whom I cherish sentiments
of sincere friendship, and others, for whose opinions
and purity of purpose I have the highest respect.
Yet thinking as I do, that this association is un
necessary; that the government is proceeding to
the same object under control of the law ; that they
are competent to it in wisdom, in means, and in
clination; that this association, this wheel within
a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than
aid; and that it is, in its magnitude, of dangerous
1 82 2] Thomas Jefferson 227
example ; I am bound to say, that, as a dutiful citizen,
I cannot in conscience become a member of this
society, possessing as it does my entire confidence in
the integrity of its views. I feel with awe the
weight of opinion to which I may be opposed, and
that, for myself, I have need to ask the indulgence
of a belief that the opinion I have given is the best
result I can deduce from my own reason and ex
perience, and that it is sincerely conscientious.
Repeating, therefore, my just acknowledgments for
the honor proposed to me, I beg leave to add the
assurances to the society and yourself of my highest
confidence and consideration.1
1 Jefferson, before writing this, had written to Madison:
" MONTICELLO, Feb. 25, 22.
" DEAR SIR, — I have no doubt you have received, as I have done, a
letter from Dr. Morse with a printed pamphlet, proposing to us a
place in a self-constituted society for the civilisation of the Indian &c.
I am anxious to know your thoughts on the subject because they
would affect my confidence in my own. I disapprove the proposition
altogether. I acknolege the right of voluntary associations for
laudable purposes and in moderate numbers. I acknolege too the
expediency, for revolutionary purposes, of general associations, co
extensive with the nation. But where, as in our case, no abuses call
for revolution, voluntary associations so extensive as to grapple with
& controul the government, should such be or become their purpose,
are dangerous machines, and should be frowned down in every regu
lated government. Here is one proposed to comprehend all the
functionaries of the government executive, legislative & Judiciary,
all officers of the army or navy, governors of the states, learned in
stitutions, the whole body of the clergy who will be 19/20 of the whole
association, and as many other individuals as can be enlisted for 5.
D. apiece. For what object? One which the government is pursuing
with superior means, superior wisdom, and under limits of legal
prescription. And by whom? A half dozen or dozen private in
dividuals, of whom we know neither the number nor names, except
of Elias B. Caldwell their foreman, Jedediah Morse of Ocean memory
their present Secretary & in petto their future agent, &c. These
clubbists of Washington, who from their residence there will be the
228 The Writings of [1822
TO MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOOH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 13, 1822.
MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOCH, — I am thankful to
you for the paper you have been so kind as to send
real society, have undertaken to embody even the government itself
into an instrument to be wielded by themselves and for purposes
directed by themselves. Observe that they omit the President's name,
and for reasons too flimsy to be the true ones. No doubt they have
proposed it to him, and his prudence has refused his name. And shall
we suffer ourselves to be constituted into tools by such an authority?
Who, after this example, may not impress us into their purposes?
Feeling that the association is unnecessary, presumptuous & of dan
gerous example, my present impression is to decline membership, to
give my reasons for it, in terms of respect, but with frankness, but as
the answer is not pressing, I suspend it until I can hear from you in
the hope you will exchange thoughts with me, that I may shape my
answer as much in conformity with yours as coincidence in our views
of the subject may admit: and I will pray to hear from you by the
first mail. Ever & affectionately yours."
He also wrote to Monroe:
" MONTICELLO, Mar. 19. 22.
" DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Mar. 14. has been duly received. In
that you ask if my letter to Mr. Morse may be communicated to the
gentlemen of the administration and other friends. In the first
place the former are entitled to it's communication from Mr. Morse
as named members of his society. But independantly of that, a
letter addressed to a society of 6. or 8000 people is de facto made
public. I had supposed it possible indeed that the society or some
of it's members might perhaps publish it as the only practicable
means of communicating it to so extensive an association. This
would be best, because Mr. Morse might otherwise consider it as done
by myself, and that it was a gauntlet thrown down to challenge him
into the Arena of the public papers; and should he take it up, I
should certainly prove a recreant knight, and never meet him in that
field. But do in this whatever you please. I abandon the letter to
any good it may answer. With respect to Spanish America I think
you have taken the exact point of time for recognizing it's independ-
ance, neither sooner nor later. I give whatever credit they merit to
those who are glorifying themselves on their premature advice to
have done it 3. or 4. years ago. We have preserved the approbation
of nations, and yet taken the station we were entitled to of being
the first to receive & welcome them as brothers into the family of
nations. Affectionate & respectful salutations."
1822] Thomas Jefferson 229
me, containing the arraignment of the Presidents of
the United States generally, as peculators or ac
cessories to peculation, by an informer who masks
himself under the signature of "a Native Vir
ginian." What relates to myself in this paper,
(being his No. VI., and the only No. I have seen,) I
had before read in the Federal Republican of Balti
more, of August 28th, which was sent to me by a
friend, with the real name of the author. It was
published there during the ferment of a warmly-
contested election. I considered it, therefore, as an
electioneering manoeuvre merely, and did not even
think it required the trouble of recollecting, after a
lapse of thirty-three years, the circumstances of the
case in which he charges me with having purloined
from the treasury of the United States the sum of
$1,148. But as he has thought it worth repeating
in his Roll of informations against your Presidents
nominally, I shall give the truths of the case, which
he has omitted, perhaps because he did not know
them, and ventured too inconsiderately to supply
them from his own conjectures.
On the return from my mission to France, and
joining the government here, in the spring of 1790,
I had a long and heavy account to settle with the
United States, of the administration of their pecuni
ary affairs in Europe, of which the superintendence
had been confided to me while there. I gave in my
account early, but the pressure of other business did
not permit the accounting officers to attend to it
till October loth, 1792, when we settled, and a
a balance of $888 67 appearing to be due from me,
230 The Writings of [1822
(but erroneously as will be shown,) I paid the
money the same day, delivered up my vouchers,
and received a certificate of it. But still the articles
of my draughts on the bankers could be only pro
visionally past; until their accounts also should be
received to be confronted with mine. And it was
not till the 24th of June, 1804, that I received a
letter from Mr. Richard Harrison the auditor, in
forming me "that my accounts, as Minister to
France, had been adjusted and closed," adding,
"the bill drawn and credited by you under date of
the 2ist of October, 1789, for banco florins 2,800,
having never yet appeared in any account of the
Dutch bankers, stand at your debit only as a pro
visional charge. If it should hereafter turn out, as
I incline to think it will, that this bill has never
been negotiated or used by Mr. Grand, you will have
a just claim on the public for its value." This was
the first intimation to me that I had too hastily
charged myself with that draught. I determined,
however, as I had allowed it in my account, and paid
up the balance it had produced against me, to let
it remain awhile, as there was a possibility that the
draught might still be presented by the holder to the
bankers; and so it remained till I was near leaving
Washington, on my final retirement from the ad
ministration in 1809. I then received from the
auditor, Mr. Harrison, the following note: "Mr.
Jefferson, in his accounts as late Minister to France,
credited among other sums, a bill drawn by him on
the 2ist October, 1789, to the order of Grand & Co.,
on the bankers of the United States at Amsterdam,
1822] Thomas Jefferson 231
f. Banco f. 2,800, equal with agio to current florins
2,870, and which was charged to him provisionally
in the official statement made at the Treasury, in
the month of October, 1804. But as this bill has not
yet been noticed in any account rendered by the
bankers, the presumption is strong that it was never
negotiated or presented for payment, and Mr.
Jefferson, therefore, appears justly entitled to re
ceive the value of it, which, at forty cents the gilder,
(the rate at which it was estimated in the above-
mentioned statement,) amounts to $1,148. Audi
tor's office, January 24th, 1809."
Desirous of leaving nothing unsettled behind me,
I drew the money from the treasury, but without
any interest, although I had let it lie there twenty
years, and had actually on that error paid $888 67,
an apparent balance against me, when the true
balance was in my favor $259 33. The question
then is, how has this happened? I have examined
minutely, and can state it clearly.
Turning to my pocket diary I find that on the
2ist day of October, 1789, the date of this bill, I
was at Cowes in England, on my return to the
United States. The entry in my diary is in these
words: "1789, October 2ist. Sent to Grand &
Co., letter of credit on Willinks, Van Staphorsts and
Hubbard, for 2,800 florins Banco." And I imme
diately credited it in my account with the United
States in the following words: "1789, October 21.
By my bill on Willinks, Van Staphorsts and Hub-
bard, in favor of Grand & Co., for 2,800 florins,
equal to 6,230 livres 18 sous." My account having
232 The Writings of [1822
been kept in livres and sous of France, the auditor
settled this sum at the current exchange, making it
$1,148. This bill, drawn at Cowes in England, had
to pass through London to Paris by the English and
French mails, in which passage it was lost, by some
unknown accident, to which it was the more ex
posed in the French mail, by the confusion then
prevailing; for it was exactly at the time that
martial law was proclaimed at Paris, the country all
up in arms, and executions by the mobs were daily
perpetrating through town and country. However
this may have been, the bill never got to the hands
of Grand & Co., was never, of course, forwarded by
them to the bankers of Amsterdam, nor anything
more ever heard of it. The auditor's first conjecture
then was the true one, that it never was negotiated,
nor therefore charged to the United States in any
of the bankers' accounts. I have now under my eye
a duplicate furnished me by Grand of his account of
that date against the United States, and his private
account against myself, and I affirm that he has not
noticed this bill in either of these accounts, and the
auditor assures us the Dutch bankers had never
charged it. The sum of the whole then is, that I
drew a bill on the United States bankers, charged
myself with it on the presumption it would be paid,
that it never was paid however, either by the bankers
of the United States, or anybody else. It was
surely just then to return me the money I had paid
for it. Yet "the Native Virginian" thinks that
this act of receiving back the money I had thus
through error overpaid, " was a palpable and manifest
1822] Thomas Jefferson 233
act of moral turpitude, about which no two honest, im
partial men can possibly differ." I ascribe these
hard expressions to the ardor of his zeal for the
public good, and as they contain neither argument
nor proof, I pass them over without observation.
Indeed, I have not been in the habit of noticing
these morbid ejections of spleen either with or with
out the names of those venting them. But I have
thought it a duty on the present occasion to relieve
my fellow citizens and my country from the degrada
tion in the eyes of the world to which this informer
is endeavoring to reduce it by representing it as
governed hitherto by a succession of swindlers and
peculators. Nor shall I notice any further en
deavors to prove or to palliate this palpable mis
information. I am too old and inert to undertake
minute investigations of intricate transactions of
the last century ; and I am not afraid to trust to the
justice and good sense of my fellow -citizens on
future, as on former attempts to lessen me in their
esteem.
I ask of you, gentlemen, the insertion of this
letter in your paper; and I trust that the printers
who have hazarded the publication of the libel, on
anonymous authority, will think that of the answer
a moderate retribution of the wrong to which they
have been accessory.1
1 Once more, Jefferson wrote to Ritchie and Gooch:
" MONTICELLO, June 10, 1822.
" MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOCH, — In my letter to you of May i3th,
in answer to a charge by a person signing himself 'A Native Virginian,'
that on a bill drawn by me for a sum equivalent to $1,148, the treasury
of the United States had made double payment, I supposed I had done
234 The Writings of [1822
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June i, 1822.
It is very long, my dear Sir, since I have written
to you. My dislocated wrist is now become so stiff
as much as would be required when I showed they had only returned
to me money which I had previously paid into the treasury on the
presumption that such a bill had been paid for me, but that this
bill being lost or destroyed on the way, had never been presented,
consequently never paid by the United States, and that the money
was therefore returned to me. This being too plain for controversy,
the pseudo Native of Virginia, in his reply, No. 32, in the, Federal
Republican of May 24th, reduces himself ultimately to the ground
of a double receipt of the money by me, first on sale or negotiation
of the bill in Europe, and a second time from the treasury. But the
bill was never sold or negotiated anywhere. It was not drawn to
raise money in the market. I sold it to nobody, received no money
on it, but enclosed it to Grand & Co. for some purpose of account, for
what particular purpose neither my memory, after a lapse of thirty-
three years, nor my papers enable me to say. Had I preserved a
copy of my letter to Grand enclosing the bill, that would doubtless
have explained the purpose. But it was drawn on the eve of my
embarkation with my family from Cowes for America, and probably
the hurry of preparation for that did not allow me time to take a copy.
I presume this because I find no such letter among my papers. Nor
does any subsequent correspondence with Grand explain it, because
I had no private account with him; my account as minister being
kept with the treasury directly, so that he, receiving no intimation of
this bill, could never give me notice of its miscarriage. But, however
satisfactory might have been an explanation of the purpose of the
bill, it is unnecessary at least ; the material fact being established that
it never got to hand, nor was ever paid by the United States.
" And how does the Native Virginian maintain his charge that I re
ceived the cash when I drew the bill? by unceremoniously inserting
into the entry of that article in my account, words of his own, making
me say in direct terms that I did receive the cash for the bill. In my
account rendered to the treasury, it is entered in these words: '1789,
Oct. i. By my bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard in favor
of Grand & Co. for 2,800 florins, equal to 6,230 livres 18 sous;' but
he quotes it as stated in my account rendered to and settled at the
treasury, and yet remaining, as it is to be presumed, among the
archives of that department, 'By cash received of Grand for bill on
Willincks, &c.' Now the words 'cash received of Grand' constitute
'the very point, the pivot, on which the matter turns,' as himself
/
1822] Thomas Jefferson 235
that I write slow and with pain, and therefore write
as little as I can. Yet it is due to mutual friendship
to ask once in awhile how we do? The papers tell
says, and not finding, he has furnished them. Although the inter
polation of them is sufficiently refuted by the fact that Grand was, at
the time, in France, and myself in England, yet wishing that con
viction of the interpolation should be founded on official document,
I wrote to the auditor, Mr. Harrison, requesting an official certificate
of the very words in which that article stood in my autograph account
deposited in the office. I received yesterday his answer of the 3d, in
which he says, 'I am unable to furnish the extract you require, as
the original account rendered by you of your pecuniary transactions
of a public nature in Europe, together with the vouchers and docu
ments connected with it, were all destroyed in the Register's office in
the memorable conflagration of 1814. With respect, therefore, to
the sum of $1,148 in question, I can only say that, after full and re
peated examinations, I considered you as most righteously and justly
entitled to receive it. Otherwise, it will, I trust, be believed that I
could not have consented to the re-payment.' Considering the in
timacy which the Native Virginian shows with the treasury affairs, we
might be justified in suspecting that he knew this fact of the destruction
of the original by fire when he ventured to misquote. But certainly
we may call on him to say, and to show, from what original he copied
these words: 'cash received from Grand'? I say, most assuredly,
from none, for none such ever existed. Although the original be lost,
which would have convicted him officially, it happens that when I
made from my rough draft a fair copy of my account for the treasury,
I took also, with a copying-machine, a press-copy of every page, which
I kept for my own use. It is known that copies by this well-known
machine are taken by impression on damp paper laid on the face of
the written page while fresh, and passed between rollers as copper
plates are. They must therefore be true fac similies. This press-
copy now lies before me, has been shown to several persons, and will
be shown to as many as wish or are willing to examine it; and this
article of my account is entered in it in these words: '1789, Oct. i.
By my bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard for 2,800 florins,
equal to 6,230 livres 18 sous.' An inspection of the account, too,
shows that whenever I received cash for a bill, it is uniformly entered
'by cash received of such an one, &c. ;' but where a bill was drawn
to constitute an item of account only, the entry is 'by my bill on,
&c.' Now to these very words 'cash received of Grand,' not in my
original but interpolated by himself, he constantly appeals as proofs
of an acknowledgment under my own hand that I received the cash.
236 The Writings of [1822
us that General Starke is off at the age of 93. Charles
Thomson still lives at about the same age, cheerful,
slender as a grasshopper, and so much without
In proof of this, I must request patience to read the following quota
tions from his denunciations as standing in the Federal Republican
of May 24:
" Page 2, column 2, 1. 48 to 29 from the bottom, 'he [Mr. J.] admits
in his account rendered in 1790 and settled in 1792, that he had re
ceived the "cash," [placing the word cash between inverted commas to
have it marked particularly as a quotation] that he had received the
"cash" for the bill in question, and he does not directly deny it now.
Will he, can he, in the face of his own declaration in writing to the
contrary, publicly say that he did not receive the money for this
bill in Europe? This is the point on which the whole matter rests, the
pivot on which the arguments turn. If he did receive the money in
Europe, (no matter whether at Cowes or at Paris,) he certainly had
no right to receive it a second time from the public treasury of the
United States. This is admitted I believe on all sides. Now, that
he did receive the money in Europe on this bill, is proved by the ac
knowledgment of the receiver himself, who credits the amount in his
account as settled at the treasury thus: "cash received of Grand for
bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts, 2,876 gilders, 1,148 dollars."
"Col. 3, 1. 28 to 21 from bottom. 'There is a plain difference in
the phraseology of the account, from which an extract is given by
Mr. J. as above, and that which he rendered to the Treasury. In the
former he gives the credit thus, "By my bills on Willincks," &c. In
the latter he states, "By cash received of Grand for bill on Willincks,"
&c.' There is a difference, indeed, as he states it, but it is made
solely by his own interpolation.
" Col. 3,1. 8, from bottom. 'That Mr. Jefferson should, in the very
teeth of the facts of the evidence before us, and in his own breast,
gravely say that he had paid the money for this bill, and that there
fore it was but just to return him the amount of it, when he had, by
his own acknowledgment, sent it to Grand & Co., and received the
money for it, is, I confess, not only matter of utter astonishment but
regret.' I spare myself the qualifications which these paragraphs
may merit, leaving them to be applied by every reader according to
the feelings they may excite in his own breast.
He proceeds: 'And now to place this case beyond the reach of
cavil or doubt, and to show most conclusively that he had negotiated
this bill in Europe, and received the cash for it there, and that such
was the understanding of the matter at the treasury in 1809, when
he received the money.' These are his own words. Col. 4, he
1822] Thomas Jefferson 237
memory that he scarcely recognizes the members of
his household. An intimate friend of his called on
him not long since; it was difficult to make him
brings forward the overwhelming fact 'not hitherto made public but
stated from the most creditable and authentic source, that one of
the accounting officers of the treasury suggested in writing the pro
priety of taking bond and security from Mr. J., for indemnification of
the United States against any future claim on this bill. But it seems
the bond was not taken, and the government is now liable in law, and
in good faith for the payment of this bill to the rightful owner.'
How this suggestion of taking bond at the treasury, so solemnly
paraded, is more conclusive proof than his own interpolation, that the
cash was received, I am so dull as not to perceive ; but I say, that had
the suggestion been made to me, it would have been instantly com
plied with. But I deny his law. Were the bill now to be presented
to the treasury, the answer would and should be the same as a mer
chant would give: 'You have held up this bill three and thirty
years without notice; we have settled in the meantime with the
drawer, and have no effects of his left in our hands. Apply to him
for payment.' On his application to me, I should first inquire into
the history of the bill ; where it had been lurking for three and thirty
years? how came he by it? by interception? by trover? by assignment
from Grand? by purchase? from whom, when and where? And ac
cording to his answers I should either institute criminal process
against him, or if he showed that all was fair and honest, I should
pay him the money, and look for reimbursement to the quarter
appearing liable. The law deems seven years' absence of a man,
without being heard of, such presumptive evidence of his death, as
to distribute his estate, and to allow his wife to marry again. The
Auditor thought that twenty years non-appearance of a bill which
had been risked through the post-offices of two nations, was sufficient
presumption of its loss. But this self-styled native of Virginia
thinks that the thirty-three years now elapsed are not sufficient.
Be it so. If the accounting officers of the treasury have any uneasi
ness on that subject, I am ready to give a bond of indemnification to
the United States in any sum the officers will name, and with the
security which themselves shall approve. Will this satisfy the native
Virginian? or will he now try to pick some other hole in this trans
action, to shield himself from a candid acknowledgment, that in
making up his case, he supplied by gratuitous conjectures, the facts
which were not within his knowledge, and that thus he has sinned
against truth in his declarations before the public? Be this as it
may, I have so much confidence in the discernment and candor of
238 The Writings of [1822
recollect who he was, and, sitting one hour, he told
him the same story four times over. Is this life?
"With lab'ring step
To tread our former footsteps ? pace the round
Eternal ? — to beat and beat
The beaten track? to see what we have seen,
To taste the tasted? o'er our palates to decant
Another vintage ? "
It is at most but the life of a cabbage; surely not
worth a wish. When all our faculties have left, or
are leaving us, one by one, sight, hearing, memory,
every avenue of pleasing sensation is closed, and
athumy, debility and malaise left in their places,
when friends of our youth are all gone, and a genera
tion is risen around us whom we know not, is
death an evil?
When one by one our ties are torn,
And friend from friend is snatched forlorn,
When man is left alone to mourn,
Oh ! then how sweet it is to die !
When trembling limbs refuse their weight,
And films slow gathering dim the sight,
When clouds obscure the mental light
'T is nature's kindest boon to die!
I really think so. I have ever dreaded a doting
old age ; and my health has been generally so good,
and is now so good, that I dread it still. The rapid
my fellow-citizens, as to leave to their judgment, and dismiss from
my own notice any future torture of words or circumstances which
this writer may devise for their deception. Indeed, could such a
denunciation, and on such proof, bereave me of that confidence and
consolation, I should, through the remainder of life, brood over the
afflicting belief that I had lived and labored in vain."
1822] Thomas Jefferson 239
decline of my strength during the last winter has
made me hope sometimes that I see land. During
summer I enjoy its temperature, but I shudder at
the approach of winter, and wish I could sleep
through it with the Dormouse, and only wake with
him in spring, if ever. They say that Starke could
walk about his room. I am told you walk well and
firmly. I can only reach my garden, and that with
sensible fatigue. I ride, however, daily. But read
ing is my delight. I should wish never to put pen
to paper; and the more because of the treacherous
practice some people have of publishing one's
letters without leave. Lord Mansfield declared it
a breach of trust, and punishable at law. I think
it should be a penitentiary felony; yet you will
have seen that they have drawn me out into the
arena of the newspapers; although I know it is too
late for me to buckle on the armor of youth, yet my
indignation would not permit me passively to receive
the kick of an ass.
To turn to the news of the day, it seems that the
Cannibals of Europe are going to eating one another
again. A war between Russia and Turkey is like the
battle of the kite and snake. Whichever destroys
the other, leaves a destroyer the less for the world.
This pugnacious humor of mankind seems to be the
law of his nature, one of the obstacles to too great
multiplication provided in the mechanism of the
Universe. The cocks of the henyard kill one another
up. Bears, bulls, rams, do the same. And the
horse, in his wild state, kills all the young males,
until worn down with age and war, some vigorous
240 The Writings of [1822
youth kills him, and takes to himself the Harem of
females. I hope we shall prove how much happier
for man the Quaker policy is, and that the life of
the feeder, is better than that of the fighter; and
it is some consolation that the desolation by these
maniacs of one part of the earth is the means of
improving it in other parts. Let the latter be our
office, and let us milk the cow, while the Russian
holds her by the horns, and the Turk by the tail.
God bless you, and give you health, strength, and
good spirits, and as much of life as you think worth
having. x
1 In reply to a question from Adams, Jefferson further wrote:
"MONTICELLO, June 27, 1822.
" DEAR SIR, — Your kind letter of the nth has given me great satis
faction. For although I could not doubt but that the hand of age
was pressing heavily on you, as on myself, yet we like to know the
particulars and the degree of that pressure. Much reflection, too,
has been produced by your suggestion of lending my letter of the ist,
to a printer. I have generally great aversion to the insertion of my
letters in the public papers; because of my passion for quiet retire
ment, and never to be exhibited in scenes on the public stage. Nor
am I unmindful of the precept of Horace, ' solver e senescentem, mature
sanus equum, ne peccet ad extremum ridendus.' In the present case,
however, I see a possibility that this might aid in producing the very
quiet after which I pant. I do not know how far you may suffer, as
I do, under the persecution of letters, of which every mail brings a
fresh load. They are letters of inquiry, for the most part, always of
good will, sometimes from friends whom I esteem, but much oftener
from persons whose names are unknown to me, but written kindly and
civilly, and to which, therefore, civility requires answers. Perhaps,
the better known failure of your hand in its function of writing, may
shield you in greater degree from this distress, and so far qualify the
misfortune of its disability. I happened to turn to my letter-list
some time ago, and a curiosity was excited to count those received in
a single year. It was the year before the last. I found the number
to be one thousand two hundred and sixty-seven, many of them re
quiring answers of elaborate research, and all to be answered with
due attention and consideration. Take an average of this number
1822] Thomas Jefferson 241
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 26, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — I have received and read with thank
fulness and pleasure your denunciation of the
abuses of tobacco and wine. Yet, however sound
in its principles, I expect it will be but a sermon to
the wind. You will find it as difficult to inculcate
these sanative precepts on the sensualities of the
present day, as to convince an Athanasian that there
is but one God. I wish success to both attempts,
and am happy to learn from you that the latter, at
least, is making progress, and the more rapidly in
proportion as our Platonizing Christians make more
stir and noise about it. The doctrines of Jesus are
simple, and tend all to the happiness of man.
i. That there is one only God, and he all perfect.
for a week or a day, and I will repeat the question suggested by other
considerations in mine of the ist. Is this life? At best it is but the
life of a mill-horse, who sees no end to his circle but in death. To such
a life, that of a cabbage is paradise. It occurs then, that my con
dition of existence, truly stated in that letter, if better known, might
check the kind indiscretions which are so heavily oppressing the de
parting hours of life. Such a relief would, to me, be an ineffable
blessing. But yours of the nth, equally interesting and affecting,
should accompany that to which it is an answer. The two, taken
together, would excite a joint interest, and place before our fellow-
citizens the present condition of two ancient servants, who having
faithfully performed their forty or fifty campaigns, stipendiis omnibus
expletis, have a reasonable claim to repose from all disturbance in the
sanctuary of invalids and superannuates. But some device should
be thought of for their getting before the public otherwise than by
our own publication. Your printer, perhaps, could frame something
plausible. Thomson's name should be left blank, as his picture,
should it meet his eye, might give him pain. I consign, however, the
whole subject to your consideration, to do in it whatever your own
judgment shall approve, and repeat always, with truth, the assurance
of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect."
VOL. XII. — 16
242 The Writings of [1822
2. That there is a future state of rewards and
punishments.
3. That to love God with all thy heart and thy
neighbor as thyself, is the sum of religion. These
are the great points on which he endeavored to re
form the religion of the Jews. But compare with
these the demoralizing dogmas of Calvin.
1. That there are three Gods.
2. That good works, or the love of our neighbor,
are nothing.
3. That faith is every thing, and the more incom
prehensible the proposition, the more merit in its
faith.
4. That reason in religion is of unlawful use.
5. That God, from the beginning, elected certain
individuals to be saved, and certain others to be
damned; and that no crimes of the former can
damn them; no virtues of the latter save.
Now, which of these is the true and charitable
Christian? He who believes and acts on the simple
doctrines of Jesus? Or the impious dogmatists, as
Athanasius and Calvin? Verily I say these are the
false shepherds foretold as to enter not by the door
into the sheepfold, but to climb up some other way.
They are mere usurpers of the Christian name, teach
ing a counter-religion made up of the deliria of
crazy imaginations, as foreign from Christianity as
is that of Mahomet. Their blasphemies have driven
thinking men into infidelity, who have too hastily
rejected the supposed author himself, with the
horrors so falsely imputed to him. Had the doc
trines of Jesus been preached always as pure as
1822] Thomas Jefferson 243
they came from his lips, the whole civilized world
would now have been Christian. I rejoice that in
this blessed country of free inquiry and belief, which
has surrendered its creed and conscience to neither
kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of one only
God is reviving, and I trust that there is not a
young man now living in the United States who
will not die an Unitarian.
But much I fear, that when this great truth shall
be re-established, its votaries will fall into the fatal
error of fabricating formulas of creed and con
fessions of faith, the engines which so soon destroyed
the religion of Jesus, and made of Christendom a
mere Aceldama; that they will give up morals for
mysteries, and Jesus for Plato. How much wiser
are the Quakers, who, agreeing in the fundamental
doctrines of the gospel, schismatize about no mys
teries, and, keeping within the pale of common sense,
suffer no speculative differences of opinion, any
more than of feature, to impair the love of their
brethren. Be this the wisdom of Unitarians, this
the holy mantle which shall cover within its char
itable circumference all who believe in one God, and
who love their neighbor! I conclude my sermon
with sincere assurances of my friendly esteem and
respect.1
1 A second letter to Doctor Waterhouse read:
"MONTICELLO, July IQ, l822.
" DEAR SIR, — An anciently dislocated, and now stiffening wrist,
makes writing an operation so slow and painful to me, that I should
not so soon have troubled you with an acknowledgment of your favor
of the 8th, but for the request it contained of my consent to the
publication of my letter of June the 2 6th. No, my dear Sir, not for
244 The Writings of [1822
TO LEROY AND BAYARD j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 5. 22.
MESSRS. LEROY AND BAYARD, — Your favor of
June 26. is just now received. After the delays of
the world. Into what a nest of hornets would it thrust my head!
the genus irritabile vatum, on whom argument is lost, and reason is,
by themselves, disclaimed in matters of religion. Don Quixote
undertook to redress the bodily wrongs of the world, but the redress-
ment of mental vagaries would be an enterprise more than Quixotic.
I should as soon undertake to bring the crazy skulls of Bedlam to
sound understanding, as inculcate reason into that of an Athanasian.
I am old, and tranquility is now my summum bonum. Keep me,
therefore, from the fire and faggots of Calvin and his victim Servetus.
Happy in the prospect of a restoration of primitive Christianity, I
must leave to younger athletes to encounter and lop off the false
branches which have been engrafted into it by the mythologists of
the middle and modern ages. I am not aware of the peculiar re
sistance to Unitarianism, which you ascribe to Pennsylvania. When
I lived in Philadelphia, there was a respectable congregation of that
sect, with a meeting-house and regular service which I attended, and
in which Dr. Priestley officiated to numerous audiences. Baltimore
has one or two churches, and their pastor, author of an inestimable
book on this subject, was elected chaplain to the late Congress. That
doctrine has not yet been preached to us : but the breeze begins to be
felt which precedes the storm; and fanaticism is all in a bustle, shut
ting its doors and windows to keep it out. But it will come, and
drive before it the foggy mists of Platonism which have so long ob
scured our atmosphere. I am in hopes that some of the disciples of
your institution will become missionaries to us, of these doctrines
truly evangelical, and open our eyes to what has been so long hidden
from them. A bold and eloquent preacher would be nowhere listened
to with more freedom than in this State, nor with more firmness of
mind. They might need a preparatory discourse on the text of
'prove all things, hold fast that which is good,' in order to unlearn
the lesson that reason is an unlawful guide in religion. They might
startle on being first awaked from the dreams of the night, but they
would rub their eyes at once, and look the spectres boldly in the face.
The preacher might be excluded by our hierophants from their churches
and meeting-houses, but would be attended in the fields by whole
acres of hearers and thinkers. Missionaries from Cambridge would
soon be greeted with more welcome, than from the tritheistical school
of Andover. Such are my wishes, such would be my welcomes, warm
and cordial as the assurances of my esteem and respect for you."
1822] Thomas Jefferson 245
my last bond with which I have been indulged I
consider it my bounden duty to obey the call for
the principal whenever required. This delay was
at first made convenient by the great revolution
which took place in our circulating medium some
time past; and the continuance of low markets
since that period has not yet relieved the scarcity
of medium so far as that fixed property can com
mand even the half of what is it's value in regular
times. My own annual income arises from the
culture of tobacco and wheat. These articles, from
the interior country cannot be got to market till
the spring of the year ensuing their growth, and at
that season alone the cultivator can pay from his
produce. Still if the earlier term of 6. months be
necessary for the affairs of the heirs of Mr. Van
Staphorst, it shall be complied with by a sale of
fixed property, altho' it will double the debt. If
on the other hand, consistently with their con
venience, the indulgence can be continued until the
ensuing spring, (say till May) it can then be paid
without loss, and shall certainly be paid. This
however is left to your kind consideration, and
your final determination shall be my law, at any
loss whatever. With the just acknolegement of
the past indulgencies, accept the assurance of my
great esteem and respect.1
1 A year later, Jefferson wrote:
"MONTICELLO, July 8, 23.
" MESSRS. LEROY AND BAYARD, — You have reason to believe I am
unmindful that I ought ere this to have remitted you the amount of
my last bond ; but it is duly in mind altho' delayed. My resources for
payment as stated to you on former occasions, are the produce of my
246 The Writings of [1822
TO WILLIAM JOHNSON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct: 27. 22.
DEAR SIR, — I have deferred my thanks for the
copy of your Life of Genl. Greene, until I could have
time to read it. This I have done, and with the
greatest satisfaction; and can now more under-
standingly express the gratification it has afforded
me. I really rejoice that we have at length a fair
history of the Southern war. It proves how much
we were left to defend ourselves as we could, while
the resources of the Union were so disproportion
ately devoted to the North. I am glad too to see
the Romance of Lee removed from the shelf of
History to that of Fable. Some small portion of
the transactions he relates were within my own
knolege ; and of these I can say he has given more
falsehood than fact ; and I have heard many officers
declare the same as to what had passed under their
eyes. Yet this book had begun to be quoted as
history. Greene was truly a great man, he had not
perhaps all the qualities which so peculiarly ren
dered Genl. Washington the fittest man on earth
for directing so great a contest under so great
difficulties. Difficulties proceeding not from luke-
warmness in our citizens or their functionaries, as our
military leaders supposed; but from the pennyless
farms. They have usually got to Richmond in June : but are tardier
this year than ever. Calculating the passage of my tobacco down the
river and time for inspection and sale, I shall be able to remit you one
half the amount by the end of this month, and the other half soon
after. I have thought it a duty to remove suspense on the subject.
Always acknoleging the kindness of your indulgence I salute you ever
with friendship and respect."
1822] Thomas Jefferson 247
condition of a people, totally shut out from all
commerce & intercourse with the world, and there
fore without any means for converting their labor
into money. But Greene was second to no one in
enterprise, in resource, in sound judgment, prompti
tude of decision, and every other military talent.
In addition to the work you have given us, I look
forward with anxiety to that you promise in the
last paragraph of your book. Lee's military fable
you have put down. Let not the invidious libel on
the views of the Republican party, and on their
regeneration of the government go down to posterity
as hypocritically masked. I was myself too labor
iously employed, while in office, and too old when
I left it, to do justice to those who had labored so
faithfully to arrest our course towards monarchy,
and to secure the result of our revolutionary suffer
ings and sacrifices in a government bottomed on the
only safe basis, the elective will of the people. You
are young enough for the task, and I hope you will
undertake it.
There is a subject respecting the practice of the
court of which you are a member, which has long
weighed on my mind, on which I have long thought
I would write to you, and which I will take this op
portunity of doing. It is in truth a delicate under
taking, & yet such is my opinion of your candor
and devotedness to the Constitution, in it's true
spirit, that I am sure I shall meet your appiobation
in unbosoming myself to you. The subject of my
uneasiness is the habitual mode of making up and
delivering the opinions of the supreme court of the US.
248 The Writings of [1822
You know that from the earliest ages of the Eng
lish law, from the date of the year-books, at least, to
the end of the lid George, the judges of England, in
all but self-evident cases, delivered their opinions
seriatim, with the reasons and authorities which
governed their decisions. If they sometimes con
sulted together, and gave a general opinion, it was
so rarely as not to excite either alarm or notice.
Besides the light which their separate arguments
threw on the subject, and the instruction com
municated by their several modes of reasoning, it
shewed whether the judges were unanimous or di
vided, and gave accordingly more or less weight to
the judgment as a precedent. It sometimes hap
pened too that when there were three opinions
against one, the reasoning of the one was so much
the most cogent as to become afterwards the law of
the land. When Ld. Mansfield came to the bench
he introduced the habit of caucusing opinions. The
judges met at their chambers, or elsewhere, secluded
from the presence of the public, and made up what
was to be delivered as the opinion of the court. On
the retirement of Mancfield, Ld. Kenyon put an end
to the practice, and the judges returned to that of
seriatim opinions, and practice it habitually to this
day, I believe. I am not acquainted with the late
reporters, do not possess them, and state the fact
from the information of others. To come now to
ourselves I know nothing of what is done in other
states, but in this our great and good Mr. Pendleton
was, after the revolution, placed at the head of
the court of Appeals. He adored Ld. Mansfield, &
1822] Thomas Jefferson 249
considered him as the greatest luminary of law that
any age had ever produced, and he introduced into
the court over which he presided, Mansfield's practice
of making up opinions in secret & delivering them
as the Oracles of the court, in mass. Judge Roane,
when he came to that bench, broke up the practice,
refused to hatch judgments, in Conclave, or to let
others deliver opinions for him. At what time the
seriatim opinions ceased in the supreme Court of
the US., I am not informed. They continued I
know to the end of the 3d Dallas in 1800. Later
than which I have no Reporter of that court. About
that time the present C. J. came to the bench.
Whether he carried the practice of Mr. Pendleton
to it, or who, or when I do not know; but I under
stand from others it is now the habit of the court,
& I suppose it true from the cases sometimes re
ported in the newspapers, and others which I casu
ally see, wherein I observe that the opinions were
uniformly prepared in private. Some of these cases
too have been of such importance, of such difficulty,
and the decisions so grating to a portion of the public
as to have merited the fullest explanation from
every judge seriatim, of the reasons which had
produced such convictions on his mind. It was
interesting to the public to know whether these
decisions were really unanimous, or might not per
haps be of 4. against 3. and consequently prevailing
by the preponderance of one voice only. The
Judges holding their offices for life are under two
responsibilities only. i. Impeachment. 2. Indi
vidual reputation. But this practice compleatly
250 The Writings of [1822
withdraws them from both. For nobody knows
what opinion any individual member gave in any
case, nor even that he who delivers the opinion, con
curred in it himself. Be the opinion therefore ever
so impeachable, having been done in the dark it
can be proved on no one. As to the 26. guaran
tee, personal reputation, it is shielded compleatly.
The practice is certainly convenient for the lazy,
the modest & the incompetent. It saves them the
trouble of developing their opinion methodically and
even of making up an opinion at all. That of
seriatim argument shews whether every judge has
taken the trouble of understanding the case, of in
vestigating it minutely, and of forming an opinion
for himself, instead of pinning it on another's sleeve.
It would certainly be right to abandon this practice
in order to give to our citizens one and all, that con
fidence in their judges which must be so desirable to
the judges themselves, and so important to the
cement of the union. During the administration
of Genl. Washington, and while E. Randolph was
Attorney General, he was required by Congress to
digest the judiciary laws into a single one, with such
amendments as might be thought proper. He pre
pared a section requiring the Judges to give their
opinions seriatim, in writing, to be recorded in a
distinct volume. Other business prevented this bill
from being taken up, and it passed off, but such a
volume would have been the best possible book of
reports, and the better, as unincumbered with the
hired sophisms and perversions of Counsel.
What do you think of the state of parties at this
1822] Thomas Jefferson 251
time? An opinion prevails that there is no longer
any distinction, that the republicans & Federalists
are compleatly amalgamated but it is not so. The
amalgamation is of name only, not of principle.
All indeed call themselves by the name of Republi
cans, because that of Federalists was extinguished
in the battle of New Orleans. But the truth is that
finding that monarchy is a desperate wish in this
country, they rally to the point which they think
next best, a consolidated government. Their aim
is now therefore to break down the rights reserved
by the constitution to the states as a bulwark
against that consolidation, the fear of which pro
duced the whole of the opposition to the constitution
at it's birth. Hence new Republicans in Congress,
preaching the doctrines of the old Federalists, and
the new nick -names of Ultras and Radicals. But
I trust they will fail under the new, as the old name,
and that the friends of the real constitution and
union will prevail against consolidation, as they have
done against monarchism. I scarcely know myself
which is most to be deprecated, a consolidation, or
dissolution of the states. The horrors of both are
beyond the reach of human foresight.
I have written you a long letter, and committed
to you thoughts which I would do to few others.
If I am right, you will approve them; if wrong,
commiserate them as the dreams of a Superannuate
about things from which he is to derive neither good
nor harm. But you will still receive them as a
proof of my confidence in the rectitude of your mind
and principles, of which I pray you to receive entire
252 The Writings of [1822
assurance with that of my continued and great
friendship and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Johnson on this subject:
" MONTICELLO, June 12, 1823.
" DEAR SIR, — Our correspondence is of that accommodating char
acter, which admits of suspension at the convenience of either party,
without inconvenience to the other. Hence this tardy acknowledg
ment of your favor of April the nth. I learn from that with great
pleasure, that you have resolved on continuing your history of parties.
Our opponents are far ahead of us in preparations for placing their
cause favorably before posterity. Yet I hope even from some of
them the escape of precious truths, in angry explosions or effusions of
vanity, which will betray the genuine monarchism of their principles.
They do not themselves believe what they endeavor to inculcate, that
we were an opposition party, not on principle, but merely seeking
for office. The fact is, that at the formation of our government,
many had formed their political opinions on European writings and
practices, believing the experience of old countries, and especially of
England, abusive as it was, to be a safer guide than mere theory.
The doctrines of Europe were, that men in numerous associations
cannot be restrained within the limits of order and justice, but by
forces physical and moral, wielded over them by authorities inde
pendent of their will. Hence their organization of kings, hereditary
nobles, and priests. Still further to constrain the brute force of the
people, they deem it necessary to keep them down by hard labor,
poverty and ignorance, and to take from them, as from bees, so much
of their earnings, as that unremitting labor shall be necessary to obtain
a sufficient surplus barely to sustain a scanty and miserable life. And
these earnings they apply to maintain their privileged orders in
splendor and idleness, to fascinate the eyes of the people, and excite
in them an humble adoration and submission, as to an order of superior
beings. Although few among us had gone all these lengths of opinion,
yet many had advanced, some more, some less, on the way. And in
the convention which formed our government, they endeavored to
draw the cords of power as tight as they could obtain them, to lessen
the dependence of the general functionaries on their constituents, to
subject to them those of the States, and to weaken their means of
maintaining the steady equilibrium which the majority of the con
vention had deemed salutary for both branches, general and local.
To recover, therefore, in practice the powers which the nation had
refused, and to warp to their own wishes those actually given, was the
steady object of the federal party. Ours, on the contrary, was to
maintain the will of the majority of the convention, and of the people
1822] Thomas Jefferson 253
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 28, 22.
I will not, my dear friend, undertake to quote
by their dates the several letters you have written
me. They have been proofs of your continued friend
ship to me, and my silence is no evidence of any
themselves. We believed, with them, that man was a rational
animal, endowed by nature with rights, and with an innate sense of
justice; and that he could be restrained from wrong and protected
in right, by moderate powers, confided to persons of his own choice,
and held to their duties by dependence on his own will. We believed
that the complicated organization of kings, nobles, and priests, was not
the wisest nor best to effect the happiness of associated man; that
wisdom and virtue were not hereditary; that the trappings of such
a machinery, consumed by their expense, those earnings of industry,
they were meant to protect, and, by the inequalities they produced,
exposed liberty to sufferance. We believed that men, enjoying in
ease and security the full fruits of their own industry, enlisted by all
their interests on the side of law and order, habituated to think for
themselves, and to follow their reason as their guide, would be more
easily and safely governed, than with minds nourished in error, and
vitiated and debased, as in Europe, by ignorance, indigence and op
pression. The cherishment of the people then was our principle, the
fear and distrust of them, that of the other party. Composed, as we
were, of the landed and laboring interests of the country, we could not
be less anxious for a government of law and order than were the in
habitants of the cities, the strongholds of federalism. And whether
our efforts to save the principles and form of our constitution have
not been salutary, let the present republican freedom, order and
prosperity of our country determine. History may distort truth,
and will distort it for a time, by the superior efforts at justification of
those who are conscious of needing it most. Nor will the opening
scenes of our present government be seen in their true aspect, until
the letters of the day, now held in private hoards, shall be broken up
and laid open to public view. What a treasure will be found in
General Washington's cabinet, when it shall pass into the hands of as
candid a friend to truth as he was himself! When no longer, like
Caesar's notes and memorandums in the hands of Anthony, it shall be
open to the high priests of federalism only, and garbled to say so
much, and no more, as suits their views!
With respect to his farewell address, to the authorship of which, it
254 The Writings of [1822
abatement of mine to you. That can never be while I
have breath and recollections so dear to me. Among
the few survivors of our revolutionary struggles, you
are as distinguished in my affections, as in the eyes
of the world, & especially in those of this country.
You are now, I believe, the Doyen of our military
seems, there are conflicting claims, I can state to you some facts. He
had determined to decline re-election at the end of his first term, and
so far determined, that he had requested Mr. Madison to prepare for
him something valedictory, to be addressed to his constituents on his
retirement. This was done, but he was finally persuaded to acquiesce
in a second election, to which no one more strenuously pressed him
than myself, from a conviction of the importance of strengthening, by
longer habit, the respect necessary for that office, which the weight
of his character only could effect. When, at the end of his second
term, his Valedictory came out, Mr. Madison recognized in it several
passages of his draught, several others, we were both satisfied, were
from the pen of Hamilton, and others from that of the President him
self. These he probably put into the hands of Hamilton to form into
a whole, and hence it may all appear in Hamilton's hand-writing, as
if it were all of his composition.
I have stated above, that the original objects of the federalists
were, ist, to warp our government more to the form and principles of
monarchy, and, 2d, to weaken the barriers of the State governments
as coordinate powers. In the first they have been so completely
foiled by the universal spirit of the nation, that they have abandoned
the enterprise, shrunk from the odium of their old appellation, taken
to themselves a participation of ours, and under the pseudo-republican
mask, are now aiming at their second object, and strengthened by un
suspecting or apostate recruits from our ranks, are advancing fast
towards an ascendancy. I have been blamed for saying, that a
prevalence of the doctrines of consolidation would one day call for
reformation or revolution. I answer by asking if a single State of the
Union would have agreed to the constitution, had it given all powers
to the General Government? If the whole opposition to it did not
proceed from the jealousy and fear of every State, of being subjected
to the other States in matters merely its own? And if there is any
reason to believe the States more disposed now than then, to acquiesce
in this general surrender of all their rights and powers to a consolidated
government, one and undivided?
You request me confidentially, to examine the question, whether
1822] Thomas Jefferson 255
heroes, & may I not say of the soldiers of liberty in
the world ? We differ in this. My race is run ; while
you have three good lustres yet to reach my time;
& these may give you much to do. Weighed down
with years, I am still more disabled from writing
by a wrist & fingers almost without joints. This has
the Supreme Court has advanced beyond its constitutional limits,
and trespassed on those of the State authorities? I do not under
take it, my dear Sir, because I am unable. Age and the wane of
mind consequent on it, have disqualified me from investigations so
severe, and researches so laborious. And it is the less necessary in
this case, as having been already done by others with a logic and
learning to which I could add nothing. On the decision of the case
of Cohens vs. The State of Virginia, in the Supreme Court of the
United States, in March, 1821, Judge Roane, under the signature of
Algernon Sidney, wrote for the Enquirer a series of papers on the law
of that case. I considered these papers maturely as they came out,
and confess that they appeared to me to pulverize every word which
had been delivered by Judge Marshall, of the extra-judicial part of
his opinion; and all was extra-judicial, except the decision that the
act of Congress had not purported to give to the corporation of Wash
ington the authority claimed by their lottery law, of controlling the
laws of the States within the States themselves. But unable to claim
that case, he could not let it go entirely, but went on gratuitously to
prove, that notwithstanding the eleventh amendment of the consti
tution, a State could be brought as a defendant, to the bar of his
court; and again, that Congress might authorize a corporation of its
territory to exercise legislation within a State, and paramount to the
laws of that State. I cite the sum and result only of his doctrines,
according to the impression made on my mind at the time, and still
remaining. If not strictly accurate in circumstance, it is so in sub
stance. This doctrine was so completely refuted by Roane, that if
he can be answered, I surrender human reason as a vain and useless
faculty, given to bewilder, and not to guide us. And I mention this
particular case as one only of several, because it gave occasion to that
thorough examination of the constitutional limits between the General
and State jurisdictions, which you have asked for. There were two
other writers in the same paper, under the signatures of Fletcher of
Saltoun, and Somers, who, in a few essays, presented some very
luminous and striking views of the question. And there was a par
ticular paper which recapitulated all the cases in which it was thought
256 The Writings of [1822
obliged me to withdraw from all correspondence that
is not indispensable. I have written, for a long
time, to none of my foreign friends, because I am
really unable to do it. I owe them therefore
apologies, or rather truths. Will you be my ad
vocate with those who complain and especially with
the federal court had usurped on the State jurisdictions. These
essays will be found in the Enquirers of 1821, from May the loth to
July the 1 3th. It is not in my present power to send them to you,
but if Ritchie can furnish them, I will procure and forward them. If
they had been read in the other States, as they were here, I think
they would have left, there as here, no dissentients from their doc
trine. The subject was taken up by our legislature of 1821-' 22, and
two draughts of remonstrances were prepared and discussed. As
well as I remember, there was no difference of opinion as to the matter
of right ; but there was as to the expediency of a remonstrance at that
time, the general mind of the States being then under extraordinary
excitement by the Missouri question; and it was dropped on that
consideration. But this case is not dead, it only sleepeth. The
Indian Chief said he did not go to war for every petty injury by itself,
but put it into his pouch, and when that was full, he then made war.
Thank Heaven, we have provided a more peaceable and rational mode
of redress.
This practice of Judge Marshall, of travelling out of his case to
prescribe what the law would be in a moot case not before the court,
is very irregular and very censurable. I recollect another instance,
and the more particularly, perhaps, because it in some measure bore
on myself. Among the midnight appointments of Mr. Adams, were
commissions to some federal justices of the peace for Alexandria.
These were signed and sealed by him, but not delivered. I found
them on the table of the department of State, on my entrance into
office, and I forbade their delivery. Marbury, named in one of them,
applied to the Supreme Court for a mandamus to the Secretary of
State, (Mr. Madison) to deliver the commission intended for him.
The court determined at once, that being an original process, they
had no cognizance of it; and therefore the question before them
was ended. But the Chief Justice went on to lay down what the
law would be, had they jurisdiction of the case, to wit: that they
should command the delivery. The object was clearly to instruct any
other court having the jurisdiction, what they should do if Marbury
should apply to them. Besides the impropriety of this gratuitous
1 82 2] Thomas Jefferson 257
Mr. Tracy, who I hope is in the recovery of health,
& enabled to continue his invaluable labors.
On the affairs of your hemisphere I have two
reasons for saying little. The one that I know little
of them. The other that, having thought alike
thro' our lives, my sentiments, if intercepted, might
interference, could anything exceed the perversion of law? For if there
is any principle of law never yet contradicted, it is that delivery is
one of the essentials to the validity of the deed. Although signed
and sealed, yet as long as it remains in the hands of the party him
self, it is in fieri only, it is not a deed, and can be made so only by
its delivery. In the hands of a third person it may be made an es
crow. But whatever is in the executive offices is certainly deemed
to be in the hands of the President ; and in this case, was actually in
my hands, because, when I countermanded them, there was as yet no
Secretary of State. Yet this case of Marbury and Madison is con
tinually cited by bench and bar, as if it were settled law, without any
animadversion on its being merely an obiter dissertation of the Chief
Justice.
It may be impracticable to lay down any general formula of words
which shall decide at once, and with precision, in every case, this
limit of jurisdiction. But there are two canons which will guide us
safely in most of the cases, ist. The capital and leading object of
the constitution was to leave with the States all authorities which re
spected their own citizens only, and to transfer to the United States
those which respected citizens of foreign or other States: to make
us several as to ourselves, but one as to all others. In the latter case,
then, constructions should lean to the general jurisdiction, if the
words will bear it ; and in favor of the States in the former, if possible
to be so construed. And indeed, between citizens and citizens of the
same State, and under their own laws, I know but a single case in
which a jurisdiction is given to the General Government. That is,
where anything but gold or silver is made a lawful tender, or the
obligation of contracts is any otherwise impaired. The separate
legislatures had so often abused that power, that the citizens them
selves chose to trust it to the general, rather than to their own special
authorities, ad. On every question of construction, carry ourselves
back to the time when the constitution was adopted, recollect the
spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning
may be squeezed out of the text, or invented against it, conform to
the probable one in which it was passed. Let us try Cohen's case
VOL. XII. — 17.
258 The Writings of [1822
be imputed to you, as reflections of your own. I
will hazard therefore but the single expression of
assurance that this general insurrection of the world
against it's tyrants will ultimately prevail by point
ing the object of government to the happiness of the
people and not merely to that of their self -constituted
by these canons only, referring always, however, for full argument,
to the essays before cited.
" i. It was between a citizen and his own State, and under a law of
his State. It was a domestic case, therefore, and not a foreign one.
"2. Can it be believed, that under the jealousies prevailing against
the General Government, at the adoption of the constitution, the
States meant to surrender the authority of preserving order, of en
forcing moral duties and restraining vice, within their own territory?
And this is the present case, that of Cohen being under the ancient
and general law of gaming. Can any good be effected by taking
from the States the moral rule of their citizens, and subordinating
it to the general authority, or to one of their corporations, which
may justify forcing the meaning of words, hunting after possible
constructions, and hanging inference on inference, from heaven to
earth, like Jacob's ladder? Such an intention was impossible, and
such a licentiousness of construction and inference, if exercised by
both governments, as may be done with equal right, would equally
authorize both to claim all power, general and particular, and break
up the foundations of the Union. Laws are made for men of ordinary
understanding, and should, therefore, be construed by the ordinary
rules of common sense. Their meaning is not to be sought for in
metaphysical subtleties, which may make anything mean everything
or nothing, at pleasure. It should be left to the sophisms of advo
cates, whose trade it is, to prove that a defendant is a plaintiff, though
dragged into court, torto collo, like Bonaparte's volunteers, into the
field in chains, or that a power has been given, because it ought to
have been given, et alia talia, The States supposed that by their tenth
amendment, they had secured themselves against constructive
powers. They were not lessoned yet by Cohen's case, nor aware of
the slipperiness of the eels of the law. I ask for no straining of words
against the General Government, nor yet against the States. I
believe the States can best govern our home concerns, and the General
Government our foreign ones. I wish, therefore, to see maintained
that wholesome distribution of powers established by the constitution
for the limitation of both; and never to see all offices transferred to
1822] Thomas Jefferson 259
governors. On our affairs little can be expected
from an Octogenary, retired within the recesses of
the mountains, going nowhere, seeing nobody but
his own house, & reading a single newspaper only,
& that chiefly for the sake of the advertisements.
I dare say you see & read as many of them as I do.
You will have seen how prematurely they have
Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the people,
they may more secretly be bought and sold as at market.
" But the Chief Justice says, 'there must be an ultimate arbiter
somewhere.' True, there must; but does that prove it is either
party? The ultimate arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled
by their deputies in convention, at the call of Congress, or of two-
thirds of the States. Let them decide to which they mean to give an
authority claimed by two of their organs. And it has been the
peculiar wisdom and felicity of our constitution, to have provided
this peaceable appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force.
" I rejoice in the example you set of seriatim opinions. I have heard
it often noticed, and always with high approbation. Some of your
brethren will be encouraged to follow it occasionally, and in time, it
may be felt by all as a duty, and the sound practice of the primitive
court be again restored. Why should not every judge be asked his
opinion, and give it from the bench, if only by yea or nay? Besides
ascertaining the fact of his opinion, which the public have a right to
know, in order to judge whether it is impeachable or not, it would
show whether the opinions were unanimous or not, and thus settle
more exactly the weight of their authority.
" The close of my second sheet warns me that it is time now to relieve
you from this letter of unmerciful length. Indeed, I wonder how I
have accomplished it, with two crippled wrists, the one scarcely able
to move my pen, the other to hold my paper. But I am hurried
sometimes beyond the sense of pain, when unbosoming myself to
friends who harmonize with me in principle. You and I may differ
occasionally in details of minor consequence, as no two minds, more
than two faces, are the same in every feature. But our general
objects are the same, to preserve the republican form and principles
of our constitution and cleave to the salutary distribution of powers
which that has established. These are the two sheet anchors of our
Union. If driven from either, we shall be in danger of foundering.
To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I add those for the con
tinuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness to your country."
260 The Writings of [1822
begun to agitate us with the next presidential elec
tion. Many candidates are named : but they will be
reduced to two, Adams & Crawford. Party prin
ciples, as heretofore will have their weight, but the
papers tell you there are no parties now, republicans
and federalists forsooth are all amalgamated. This,
my friend, is not so. The same parties exist now
which existed before. But the name of Federalist
was extinguished in the battle of New Orleans ; and
those who wore it now call themselves republicans.
Like the fox pursued by the dogs, they take shelter
in the midst of the sheep. They see that monarch-
ism is a hopeless wish in this country, and are
rallying anew to the next best point a consolidated
government. They are therefore endeavouring to
break down the barriers of the state rights, provided
by the constitution against a consolidation. Hence
you will see in the debates of Congress these new re
publicans maintaining the most ultra doctrines of
the old federalists. This new metamorphosis is the
only clue which will enable you to understand these
strange appearances. They will become more pro
minent in the ensuing discussions. One candidate
is supposed to be a consolidationist, the other a
republican of the old school, a friend to the consti
tutional organization of the government, and be
lieving that the strength of the members can alone
give real strength to the body. And this is the
sentiment of the nation, and will probably prevail
if the principle of the Missouri question should not
mingle itself with those of the election. Should it do
so, all will be uncertain. This uncertainty however
1822] Thomas Jefferson 261
gives me no uneasiness. Both are able men, both
honest men, and whatever be the bias, the good sense
of our people will direct the boat ultimately to it's
proper point.
I learn with great pleasure that you enjoy good
health. Mine is also good altho' I am very weak. I
cannot walk further than my garden without fatigue.
But I am still able to ride on horseback, and it is my
only exercise. That your life may be continued in
health and happiness to the term of your own wishes
is the fervent prayer of your constant and affection
ate friend.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 29, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — After a long silence, I salute you with
affection. The weight of eighty years pressing
heavily upon me, with a wrist and fingers almost
without joints, I write as little as possible, because
I do it with pain and labor. I retain, however, still
the same affection for my friends, and especially for
my ancient colleagues, which I ever did, and the
same wishes for their happiness. Your treaty has
been received here with universal gladness. It was
indeed a strange quarrel, like that of two pouting
lovers, and a pimp filching both; it was nuts for
England. When I liken them to lovers, I speak of
the people, not of their governments. Of the cor
dial love of one of these the Holy Alliance may
know more than I do. I will confine myself to our
own affairs. You have seen in our papers how
262 The Writings of [1822
prematurely they are agitating the question of the
next President. This proceeds from some uneasi
ness at the present state of things. There is consider
able dissatisfaction with the increase of the public
expenses, and especially with the necessity of bor
rowing money in time of peace. This was much
arraigned at the last session of Congress, and will
be more so at the next. The misfortune is that the
persons most looked to as successors in the govern
ment are of the President's Cabinet; and their par
tisans in Congress are making a handle of these
things to help, or hurt those for or against whom
they are. The candidates, ins and outs, seem at
present to be many; but they will be reduced to
two, a Northern and Southern one, as usual; to
judge of the event the state of parties must be
understood. You are told, indeed, that there are
no longer parties among us; that they are all now
amalgamated; the lion and the lamb lie down to
gether in peace. Do not believe a word of it. The
same parties exist now as ever did. No longer,
indeed, under the name of Republicans and Federal
ists. The latter name was extinguished in the
battle of Orleans. Those who wore it, finding mon-
archism a desperate wish in this country, are rally
ing to what they deem the next best point, a
consolidated government. Although this is not yet
avowed (as that of monarchism, you know, never
was), it exists decidedly, and is the true key to
the debates in Congress, wherein you see many
calling themselves Republicans and preaching the
rankest doctrines of the old Federalists. One of the
1 82 2] Thomas Jefferson 263
prominent candidates is presumed to be of this party ;
and the other a Republican of the old school and a
friend of the barrier of States rights, as provided by
the Constitution against the danger of consolidation,
which danger was the principal ground of opposi
tion to it at its birth. Pennsylvania and New York
will decide this question. If the Missouri principle
mixes itself in the question, it will go one way; if
not it may go the other. Among the smaller
motives, hereditary fears may alarm one side, and
the long line of local nativities on the other. In this
division of parties the judges are true to their an
cient vocation of sappers and miners.
Our University of Virginia, my present hobby, has
been at a stand for a twelve -month past for want of
funds. Our last Legislature refused anything. The
late elections give better hopes of the next. The
institution is so far advanced that it will force itself
through. So little is now wanting that the first
liberal Legislature will give it its last lift. The
buildings are in a style of purely classical architect
ure, and, although not yet finished, are become an
object of visit to all strangers. Our intention is
that its professors shall be of the first order in their
respective lines which can be procured on either side
of the Atlantic. Sameness of language will prob
ably direct our applications chiefly to Edinburgh.
I place some letters under the protection of your
cover. You will be so good as to judge whether
that address to Lodi will go more safely through the
public mail or by any of the diplomatic couriers,
liable to the curiosity and carelessness of public
264 The Writings of [1822
officers. Accept the assurances of my constant and
affectionate friendship and respect.
TO HENRY DEARBORN *
(U. S. MINISTER TO PORTUGAL.)
MONTICELLO, Oct. 31. 22.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of Aug. 31, dated so soon
after your departure gave me hopes that the suffer
ings at sea of Mrs. Dearborn and yourself, if any,
had been short. I hope you will both find Lisbon a
pleasant residence. I have heard so much of it's
climate that I suppose that alone will go far towards
making it so ; and should the want of the language
of the country lessen the enjoyment of it's society,
this will be considerably supplied by the numbers
you will find there who speak your own language.
Take into the account also that you will escape the
two years agitation just commencing with us. Even
before you had left us our newspapers had already
begun to excite the question of the next president.
They are advancing fast into it. Many candidates
are named, but they will settle down, as is believed,
to Adams and Crawford. If the Missouri principle
should mingle itself with the party divisions the re
sult will be very doubtful. For altho' it is pre
tended there are no longer any parties among us, that
all are amalgamated, yet the fact is that the same
parties exist now that ever existed, not indeed under
the old names of Republicans and Federalists. The
Hartford Convention and battle of New Orleans
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Dr. J. S. H. Fogg of Boston.
1822] Thomas Jefferson 265
extinguished the latter name. All now call them
selves republicans, as the fox when pursued by dogs
takes shelter in the midst of the sheep. Finding
monarchy desperate here, they rally to their next
hope, a consolidated government, and altho' they do
not avow it (as they never did monarchism) yet it is
manifestly their next object.
Hence you see so many of these new republicans
maintaining in Congress the rankest doctrines of
the old federalists. The judges aid in their old way
as sappers and miners. One of the candidates is
supposed to be a Consolidationist, the, other for
maintaining the banner of state rights as provided
by the constitution against the fear of Consolidation.
Our Virginia University is now my sole occupa
tion. It is within sight of Monticello, and the
buildings nearly finished, and we shall endeavor, by
the best Professors either side of the Atlantic can
furnish to make it worthy of the public notice.
Strange as the idea may seem, I sincerely think that
the prominent characters of the country where you
are could not better prepare their sons for the duties
they will have to perform in their new government
than by sending them here where they might become
familiarised with the habits and practice of self-
government. This lesson is scarcely to be acquired
but in this country, and yet without it, the political
vessel is all sail and no ballast.
I have a friend, of Portugal, in whose welfare I
feel great interest, but whether now there, or where,
I know not. It is the Abbe Correa who past some
years in the U. S. and was a part of the time the
266 The Writings of [1822
Minister of Portugal at Washington. He left it
under an appointment to the cabinet -council of Rio
Janeiro, taking his passage thither by the way of
England. While at London or Paris he would have
heard that the King and court had returned to
Lisbon; and what he did next is unknown here.
He writes to none of his friends, & yet there is no
one on whose behalf his friends feel a more lively
solicitude, or wish more to hear of or from. If at
Lisbon, and it should ever fall in your way to render
him a service or kindness, I should consider it as more
than if done to myself. If things go unfavorably to
him there, he would be received with joy into our
University, and would certainly find it a comfort
able and lucrative retirement. Should he be in
Lisbon, be so good as to say so to him. Say to Mrs.
Dearborn also, how much she possesses the affection
and respect of the whole family at Monticello, and
accept for yourself the assurance of my constant
friendship & respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November i, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — I have racked my memory and ran
sacked my papers, to enable myself to answer the in
quiries of your favor of October 15 th ; but to little pur
pose.1 My papers furnish me nothing, my memory,
1 Adams' letter to Jefferson was as follows :
" October 15, 1822.
" DEAR SIR, — I have long entertained scruples about writing this
letter, upon a subject of some delicacy. But old age has overcome
them at last.
" You remember the four ships ordered by Congress to be built, and
1822] Thomas Jefferson 267
generalities only. I know that while I was in Eu
rope, and anxious about the fate of our seafaring
men, for some of whom, then in captivity in Algiers,
we were treating, and all were in like danger, I
formed, undoubtingly, the opinion that our govern
ment, as soon as practicable, should provide a naval
force sufficient to keep theBarbary States in order;
and on this subject we communicated together, as
you observe. When I returned to the United States
and took part in the administration under General
Washington, I constantly maintained that opinion ;
and in December, 1790, took advantage of a refer
ence to me from the first Congress which met after
I was in office, to report in favor of a force sufficient
for the protection of our Mediterranean commerce;
and I laid before them an accurate statement of the
the four captains appointed by Washington, Talbot, and Truxton,
and Barry, &c., to carry an ambassador to Algiers, and protect our
commerce in the Mediterranean. I have always imputed this measure
to you, for several reasons. First, because you frequently proposed
it to me while we were at Paris, negotiating together for peace with
the Barbary powers. Secondly, because I knew that Washington and
Hamilton were not only indifferent about a navy, but averse to it.
There was no Secretary of the Navy ; only four Heads of department.
You were Secretary of State; Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury;
Knox, Secretary of War; and I believe Bradford was Attorney
General. I have always suspected that you and Knox were in favor
of a navy. If Bradford was so, the majority was clear. But Wash
ington, I am confident, was against it in his judgment. But his
attachment to Knox, and his deference to your opinion, for I know he
had a great regard for you, might induce him to decide in favor of you
and Knox, even though Bradford united with Hamilton in opposition
to you. That Hamilton was averse to the measure, I have personal
evidence; for while it was pending, he came in a hurry and a fit of
impatience, to make a visit to me. He said he was likely to be called
upon for a large sum of money to build ships of war, to fight the
Algerines, and he asked my opinion of the measure. I answered him
268 The Writings of [1822
whole Barbary force, public and private. I think
General Washington approved of building vessels
of war to that extent. General Knox, I know, did.
But what was Colonel Hamilton's opinion, I do not
in the least remember. Your recollections on that
subject are certainly corroborated by his known
anxieties for a close connection with Great Britain,
to which he might apprehend danger from collisions
between their vessels and ours. Randolph was then
Attorney General; but his opinion on the question
I also entirely forget. Some vessels of war were
accordingly built and sent into the Mediterranean.
The additions to these in your time, I need not note
to you, who are well known to have ever been an
advocate for the wooden walls of Themistocles.
Some of those you added, were sold under an act of
Congress passed while you were in office. I thought,
that I was clearly in favor of it. For I had always been of opinion,
from the commencement of the revolution, that a navy was the most
powerful, the safest and the cheapest national defence for this country.
My advice, therefore, was, that as much of the revenue as could
possibly be spared, should be applied to the building and equipping
of ships. The conversation was of some length but it was manifest
in his looks and in his air, that he was disgusted at the measure, as
well as at the opinion that I had expressed.
" Mrs. Knox not long since wrote a letter to Dr. Waterhouse, re
questing him to procure a commission for her son, in the navy; that
navy, says her ladyship, of which his father was the parent. 'For,'
says she, 'I have frequently heard General Washington say to my
husband, the navy was your child.' I have always believed it to be
Jefferson's child, though Knox may have assisted in ushering it into
the world. Hamilton's hobby was the army. That Washington was
averse to a navy, I had full proof from his own lips, in many different
conversations, some of them of length, in which he always insisted
that it was only building and arming ships for the English. 'Si quid
novisti rectius istis candidus imperti; si non, his utere mecum.'
"If I am in error in any particular, pray correct your humble servant."
1822] Thomas Jefferson 269
afterwards, that the public safety might require
some additional vessels of strength, to be prepared
and in readiness for the first moment of a war, pro
vided they could be preserved against the decay
which is unavoidable if kept in the water, and clear
of the expense of officers and men. With this view
I proposed that they should be built in dry docks,
above the level of the tide waters, and covered with
roofs. I further advised, that places for these
docks should be selected where there was a command
of water on a high level, as that of the Tyber at
Washington, by which the vessels might be floated
out, on the principle of a lock. But the majority
of the legislature was against any addition to the
navy, and the minority, although for it in judg
ment, voted against it on a principle of opposition.
We are now, I understand, building vessels to re
main on the stocks, under shelter, until wanted,
when they would be launched and finished. On
my plan they could be in service at an hour's notice.
On this, the finishing, after launching, will be a work
of time.
This is all I recollect about the origin and progress
of our navy. That of the late war, certainly raised
our rank and character among nations. Yet a navy
is a very expensive engine. It is admitted, that in
ten or twelve years a vessel goes to entire decay ; or,
if kept in repair, costs as much as would build a new
one; and that a nation who could count on twelve
or fifteen years of peace, would gain by burning its
navy and building a new one in time. Its extent,
therefore, must be governed by circumstances. Since
270 The Writings of [1822
my proposition for a force adequate to the piracies
of the Mediterranean, a similar necessity has arisen
in our own seas for considerable addition to that
force. Indeed, I wish we could have a convention
with the naval powers of Europe, for them to keep
down the pirates of the Mediterranean, and the
slave ships on the coast of Africa, and for us to
perform the same duties for the society of nations
in our seas. In this way, those collisions would be
avoided between the vessels of war of different
nations, which beget wars and constitute the
weightiest objection to navies. I salute you with
constant affection and respect.
TO DOCTOR THOMAS COOPER j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 2, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of October the i8th came
to hand yesterday. The atmosphere of our country
is unquestionably charged with a threatening cloud
of fanaticism, lighter in some parts, denser in others,
but too heavy in all. I had no idea, however, that
in Pennsylvania, the cradle of toleration and free
dom of religion, it could have arisen to the height
you describe. This must be owing to the growth of
Presbyterianism. The blasphemy and absurdity of
the five points of Calvin, and the impossibility of de
fending them, render their advocates impatient of
reasoning, irritable, and prone to denunciation. In
Boston, however, and its neighborhood, Unitarian-
ism has advanced to so great strength, as now to
1822] Thomas Jefferson 271
humble this haughtiest of all religious sects; inso
much that they condescend to interchange with
them and the other sects, the civilities of preaching
freely and frequently in each others' meeting-houses.
In Rhode Island, on the other hand, no sectarian
preacher will permit an Unitarian to pollute his
desk. In our Richmond there is much fanaticism,
but chiefly among the women. They have their
night meetings and praying parties, where, attended
by their priests, and sometimes by a hen-pecked
husband, they pour forth the effusions of their love
to Jesus, in terms as amatory and carnal, as their
modesty would permit them to use to a mere earthly
lover. In our village of Charlottesville, there is a
good degree of religion, with a small spice only of
fanaticism. We have four sects, but without either
church or meeting-house. The court-house is the
common temple, one Sunday in the month to each.
Here, Episcopalian and Presbyterian, Methodist and
Baptist, meet together, join in hymning their Maker,
listen with attention and devotion to each others'
preachers, and all mix in society with perfect har
mony. It is not so in the districts where Presby-
terianism prevails undividedly. Their ambition and
tyranny would tolerate no rival if they had power.
Systematical in grasping at an ascendency over all
other sects, they aim, like the Jesuits, at engrossing
the education of the country, are hostile to every
institution which they do not direct, and jealous at
seeing others begin to attend at all to that object.
The diffusion of instruction, to which there is now
so growing an attention, will be the remote remedy
272 The Writings of [1822
to this fever of fanaticism; while the more proximate
one will be the progress of Unitarianism. That this
will, ere long, be the religion of the majority from
north to south, I have no doubt.
In our university you know there is no Professor
ship of Divinity. A handle has been made of this,
to disseminate an idea that this is an institution, not
merely of no religion, but against all religion. Oc
casion was taken at the last meeting of the Visitors,
to bring forward an idea that might silence this
calumny, which weighed on the minds of some
honest friends to the institution. In our annual
report to the legislature, after stating the consti
tutional reasons against a public establishment of
any religious instruction, we suggest the expediency
of encouraging the different religious sects to estab
lish, each for itself, a professorship of their own
tenets, on the confines of the university, so near as
that their students may attend the lectures there,
and have the free use of our library, and every other
accommodation we can give them ; preserving, how
ever, their independence of us and of each other.
This fills the chasm objected to ours, as a defect in
an institution professing to give instruction in all
useful sciences. I think the invitation will be ac
cepted, by some sects from candid intentions, and
by others from jealousy and rivalship. And by
bringing the sects together, and mixing them with
the mass of other students, we shall soften their
asperities, liberalize and neutralize their prejudices,
and make the general religion a religion of peace,
reason, and morality.
1822] Thomas Jefferson 273
The time of opening our university is still as un
certain as ever. All the pavilions, boarding houses,
and dormitories are done. Nothing is now wanting
but the central building for a library and other
general purposes. For this we have no funds, and
the last legislature refused all aid. We have better
hopes of the next. But all is uncertain. I have
heard with regret of disturbances on the part of the
students in your seminary. The article of discipline
is the most difficult in American education. Pre
mature ideas of independence, too little repressed
by parents, beget a spirit of insubordination, which
is the great obstacle to science with us, and a prin
cipal cause of its decay since the revolution. I look
to it with dismay in our institution, as a breaker
ahead, which I am far from being confident we shall
be able to weather. The advance of age, and tardy
pace of the public patronage, may probably spare
me the pain of witnessing consequences.
I salute you with constant friendship and respect.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
Dec. i, 22.
I thank you Dr. Sir for the oppy. of reading Mr
Taylor's Ire. which I now return. News that one
can rely on from a country with which we have so
little intercourse & so much mutual interest is
doubly grateful. I rejoice to learn that Iturbide's
is a mere usurpfi. & slenderly supported. Although
we have no right to intermeddle with the form of
government of other nations yet it is lawful to wish
VOL. XII. — 1 8.
274 The Writings of [1823
to see no emperors nor king in our hemisphere, and
that Brazil as well as Mexico will homologize with
us. The accident to my arm was slight, its doing
well & free from pain. I thank you sincerely for
your favor to Gibson. He is a worthy but unfor
tunate man.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 6. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I send you a mass of reading, and so
rapidly does my hand fail me in writing that I can
give but very briefly the necessary explanations.
1. Mr. Cabell's letter to me & mine to him which
passed each other on the road will give you the state
of things respecting the University, and I am happy
to add that letters received from Appleton give us
reason to expect our capitals by the first vessel from
Leghorn, done of superior marble and in superior
style.
2. Young E. Gerry informed me some time ago
that he had engaged a person to write the life of his
father, and asked for any materials I could furnish.
I sent him some letters, but in searching for them,
I found two, too precious to be trusted by mail, of
the date of 1801. Jan. 15. & 20. in answer to one I
had written him Jan. 26. 99. two years before. It
furnishes authentic proof that in the X. Y. Z. mis
sion to France, it was the wish of Pickering, Mar
shall, Pinckney and the Federalists of that stamp, to
avoid a treaty with France and to bring on war, a
fact we charged on them at the time and this letter
1823] Thomas Jefferson 275
proves, and that their X. Y. Z. report was cooked
up to dispose the people to war. Gerry their col
league was not of their sentiment, and this is his
statement of that transaction. During the 2. years
between my letter & his answer, he was wavering
between Mr. Adams & myself, between his attach
ment to Mr. Adams personally on the one hand,
and to republicanism on the other; for he was re
publican, but timid & indecisive. The event of the
election of 1800-1. put an end to his hesitations.
3. A letter of mine to judge Johnson & his answer.
This conveys his views of things, and they are so
serious and sound, that they are worth your reading.
I am sure that in communicating it to you I com
mit no breach of trust to him ; for he and every one
knows that I have no political secrets from you; &
from the tenor of his letter with respect to yourself,
it is evident he would as willingly have them known
to you as myself.
You will observe that Mr. Cabell, if the loan bill
should pass, proposes to come up with Mr. Loyall,
probably Mr. Johnson, and Genl. Cocke to have a
special meeting. This is necessary to engage our
workmen before they undertake other work for the
ensuing season. I shall desire him, as soon as the
loan bill passes the lower house (as we know it will
pass the Senate) to name a day by mail to yourself
to meet us, as reasonable notice to all the members is
necessary to make the meeting legal. I hope you
will attend, as the important decision as to the
Rotunda may depend on it.
Our family is all well and joins in affections to
276 The Writings of [1823
Mrs. Madison and yourself. My arm goes on slowly,
still in a sling and incapable of any use, and will so
continue some time yet. Be so good as to return
the inclosed when read and to be assured of my
constant and affectionate friendship.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 21. 23.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed answers your favor of
the 2 gth ult. on the value of your lands. I had had
great hopes that while in your present office you
would break up the degrading practice of consider
ing the President's house as a general tavern and
economise sffly to come out of it clear of difficulties.
I learn the contrary with great regret. Your
society during the little time I have left would have
been the chief comfort of my life. Of the 3. por
tions into which you have laid off your lands here,
I will not yet despair but that you may retain that
on which your house stands. Perhaps you may be
able to make an equivalent partial sale in Loudon
before you can a compleat one here.
I had flattered myself that a particular and new
resource would have saved me from my unfortunate
engagements for W. C. N.1 but they fail me, and I
must sell property to their amount.
You have had some difficulties and contradiction
to struggle with in the course of your admn but you
will come out of them with honor and with the
affections of your country. Mine to you have been
& ever will be constant and warm.
1 Nicholas
1823] Thomas Jefferson 277
TO JUDGE WILLIAM JOHNSON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 4. 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I delayed some time the acknow
ledgment of your welcome letter of December icth
on the common lazy principle of never doing to-day
what we can put off to to-morrow, until it became
doubtful whether a letter would find you at Charles
ton. Learning now that you are at Washington, I
will reply to some particulars which seem to require
it.
The North American Review is a work I do not
take, and which is little known in this State, con
sequently I have never seen its observations on your
inestimable history, but a reviewer can never let a
work pass uncensured. He must always make
himself wiser than his author. He would other
wise think it an abdication of his office of censor.
On this occasion, he seems to have had more sensi
bility for Virginia than she has for herself; for, on
reading the work, I saw nothing to touch our pride
or jealousy, but every expression of respect and
good will which truth could justify. The family of
enemies, whose buzz you apprehend, are now no
thing. You may learn this at Washington; and
their military relation has long ago had the full-
voiced condemnation of his own State. Do not
fear, therefore, these insects. What you write will
be far above their grovelling sphere. Let me, then,
implore you, dear Sir, to finish your history of */
parties, leaving the time of publication to the state
of things you may deem proper but taking especial
care that we do not lose it altogether. We have
278 The Writings of [1823
been too careless of our future reputation, while our
tories will omit nothing to place us in the wrong.
Besides the five-voluiQed^jibel which represents us
as struggling for office, and not at all to prevent our
government from being administered into a mon
archy, the life of Hamilton is in the hands of a
man who, to the bitterness of the priest, adds the
rancor of the fiercest federalism. Mr. Adams'
papers, too, and his biography, will descend of
course to his son, whose pen, you know, is pointed,
and his prejudices not in our favor. And doubtless
other things are in preparation, unknown to us.
On our part we are depending on truth to make
itself known, while history is taking a contrary set
which may become too inveterate for correction.
Mr. Madison will probably leave something, but I
believe, only particular passages of our history and
these chiefly confined to the period between the
dissolution of the old and commencement of the
new government, which is peculiarly within his
knowledge. After he joined me in the administra
tion, he had no leisure to write. This, too, was my
case. But although I had not time to prepare
anything express, my letters, (all preserved) will
furnish the daily occurrences and views from my
return from Europe in 1790, till I retired finally
from office. These will command more conviction
than anything I could have written after my retire
ment ; no day having ever passed during that period
without a letter to somebody. Written too in the
moment, and in the warmth and freshness of fact
and feeling, they will carry internal evidence that
l823] Thomas Jefferson 279
what they breathe is genuine. Selections from
these, after my death, may come out successively
as the maturity of circumstances may render their
appearance seasonable. But multiplied testimony,
multiplied views will be necessary to give solid es
tablishment to truth. Much is known to one which
is not known to another, and no one knows every
thing. It is the sum of individual knowledge which
is to make up the whole truth, and to give its correct
current through future time. Then do not, dear
Sir, withhold your stock of information; and I
would moreover recommend that you trust it not to
a single copy, nor to a single depository. Leave it
not in the power of any one person, under the dis
tempered view of an unlucky moment, to deprive
us of the weight of your testimony, and to purchase,
by its destruction, the favor of any party or person,
as happened with a paper of Dr. Franklin's.
I cannot lay down my pen without recurring to i
one of the subjects of my former letter, for in truth
there is no danger I apprehend so much as the con- '
solidation of our government by the noiseless, and ji
therefore unalarming, instrumentality of the supreme |j
court. This is the form in which federalism now \
arrays itself, and consolidation is the present prin
ciple of distinction between republicans and the
pseudo-republicans but real federalists. I must
comfort myself with the hope that the judges will
see the importance and the duty of giving their
country the only evidence they can give of fidelity
to its constitution and integrity in the administra
tion of its laws ; that is to say, by every one's giving
280 The Writings of [1823
his opinion seriatim and publicly on the cases he
decides. Let him prove by his reasoning that he
has read the papers, that he has considered the case,
that in the application of the law to it, he uses his
own judgment independently and unbiased by party
views and personal favor or disfavor. Throw him
self in every case on God and his country; both will
. excuse him for error and value him for his honesty.
The very idea of cooking up opinions in conclave,
begets suspicions that something passes which fears
the public ear, and this, spreading by degrees, must
produce at some time abridgment of tenure, facility
of removal, or some other modification which may
promise a remedy. For in truth there is at this
time more hostility to the federal judiciary, than to
any other organ of the government.
I should greatly prefer, as you do, four judges to any
greater number. Great lawyers are not over abun
dant, and the multiplication of judges only enables
the weak to out -vote the wise, and three concurrent
opinions out of four give a strong persumption of
right.
I cannot better prove my entire confidence in
your candor, than by the frankness with which I
commit myself to you, and to this I add with truth,
assurances of the sincerity of my great esteem and
respect.
1823] Thomas Jefferson 281
TO WILLIAM SHORT i j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 28. 23.
DEAR SIR, — From your letter of prophecies I too
have caught the spirit of prophecy: for who can
withhold looking into futurity, on events which are
to change the face of the world, and the condition of
man throughout it, without indulging himself in the
effusions of the holy spirit of Delphos? I may do it
the more safely, as to my vaticinations I always
subjoin the Proviso "that nothing unexpected hap
pen to change the predicted course of events." If,
then, France has invaded Spain, an insurrection im
mediately takes place in Paris, the Royal family is
sent to the Temple, thence perhaps to the Guillotine;
to the 2. or 300,000 men able to bear arms in Paris
will flock all the young men of the nation, born and
bred in principles of freedom, and furnish a corps
d'armee with Orleans, Beauharnais, or Fayette at
their head; the army of the Pyrenees catch the
same flame and return to Paris with their arms in
their hands. The Austrian and Prussian armies
march to the relief of Louis XVIII, a descendant as
well as Ferdinand of Henry IV. As soon as their
backs are turned, an universal insurrection takes
1 Jefferson also sent a copy of this letter to Monroe, with the follow
ing explanation :
" MONTO. Mar. 29. 23.
" DEAR SIR, — In answering a letter from Mr. Short I indulged myself
in some off hand speculns on the present lowering state of Europe,
random enough to be sure, yet on revising them I thot I would hazard
a copy to you on the bare possibility that out of them, as we some
times do from dreams, you might pick up some hint worth improving
by your own reflection. At any rate the whole reverie will lose to you
only the few minutes required for it's perusal, and therefore I hazard
it with the assurance of my constant affectn & respect."
282 The Writings of [1823
place in Germany, Prussia, perhaps the Netherlands,
thro7 all Italy certainly, who besides a force suffi
cient to settle their own governments, can send aids
to France. Alexander, in the meantime, having
dexterously set all the South of Europe together by
the ears, leaves them the bag to hold, and turns his
whole force on Turkey, profiting of the opportunity
at length obtained, which never occurred before,
and never would again.
In the mean time Great Britain and the U S.
prepare for milking the cow; and, as friends to all
parties, furnish all with cabotage, commerce, manu
factures and food. Great Britain particularly gets
full employment for all her hands, machines and
capital; she recovers from her distresses & rises
again into prosperity and splendour. She goes
hand in hand with us in reaping this harvest and
on fair principles of Neutrality, which it will now
be her interest to settle and observe: She joins us
too in a guarantee of the independance of Cuba,
with the consent of Spain, and removes thus this
bone of contention from between us. We avail
ourselves of this occasion of a cordial conciliation
and friendship with Spain, by assuring her of every
friendly office which even a partial neutrality will
permit, and particularly that, during their struggle
they need fear nothing hostile from us in their
colonies, and Spain and Portugal wisely relinquish
the dependance of all their American colonies, on
condition they make common cause with them
in the present conflict. ,Is not this a handsome
string of events, which are to give Representative
1823] Thomas Jefferson 283
Governments to all Europe, and all of which are
surely to take place "if nothing unexpected happens
to change their course " ? It might be amusing half
a dozen years hence, to review these predictions and
see how they tally with history.
I shall receive, with high pleasure, your visit in
the Autumn. When the time approaches, we must
secure a concert between that and mine to Bedford
to which all times are indifferent. Our University
is now compleat to a single building, which, having
seen the Pantheon, your imagination will readily
supply, so as to form a good idea of its ultimate ap
pearance. You must bequeath it your library, as
many others of us propose to do.
The bone of my arm is well knitted and strong, but
the carpal bones, having been disturbed, maintain
an cedematous swelling of the hand and fingers,
keeping them entirely helpless and holding up no
definite term for the recovery of their usefulness.
I am now in the $th months of this disability.
Nothing could have carried me through the labor
of this long letter but the glow of the Pythian in
spiration, and I must rest, after exhaustion, as that
goddess usually did, adding only assurances of my
constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
TO SAMUEL SMITH j. MSS,
MONTICELLO, May 3, 1823.
DEAR GENERAL, — I duly received your favor of
the 24th ult. But I am rendered a slow correspond
ent by the loss of the use, totally of the one, and
284 The Writings of [1823
almost totally of the other wrist, which renders
writing scarcely and painfully practicable. I learn
with great satisfaction that wholesome economies
have been found, sufficient to relieve us from the
ruinous necessity of adding annually to our debt by
new loans. The deviser of so salutary a relief de
serves truly well of his country. I shall be glad,
too, if an additional tax of one-fourth of a dollar a
gallon on whiskey shall enable us to meet all our
engagements with punctuality. Viewing that tax
as an article in a system of excise, I was once glad
to see it fall with the rest of the system, which I
considered as prematurely and unnecessarily in
troduced. It was evident that our existing taxes
were then equal to our existing debts. It was
clearly foreseen also that the surplus from ex
cise would only become aliment for useless offices,
and would be swallowed in idleness by those whom
it would withdraw from useful industry. Considering
it only as a fiscal measure, this was right. But the
prostration of body and mind which the cheapness
of this liquor is spreading through the mass of our
citizens, now calls the attention of the legislator on
a very different principle. One of his important
duties is as guardian of those who from causes in
susceptible of precise definition, cannot take care of
themselves. Such are infants, maniacs, gamblers,
drunkards. The last, as much as the maniac, re
quires restrictive measures to save him from the
fatal infatuation under which he is destroying his
health, his morals, his family, and his usefulness
to society. One powerful obstacle to his ruinous
1823] Thomas Jefferson 285
self-indulgence would be a price beyond his compe
tence. As a sanatory measure, therefore, it becomes
one of duty in the public guardians. Yet I do not
think it follows necessarily that imported spirits
should be subjected to similar enhancement, until
they become as cheap as those made at home. A tax
on whiskey is to discourage its consumption ; a tax on
foreign spirits encourages whiskey by removing its
rival from competition. The price and present duty
throw foreign spirits already out of competition with
whiskey, and accordingly they are used but to a
salutary extent. You see no persons besotting
themselves with imported spirits, wines, liquors,
cordials, &c. Whiskey claims to itself alone the ex
clusive office of sot-making. Foreign spirits, wines,
teas, coffee, segars, salt, are articles of as innocent
consumption as broadcloths and silks and ought,
like them, to pay but the average ad valorem duty
of other imported comforts. All of them are in
gredients in our happiness, and the government
which steps out of the ranks of the ordinary articles
of consumption to select and lay under dispropor
tionate burthens a particular one, because it is a
comfort, pleasing to the taste, or necessary to health,
and will therefore be bought, is, in that particular,
a tyranny. Taxes on consumption like those on
capital or income, to be just, must be uniform. I
do not mean to say that it may not be for the
general interest to foster for awhile certain infant
manufactures, until they are strong enough to stand
against foreign rivals; but when evident that they
will never be so, it is against right, to make the other
286 The Writings of [1823
branches of industry support them. When it was
found that France could not make sugar under 6 h.
a lb., was it not tyranny to restrain her citizens from
importing at i h. ? or would it not have been so to
have laid a duty of 5 h. on the imported? The per
mitting an exchange of industries with other nations
is a direct encouragement of your own, which with
out that, would bring you nothing for your comfort,
and would of course cease to be produced.
On the question of the next Presidential election,
I am a mere looker on. I never permit myself to
express an opinion, or to feel a wish on the subject.
I indulge a single hope only, that the choice may
fall on one who will be a friend of peace, of economy,
of the republican principles of our constitution, and
of the salutary distribution of powers made by that
between the general and the local governments, to
this, I ever add sincere prayers for your happiness
and prosperity.
TO THOMAS LEIPER J. MSS.
May 31, 23.
DEAR SIR, — On my late return from Bedford I
found here your three favors of May 9. 13. & — . The
millet you have been so kind as to send me is not yet
arrived. Accept my thanks for it as well as for the
details as to it's culture & produce. I shall turn it
over to my grandson T. J. Randolph, to whom I
have committed the management of the whole of
my agricultural concerns, in which I was never
skilful and am now entirely unequal from age and
1823] Thomas Jefferson 287
debility. He had reed, some seed of the same kind
from another quarter and had sowed an acre & a
half by way of experiment. To this he will add
what you are so kind as to send if it comes in time.
We had heard much of it's great produce & par
ticularly in Kentucky. We have also obtained a
little of the genuine Guinee grass, a plant of great
& nutritious produce. This too is under trial.
Withdrawn entirely from agriculture I am equally
so from the business of the world & especially from
political concerns which I trust entirely to the
genern of the day, without enquiry, or reading but
a single newspaper. I shall therefore accdg to your
permission consign the several valuable pamphlets
you have sent me to some of our members of Con
gress or others in power, who may use them to ad
vantage. I am sure however I should read your
vinegar & pepper letters with pleasure should you
send them on; for whenever I have been con
founded in the labyrinth of politics of Pennsylve
especially I have ever applied to you for their clue
& have found myself kept right by your informn. I
am all alive however to the war of Spain & it's
atrocious invasion by France. I trust it will end in
an Universal insurrection of continental Europe &
in the establmt of representative government in
every country of it. We surely see the finger of
providence in the insanity of France which brings
on this great consummation.
I learn from you with great satisfn the details con
cerning your family, and their happy & prosperous
progress in life. Your own losses by endorsements
288 The Writings of
are heavy indeed. I do not know whether you
may recollect how loudly my voice was raised agt.
the establmt of banks in the begng. But like that
of Cassandra it was not listened to. I was set
down as a madman by those who have since been
victims to them. I little thought then how much
I was to suffer by them myself, for I too am taken
in by endorsements for a friend to the amount of
20,000 D. for the payment of which I shall have to
make sale of that much of my property the ensuing
winter. And yet the general revoln of fortunes which
these instrmns have produced seem not at all to
have cured our country of this mania.
Your last letter first enables me to return you the
thanks so long due & unrendered for the two prints
of Bonaparte, being the first informn I have reed
that they came from you. They came to me with
out the least indicn from what quarter. I went to
the village of Milton, & enquired of the boatmen,
who could tell me nothing more than that they were
delivered to them for me by a person whom they did
not know, and the present was so magnificent that
I really suspected it came from Joseph Bonaparte
or some of the refugee French Generals who were
then with us. Dr. Watson first suggested that he
believed they had come from you and that you had
never learnt their safe arrival. I prayed him on
his return to Phila to ascertain the fact, and your
letter now, for the first time gives me the informn
desired. I pray you to be assured that nothing but
this ignorance could so long have withheld my just
acknolegmts for this mark of your f rdshp so splendid
1823] Thomas Jefferson 289
& so acceptable. You suppose that in some letter
of mine an idea is conveyed of dissatsn on my part
for something mentd. by you on the subject of my
religion. Certainly no letter of mine to you can
ever have expressed such an idea. I never heard
of any animadversion of yours on my religion & I
believe that is one of the subjects on which our con-
versn never turned, and that neither of us ever knew
what was the religion of the other. On this point
I suppose we are both equally tolerant & charitable.
I am far from being in the condn of easy -writing
which your letter supposes, with 2 crippled wrists,
the one scarcely able to move my pen, the other to
hold my paper. This double misfortune, the one
of antr date now aggravated by age, the other
recent, renders writing so slow & painful that
nothing can induce me to approach the writing
table but business indispensable or the irresistible
impulse to assure my friends, as I now do you, of
my constant & affecte frdshp & respect.
TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 9. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your favor of
the 3ist ult. and my Grandson Th: J. R. having set
out to Richmond the day before I immediately in
closed the papers to him by mail and informed him
that I should be ready if thot necessary, to bear
testimony to the honble character of our deed,
friend, as I knew him. I am sorry to learn that you
VOL. XII. — 19.
290 The Writings of [1823
are among the sufferers by his misfortunes. I am
dreadfully so, to an amount which will weigh heavily
on the remr of my life.
I was much gratified by the visit of your son and
formed as favorable an opinion of him as it's short
ness would permit. I hope we shall have our Univty.
opened yet in time for him. This however must
depend on the future acts of the legislature. They
started the schemes of their Primary schools and
university at the same time, and as if on the same
footing, without considering that the former re
quired no preliminary expence, the latter an im
mense one, and their supplies of the deficiency they
have called hitherto by the name of loans, as if the
monies of the literary fund could be more legiti
mately appropriated. Their last vote will com-
pleatly finish the buildings, and whenever they
shall declare our annuity liberated from this in-
cumbrance, we shall take measures to procure pro
fessors and to open the institution. I hope they will
make this declaration at their next session. We
can immediately accommodate 200 students, which
number I am sure will be quickly furnished to over
flowing. Every student addnal to that number,
and I think they will be many, will require pro
gressive accommdns to the amount of 300. D. for
each until we attain our maximum, which the suc
cess of the establmt will I hope by that time en
courage the legislature to furnish, in considn of the
D, & cents they will add to our circuln as well as to
the diffusion of science among our citizens.
I have been gratified lately by hearing that your
1823] Thomas Jefferson 291
health was improving. The bone of my arm which
was fractured, is well knitted, but the small bones
of the wrist being dislocated at the same time, could
not be truly replaced, so that it's use will never be
recovered in any great degree. My health is good,
but so weakened by age that I can walk but little,
but I ride daily & with little fatigue. I hope you
will continue as long as you wish it to enjoy life and
health, and pray you to be assured of my constant
and sincere frdshp and respect.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June ii, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — Considering that I had not been to
Bedford for a twelvemonth before, I thought myself
singularly unfortunate in so timing my journey, as
to have been absent exactly at the moment of your
late visit to our neighborhood. The loss, indeed,
was all my own; for in these short interviews with
you, I generally get my political compass rectified,
learn from you whereabouts we are, and correct my
course again. In exchange for this, I can give you
but newspaper ideas, and little indeed of these, for I
read but a single paper, and that hastily. I find
Horace and Tacitus so much better writers than
the champions of the gazettes, that I lay those down
to take up these with great reluctance. And on the
question you propose, whether we can, in any form,
take a bolder attitude than formerly in favor of
liberty, I can give you but commonplace ideas.
292 The Writings of [1823
They will be but the widow's mite, and offered only
because requested. The matter which now em
broils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an
independent nation the form of its government, is
so arrogant, so atrocious, that indignation, as well
as moral sentiment, enlists all our partialities and
prayers in favor of one, and our equal execrations
against the other. I do not know, indeed, whether
all nations do not owe to one another a bold and
open declaration of their sympathies with the one
xparty and their detestation of the conduct of the
other. But farther than this we are not bound to
go; and indeed, for the sake of the world, we ought
not to increase the jealousies, or draw on ourselves
the power of this formidable confederacy. I have
ever deemed it fundamental for the United States,
never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe.
Their political interests are entirely distinct from
ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of
power, their complicated alliances, their forms and
principles of government, are all foreign to us.
They are nations of eternal war. All their energies
are expended in the destruction of the labor, pro
perty and lives of their people. On our part, never
had a people so favorable a chance of trying the
opposite system, of peace and fraternity with man
kind, and the direction of all our means and faculties
to the purposes of improvement instead of destruc
tion. With Europe ,we have few occasions of
collision, and these, with a little prudence and
forbearance, may be generally accommodated. Of
the brethren of our own hemisphere, none are yet,
1823] Thomas Jefferson 293
or for an age to come will be, in a shape, condition,
or disposition to war against us. And the foothold
which the nations of Europe had in either America,
is slipping from under them, so that we shall soon
be rid of their neighborhood. Cuba alone seems at
presexit to hold up a speck of war to us. Its pos
session by Great Britain would indeed be a great
calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us in
guaranteeing its independence against all the world,
except Spain, it would be nearly as valuable to us
as if it were our own. But should she take it, I
would not immediately go to war for it; because the
first war on other accounts will give it to us ; or the
island will give itself to us, when able to do so.
While no duty, therefore, calls on us to take part in
the present war of Europe, and a golden harvest
offers itself in reward for doing nothing, peace and
neutrality seem to be our duty and interest. We
may gratify ourselves, indeed, with a neutrality as
partial to Spain as would be justifiable without
giving cause of war to her adversary ; we might and
ought to avail ourselves of the happy occasion of
procuring and cementing a cordial reconciliation
with her, by giving assurance of every friendly
office which neutrality admits, and especially, against
all apprehension of our intermeddling in the quarrel
with her colonies. And I expect daily and confi
dently to hear of a spark kindled in France, which
will employ her at home, and relieve Spain from all
further apprehensions of danger.
That England is playing false with Spain cannot
be doubted. Her government is looking one way
294 The Writings of [1823
and rowing another. It is curious to look back a
little on past events. During the ascendancy of
Bonaparte, the word among the herd of kings, was
sauve qui pent. Each shifted for himself, and
left his brethren to squander and do the same as they
could. After the battle of Waterloo, and the mili
tary possession of France, they rallied and com
bined in common cause, to maintain each other
against any similar and future danger. And in this
alliance, Louis, now avowedly, and George, secretly
but solidly, were of the contracting parties; and
there can be no doubt that the allies are bound by
treaty to aid England with their armies, should
insurrection take place among her people. The
coquetry she is now playing off between her people
and her allies is perfectly understood by the latter,
and accordingly gives no apprehensions to France,
to whom it is all explained. The diplomatic cor
respondence she is now displaying, these double
papers fabricated merely for exhibition, in which
she makes herself talk of morals and principle, as
if her qualms of conscience would not permit her to
go all lengths with her Holy Allies, are all to gull her
own people. It is a theatrical farce, in which the
five powers are the actors, England the Tartuffe,
and her people the dupes. Playing thus so dex-
trously into each others' hands, and their own per
sons seeming secured, they are now looking to their
privileged orders. These faithful auxiliaries, or ac
complices, must be saved. This war is evidently
that of the general body of the aristocracy, in which
England is also acting her part. ''Save but the
1823] Thomas Jefferson 295
Nobles and there shall be no war," says she, mask
ing her measures at the same time under the form
of friendship and mediation, and hypocritically,
while a party, offering herself as a judge, to betray
those whom she is not permitted openly to oppose.
A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality at all, is all
Spain will get from her. And Spain, probably, per
ceives this, and willingly winks at it rather than
have her weight thrown openly into the other scale.
But I am going beyond my text, and sinning
against the adage of carrying coals to Newcastle.
In hazarding to you my crude and uninformed
notions of things beyond my cognizance, only be so
good as to remember that it is at your request, and
with as little confidence on my part as profit on
yours. You will do what is right, leaving the people
of Europe to act their follies and crimes among
themselves, while we pursue in good faith the paths
of peace and prosperity. To your judgment we are
willingly resigned, with sincere assurances of affec
tionate esteem and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTO. June 13. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I communicated to you a former
part of a correspondence between /udge Johnson of
Charleston and myself, chiefly on the practice of
caucusing opns which is that of the Supreme court
of the US. but on some other matters also, par
ticularly his history of parties. In a late letter he
asks me to give him my idea of the precise principles
296 The Writings of [1823
& views of the Republicans in their opposn to the
Feds when that opposn was highest, also my opn of
the line dividing the jurisdn of the general & state
govmts, mention a dispute between Genl. W/s
frds & Mr. Hamilton as to the authorship of their
Valedictory, and expresses his concurrce with me
on the subject of seriatim opns. This last being of
primary importance I inclose you a copy of my
answer to the judge, because if you think of it as I
do, I suppose your connection with Judge Todd &
your antient intimacy with Judge Duvel might give
you an opening to say something to them on the
subject. If Johnson could be backed by them in
the practice, the others would be obliged to follow
suit and this dangerous engine of consolidn would
feel a proper restraint by their being compelled to
explain publicly the grounds of their opinions.
What I have stated as [to] the Valedictory, is accdg
to my recollection; if you find any error it shall be
corrected in another letter. When you shall have
read the inclosed be so good as to return it, as I
have no other copy.
The literary board have advanced 40,000 D. and
will retain the balance for us as requested until the
end of the year, and the building is going on rapidly.
Ever & affectly. yours.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 23, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I have been lately visited by a Mr.
Miralla, a native of Buenos Ayres, but resident in
l82s] Thomas Jefferson 297
Cuba for the last seven or eight years; a person of
intelligence, of much information, and frankly com
municative. I believe, indeed, he is known to you.
I availed myself of the opportunity of learning what
was the state of public sentiment in Cuba as to their
future course. He says they should be satisfied to
remain as they are; but all are sensible that that
cannot be; that whenever circumstances shall ren
der a separation from Spain necessary, a perfect in-
dependance would be their choice, provided they
could see a certainty of protection; but that, with
out that prospect, they would be divided in opinion
between an incorporation with Mexico, and with the
United States. — Columbia being too remote for
prompt support. The considerations in favor of
Mexico are that the Havana would be the emporium
for all the produce of that immense and wealthy
country, and of course, the medium of all its com
merce; that having no ports on its eastern coast,
Cuba would become the depot of its naval stores
and strength, and, in effect, would, in a great meas
ure, have the sinews of the government in its hands.
That in favor of the United States is the fact that
three-fourths of the exportations from Havana
come to the United States, that they are a settled
government, the power which can most promptly
succor them, rising to an eminence promising future
security; and of which they would make a member
of the sovereignty, while as to England, they would
be only a colony, subordinated to her interest, and
that there is not a man in the island who would not
resist her to the bitterest extremity. Of this last
298 The Writings of [1823
sentiment I had not the least idea at the date of my
late letters to you. I had supposed an English in
terest there quite as strong as that of the United
States, and therefore, that, to avoid war, and keep
the island open to our own commerce, it would be
best to join that power in mutually guaranteeing
its independence. But if there is no danger of its
falling into the possession of England, I must re
tract an opinion founded on an error of fact. We
are surely under no obligation to give her, gratis, an
interest which she has not; and the whole inhabi
tants being averse to her, and the climate mortal
to strangers, its continued military occupation by
her would be impracticable. It is better then to lie
still in readiness to receive that interesting incorpora
tion when solicited by herself. For, certainly, her
addition to our confederacy is exactly what is want
ing to round our power as a nation to the point of
its utmost interest.
I have thought it my duty to acknowledge my
error on this occasion, and to repeat a truth before
acknowledged, that, retired as I am, I know too
little of the affairs of the world to form opinions of
them worthy of any attention; and I resign myself
with reason, and perfect confidence to the care and
guidance of those to whom the helm is committed.
With this assurance, accept that of my constant
and affectionate friendship and respect.
1823] Thomas Jefferson 299
TO ALBERT GALLATIN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, AugUSt 2, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — A recent illness, from which I am
just recovering, obliges me to borrow the pen of a
granddaughter to acknowledge the receipt of your
welcome favor, of June 29, from New York. I read
it with great satisfaction. Occasional views, to be
relied on, of the complicated affairs of Europe are
like a good observation at sea, which tells one where
they are, after wandering through the newspapers
till they are bewildered. I keep my eye on the
cortes as my index, and judge of everything by
their position and proceedings. I do not readily
despair of Spain. Their former example proved
them, and the cause is the same, their constitutional
cortes and king. At any rate I despair not of
Europe. The advance of mind which has taken
place everywhere cannot retrograde, and the ad
vantages of representative government exhibited in
England and America, and recently in other coun
tries, will procure its establishment everywhere in a
more or less perfect form; and this will insure the
amelioration of the condition of the world. It will
cost years of blood, and be well worth them.
Here you will not immediately see into our
political condition which you once understood so
well. It is not exactly what it seems to be. You
will be told that parties are now all amalgamated;
the wolf now dwells with the lamb, and the leopard
lies down with the kid. It is true that Federalism
has changed its name and hidden itself among us.
Since the Hartford Convention it is deemed even
300 The Writings of [1823
by themselves a name of reproach. In some degree,
too, they have varied their object. To monarchize
this nation they see is impossible; the next best
thing in their view is to consolidate it into one
government as a premier pas to monarchy. The
party is now as strong as it ever has been since
1800.; and, though mixed with us, are to be known
by their rallying together on every question of
power in a general government. The judges, as
before, are at their head, and are their entering
wedge. Young men are more easily seduced into
this principle than the old one of monarchy. But
you will soon see into this disguise. Your visit to this
place would indeed be a day of jubilee : but your age
and distance forbid the hope. Be this as it will, I
shall love you forever, and rejoice in your rejoicing,
and sympathize in your evils. God bless you and
have you ever in his holy keeping.
TO SAMUEL H. SMITH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. 2. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I agree with you in all the definitions
of your favor of July 22. of the qualificns necessary
for the chair of the US. and I add another. He
ought to be disposed rigorously to maintain the line
of power marked by the constitution between the
two co-ordinate governments, each sovereign &
independant in it's department, the states as to
everything relating to themselves and their state,
the General government as to everything relating to
1823] Thomas Jefferson 301
things or persons out of a particular state. The one
may be strictly called the Domestic branch of
government which is sectional but sovereign, the
other the foreign branch of government co-ordinate
with the other domestic & equally sovereign on it's
own side of the line. The federalists, baffled in
their schemes to monarchise us, have given up their
name, which the Hartford Convention had made
odious, and have taken shelter among us and under
our name. But they have not only changed the
point of attack. On every question of the usurpa
tion of State powers by the Foreign or Genl govmt,
the same men rally together, force the line of de
marcation and consolidate the government. The
judges are at their head as heretofore, and are their
entering wedge. The true old republicans stand
to the line, and will I hope die on it if necessary.
Let our next president be aware of this new party
principle and firm in maintaining the constitutional
line of demarcation. But agreeing in your prin
ciples, I am not sufficiently acquainted with the
numerous candidates to apply them personally.
With one I have had a long acquaintance, but little
intimate because little in political unison. With
another a short but more favorable acquaintance
because always in unison. With others merely a
personal recognition. Thus unqualified to judge,
I am equally indisposed in my state of retirement,
at my age and last stage of debility. I ought not to
quit the port in which I am quietly moored to
commit myself again to the stormy ocean of political
or party contest, to kindle new enmities, and lose
302 The Writings of [1823
old friends. No, my dear sir, tranquility is the
summum bonum of old age, and there is a time when
it is a duty to leave the government of the world
to the existing generation, and to repose one's self
under their protecting hand. That time is come
with me, and I welcome it. A recent illness from
which I am just recovered obliges me to borrow the
pen of a granddaughter to say these things to you,
to assure you of my continued esteem and respect,
and to request you to recall me to the friendly
recollections of Mrs. Smith.1
TO GEORGE HAY j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. IJ. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I reed, yesterday your favor of the
nth. It referred to something said to be inclosed,
1 Of this letter, Jefferson later wrote to Smith:
" MONTO Dec. 19. 23.
" Do not for the world, my dear Sir, suffer my letter of Aug. 2. to get
before the public, nor to go out of your own hands or to be copied. I
am always averse to the publication of my letters because I wish to
be at rest, retired & unnoticed. But most especially this letter. I
never meant to meddle in a Presidential election, and in a letter to a
person in N. Y. written after the date of the one to you I declared
that I would take no part in the ensuing one and permitted him to
publish the letter. A thousand improprieties, indelicacies & considns
of friendship strongly felt by myself, forbid it. I am glad you did not
name to me those to whom you had thought to give a copy, because
not knowing who they are my unwillingness cannot be felt by any as
proceeding from a want of personal confidence, but truly from the
motives above stated. I hope the choice will fall on some real re-
, publican, who will continue the admn on the express principles of the
/ constn unadulterated by constructions reducing it to a blank to be
\ filled with what every one pleases and what never was intended.
With this I shall be contented. Accept for yourself & Mrs. Smith
the assurances of my affectionate esteem & respect."
1823] Thomas Jefferson 303
without saying what, and, in fact nothing was in
closed. But the preceding mail had brot me the
Nat. Intell. of the yth & gth in which was a very
able discussion on the mode of electing our Presi
dent signed Phocion. This I suspect is what your
letter refers to. If I am right in this conjecture, I
have no hesitation in saying that I have ever con
sidered the constitutional mode of election ulti
mately by the legislature voting by states as the
most dangerous blot in our constn, and one which
some unlucky chance will some day hit, and give
us a pope & anti-pope. I looked therefore with
anxiety to the amendment proposed by Colo.
Taylor at the last session of Congress, which I
thought would be a good substitute, if on an equal
division of the electors after a 2d appeal to them
the ultimate decision between the two highest had
been given by it to the legislature voting per capita.
But the states are now so numerous that I despair
of ever seeing another amdmt to the constn, altho
the innovns of time will certainly call and now al
ready call for some, and especially the smaller states
are so numerous as to render desperate every hope
of obtaining a sufficient proportion of them in favor
of Phocion's proposition. Another general con
vention can alone relieve us. What then is the best
palliative of the evil in the mean time? Another
short question points to the answer. Would we
rather the choice should be made by the legislature
voting in Congress by states, or in Caucus per
capita? The remedy is indeed bad, but the disease
worse !
304 The Writings of [1823
But I have long since withdrawn from attention
to political affairs. Age & debility render me un
equal and disinclined to them, and two crippled
wrists to the use of the pen. Peace with all the
world and a quiet descent thro' the remainder of
my time are now so necessary to my happiness that
I am unwilling by the expression of any opinion
before the public to rekindle antient animosities,
covered under their ashes indeed but not extin
guished. Yet altho' weaned from politics, I am not
so from the love of my friends, and to yourself
particularly I can give assurance with truth of my
constant, and cordial affection & respect.
TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. 29. 23.
DEAR SIR, — On receipt of your former letter of
May 31. I communicated it to my gr. son Jefferson
Randolph. On considn of the subject he was in
duced to think that the vindicn of Mr. W. C. N.'s
character, if it needed it at all would be particularly
incumbent on his brother Mr. Norborne Nicholas
and would in his be in more competent hands. He
therefore communicated the Ire to him, and referred
to him to act on it, as he should think best. Your
last letter of July 29 came to my hands on the 2ist
inst. only. Jefferson was then absent on a journey
so that I did not see him till the evening of the 27th
when I communicated to him this letter also. He
observed to me that having referred the whole
1823] Thomas Jefferson 305
matter to Mr. N. Nicholas he was unwilling to meddle
with it at all. I therefore went on the 28th (yester
day) to Charlsvl. at the hour prescribed & found
there Mr. Pollard with his counsel Mr. Dyer, but no
magistrates. I had written my answers to your
interrogatories & shewed them to the gentlemen,
asking of Mr. Pollard if (as no magistrates attended)
he would suffer them to be read by consent. He
said he should do whatever his counsel advised. I
then asked his counsel, who answered that they
could consent to nothing, at the same time ac-
knoleging that the answers were such as every man
would give who knew anything of Colo. Nicholas.
We parted therefore re injecta. Reflecting how
ever, on my return home, I became sensible that
you must have depended either on Jef . Randolph or
myself for procuring magistrates and was mortified
that, on their refusing consent, it did not occur to
me on the instant, to go out and hunt up a couple
of magistrates. I therefore returned to Charlesvl
early this morning, found Mr. Pollard still there,
went out & procured the attendee of 2 magistrates,
and the deposn was taken, and is in the letter I now
enclose for the clerk of your court. That you may
know what it is I return you your interrogatories
with the answers I gave to them & those of the other
party with the answers to them also which I scribbled
on my knee. These were copied verbatim into the
deposn without a word more or less: this will ex
plain to you why the deposition has been taken this
day instead of yesterday and with every wish which
friendship can inspire for your happy issue out of
VOL. XII. — 20.
306 The Writings of [1823
this entanglement, I give assurances of my constant
and unchangeable affection & respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, AugUSt 30, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I received the enclosed letters from
the President with a request, that after perusal I
would forward them to you for perusal by yourself
also, and to be returned then to him.
You have doubtless seen Timothy Pickering's
fourth of July observations on the Declaration of
Independence. If his principles and prejudices,
personal and political, gave us no reason to doubt
whether he had truly quoted the information he
alleges to have received from Mr. Adams, I should
then say, that in some of the particulars, Mr. Adams'
memory has led him into unquestionable error. At
the age of eighty -eight, and forty-seven years after
the transactions of Independence, this is not won
derful. Nor should I, at the age of eighty, on the
small advantage of that difference only, venture to
oppose my memory to his, were it not supported by
written notes, taken by myself at the moment and
on the spot. He says, "the committee of five, to
wit, Dr. Franklin, Sherman, Livingston, and our
selves, met, discussed the subject, and then ap
pointed him and myself to make the draught; that
we, as a sub-committee, met, and after the urgen
cies of each on the other, I consented to undertake
the task; that the draught being made, we, the
sub-committee, met, and conned the paper over,
1823] Thomas Jefferson 3°7
and he does not remember that he made or sug
gested a single alteration." Now these details are
quite incorrect. The committee of five met; no
such thing as a sub-committee was proposed, but
they unanimously pressed on myself alone to under
take the draught. I consented; I drew it; but
before I reported it to the committee, I communi
cated it separately to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams,
requesting their corrections, because they were the
two members of whose judgments and amendments
I wished most to have the benefit, before presenting
it to the committee ; and you have seen the original
paper now in my hands, with the corrections of Dr.
Franklin and Mr. Adams interlined in their own
hand writings. Their alterations were two or three
only, and merely verbal. I then wrote a fair copy,
reported it to the committee, and from them, un
altered, to Congress. This personal communication
and consultation with Mr. Adams, he has misre-
membered into the actings of a sub-committee.
Pickering's observations, and Mr. Adams' in ad
dition, ''that it contained no new ideas, that it is a
common -place compilation, its sentiments hacknied
in Congress for two years before, and its essence
contained in Otis' pamphlet," may all be true. Of
that I am not to be the judge. Richard Henry Lee
charged it as copied from Locke's treatise on govern
ment. Otis' pamphlet I never saw, and whether I
had gathered my ideas from reading or reflection I
do not know. I know only that I turned to neither
book nor pamphlet while writing it. I did not con
sider it as any part of my charge to invent new ideas
3o8 The Writings of [1823
altogether, and to offer no sentiment which had
ever been expressed before. Had Mr. Adams been
so restrained, Congress would have lost the benefit
of his bold and impressive advocations of the rights
of Revolution. For no man's confident and fervid
addresses, more than Mr. Adams', encouraged and
supported us through the difficulties surrounding
us, which, like the ceaseless action of gravity
weighed on us by night and by day. Yet, on the
same ground, we may ask what of these elevated
thoughts was new, or can be affirmed never before to
have entered the conceptions of man ?
Whether, also, the sentiments of Independence,
and the reasons for declaring it, which make so
great a portion of the instrument, had been hack
neyed in Congress for two years before the 4th of
July, '76, or this dictum also of Mr. Adams be
another slip of memory, let history say. This,
however, I will say for Mr. Adams, that he sup
ported the Declaration with zeal and ability, fighting
fearlessly for every word of it. As to myself, I
thought it a duty to be, on that occasion, a passive
auditor of the opinions of others, more impartial
judges than I could be, of its merits or demerits.
During the debate I was sitting by Doctor Franklin,
and he observed that I was writhing a little under
the acrimonious criticisms on some of its parts;
and it was on that occasion, that by way of comfort,
he told me the story of John Thompson, the hatter,
and his new sign.
Timothy thinks the instrument the better for
having a fourth of it expunged. He would have
1823] Thomas Jefferson 3°9
thought it still better, had the other three-fourths
gone out also, all but the single sentiment (the only
one he approves), which recommends friendship to
his dear England, whenever she is willing to be at
peace with us. His insinuations are, that although
"the high tone of the instrument was in unison with
the warm feelings of the times, this sentiment of
habitual friendship to England should never be
forgotten, and that the duties it enjoins should
especially be borne in mind on every celebration of
this anniversary." In other words, that the Declara
tion, as being a libel on the government of England,
composed in times of passion, should now be buried
in utter oblivion, to spare the feelings of our English
friends and Angloman fellow -citizens. But it is not
to wound them that we wish to keep it in mind ; but
to cherish the principles of the instrument in the
bosoms of our own citizens: and it is a heavenly
comfort to see that these principles are yet so
strongly felt, as to render a circumstance so trifling
as this little lapse of memory of Mr. Adams, worthy
of being solemnly announced and supported at an
anniversary assemblage of the nation on its birthday.
In opposition, however, to Mr. Pickering, I pray
God that these principles may be eternal, and close
the prayer with my affectionate wishes for yourself
of long life, health and happiness.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 4, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of August the i$th
was received in due time, and with the welcome of
310 The Writings of [1823
everything which comes from you. With its opin
ions on the difficulties of revolutions from despotism
to freedom, I very much concur. The generation
which commences a revolution rarely completes it.
Habituated from their infancy to passive submission
of body and mind to their kings and priests, they are
not qualified when called on to think and provide
for themselves; and their inexperience, their ig
norance and bigotry make them instruments often,
in the hands of the Bonapartes and Iturbides, to
defeat their own rights and purposes. This is the
present situation of Europe and Spanish America.
But it is not desperate. The light which has been
shed on mankind by the art of printing, has emi
nently changed the condition of the world. As yet,
that light has dawned on the middling classes only
of the men in Europe. The kings and the rabble, of
equal ignorance, have not yet received its rays; but
it continues to spread, and while printing is pre
served, it can no more recede than the sun return on
his course. A first attempt to recover the right of
self-government may fail, so may a second, a third,
&c. But as a younger and more instructed race
comes on, the sentiment becomes more and more
intuitive, and a fourth, a fifth, or some subsequent
one of the ever renewed attempts will ultimately
succeed. In France, the first effort was defeated
by Robespierre, the second by Bonaparte, the third
by Louis XVIII. and his holy allies: another is
yet to come, and all Europe, Russia excepted, has
caught the spirit; and all will attain representative
government, more or less perfect. This is now well
1823] Thomas Jefferson 3 1 l
understood to be a necessary check on kings, whom
they will probably think it more prudent to chain
and tame, than to exterminate. To attain all this,
however, rivers of blood must yet flow, and years of
desolation pass over; yet the object is worth rivers
of blood, and years of desolation. For what in
heritance so valuable, can man leave to his posterity ?
The spirit of the Spaniard, and his deadly and
eternal hatred to a Frenchman, give me much con
fidence that he will never submit, but finally defeat
this atrocious violation of the laws of God and man,
under which he is suffering; and the wisdom and
firmness of the Cortes, afford reasonable hope, that
that nation will settle down in a temperate repre
sentative government, with an executive properly
subordinated to that. Portugal, Italy, Prussia, Ger
many, Greece, will follow suit. You and I shall
look down from another world on these glorious
achievements to man, which will add to the joys
even of heaven.
I observe your toast of Mr. Jay on the 4th of July,
wherein you say that the omission of his signature to
the Declaration of Independence was by accident.
Our impressions as to this fact being different, I
shall be glad to have mine corrected, if wrong. Jay,
you know, had been in constant opposition to our
laboring majority. Our estimate at the time was,
that he, Dickinson and Johnson of Maryland, by
their ingenuity, perseverance and partiality to our
English connection, had constantly kept us a year
behind where we ought to have been in our prepara
tions and proceedings. From about the date of the
312 The Writings of [1823
Virginia instructions of May the i5th, 1776, to de
clare Independence, Mr. Jay absented himself from
Congress, and never came there again until Decem
ber, 1778. Of course, he had no part in the discus
sions or decision of that question. The instructions
to their Delegates by the Convention of New
York, then sitting, to sign the Declaration, were
presented to Congress on the i5th of July only, and
on that day the journals show the absence of Mr.
Jay, by a letter received from him, as they had done
as early as the 2Qth of May by another letter. And
I think he had been omitted by the convention on a
new election of Delegates, when they changed their
instructions. Of this last fact, however, having no
evidence but an ancient impression, I shall not
affirm it. But whether so or not, no agency of
accident appears in the case. This error of fact,
however, whether yours or mine, is of little conse
quence to the public. But truth being as cheap as
error, it is as well to rectify it for our own satisfaction.
I have had a fever of about three weeks, during
the last and preceding month, from which I am en
tirely recovered except as to strength.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 12, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I do not write with the ease which
your letter of September the i8th supposes. Crip
pled wrists and fingers make writing slow and labori
ous. But while writing to you, I lose the sense of
1823] Thomas Jefferson 313
these things in the recollection of ancient times, when
youth and health made happiness out of everything.
I forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we
can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves warm,
and how to get rid of our heavy hours until the
friendly hand of death shall rid us of all at once.
Against this tedium vitce, however, I am fortunately
mounted on a hobby, which, indeed, I should have
better managed some thirty or forty years ago ; but
whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise
and amusement to an octogenary rider. This is
the establishment of a University, on a scale more
comprehensive, and in a country more healthy and
central than our old William and Mary, which these
obstacles have long kept in a state of languor and
inefficiency. But the tardiness with which such
works proceed, may render it doubtful whether I
shall live to see it go into action.
Putting aside these things, however, for the pre
sent, I write this letter as due to a friendship coeval
with our government, and now attempted to be
poisoned, when too late in life to be replaced by
new affections. I had for sometime observed in the
public papers, dark hints and mysterious inuendoes
of a correspondence of yours with a friend, to whom
you had opened your bosom without reserve, and
which was to be made public by that friend or his
representative. And now it is said to be actually
published. It has not yet reached us, but extracts
have been given, and such as seemed most likely
to draw a curtain of separation between you and
myself. Were there no other motive than that of
3H The Writings of [1823
indignation against the author of this outrage on
private confidence, whose shaft seems to have been
aimed at yourself more particularly, this would make
it the duty of every honorable mind to disappoint
that aim, by opposing to its impression a seven -fold
shield of apathy and insensibility. With me, how
ever, no such armor is needed. The circumstances
of the times in which we have happened to live, and
the partiality of our friends at a particular period,
placed us in a state of apparent opposition, which
some might suppose to be personal also; and there
might not be wanting those who wished to make it
so, by filling our ears with malignant falsehoods, by
dressing up hideous phantoms of their own creation,
presenting them to you under my name, to me under
yours, and endeavoring to instil into our minds
things concerning each other the most destitute of
truth. And if there had been, at any time, a
moment when we were off our guard, and in a tem
per to let the whispers of these people make us forget
what we had known of each other for so many years,
and years of so much trial, yet all men who have
attended to the workings of the human mind, who
have seen the false colors under which passion some
times dresses the actions and motives of others, have
seen also those passions subsiding with time and
reflection, dissipating like mists before the rising
sun, and restoring to us the sight of all things in
their true shape and colors. It would be strange
indeed, if, at our years, we were to go back an age
to hunt up imaginary or forgotten facts, to disturb
the repose of affections so sweetening to the evening
1823] Thomas Jefferson 315
of our lives. Be assured, my dear Sir, that I am
incapable of receiving the slightest impression from
the effort now made to plant thorns on the pillow of
age, worth and wisdom, and to sow tares between
friends who have been such for near half a century.
Beseeching you then, not to suffer your mind to be
disquieted by this wicked attempt to poison its
peace, and praying you to throw it by among the
things which have never happened, I add sincere
assurances of my unabated and constant attach
ment, friendship and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Oct. l8. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I return you Mr. Coxe's letter which
has cost me much time at two or three different
attempts to decypher it. Had I such a correspond
ent I should certainly admonish him that if he
would not so far respect my time as to write to me
legibly, I should so far respect it myself as not to
waste it in decomposing and recomposing his
hieroglyphics.
The jarrings between the friends of Hamilton and
Pickering will be of advantage to the cause of truth.
It will denudate the monarchism of the former and
justify our opposition to him, and the malignity of
the latter which nullifies his testimony in all cases
which his passion can discolor. God bless you, and
preserve you many years.
316 The Writings of [1823
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 19. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I forward you the inclosed letter on
the same ground on which it is addressed to me, and
not that Duane has any moral claims on us. His
defection from the republican ranks, his transition
to the Federalists, and giving triumph, in an im
portant state, to wrong over right, have dissolved, of
his own seeking, his connection with us. Yet the
energy of his press, when our cause was laboring,
and all but lost, under the overwhelming weight of
it's powerful adversaries, it's unquestionable effect
in the revolution produced in the public mind, which
arrested the rapid march of our government towards
monarchy, overweigh in fact the demerit of his de
sertion, when we had become too strong to suffer
from it sensibly. He is in truth the victim of
passions which his principles were not strong enough
to controul. Altho therefore we are not bound to
clothe him with the best robe, to put a ring on his
finger, and to kill the fatted calf for him, yet neither
should we leave him to eat husks with the swine.
His advocate may look too high when he talks of the
Post office; but if some more secondary birth
should be vacant (as Depy collector, Inspector,
Nav. officer) something which would feed and
cover him decently, I am persuaded it would be a
gratification to the old republicans, who do not feel
that all he has done is cancelled by one false step.
As to any particular demerits towards yourself,
without recollecting them, I am sure you were above
their infliction, & the more so as he was then fighting
1823] Thomas Jefferson 317
openly in the ranks of the enemy. But all this is
left to your own feelings and reflection, being written
only " ut valeat quantum valere potest." Dios
guarde a Vm muchos anos.1
1 Jefferson later wrote to Monroe :
" MONTO. July 2. 24.
" DEAR SIR, — I took the liberty some time last fall of placing Mr.
Duane under your notice, should anything occur adapted to his
qualifns and to his situation which I understood to be' needy in the
extreme. His talents and informn are certainly great, and the services
he rendered us when we needed them and his personal sacrifices and
sufferings were signal and efficacious and left on us a moral duty not to
forget him under misfortune. His subsequent aberrations were after
we were too strong to be injured by them. I have lately reed, a letter
from him, which I inclose because it will better shew his prospects of
distress and anxieties for relief than anything I could say. Whether
the latter may too much influence his reasonable hopes, you are the
proper judge. If they do, his former merits will still claim a recol
lection on any proper occasion which may occur. I perform a duty
in communicating his wish, yours will be to weigh it's relations to the
public service. I congratulate you on the return of repose after a
campaign so agitating as the late one. Your nephew who was so
kind as to call on me a day or two ago, gave me hopes we should see
you here. During the summer or early autumn I have a visit to
Bedford in contempln, the time of which is quite immaterial, and
could I previously know when that of your visit to Albemarle will
probably be, I should so arrange mine as not to miss the pleasure of
seeing you here. I salute you with sincere & affectionate respect."
He also wrote to Duane:
" MONTICELLO May 31. 24.
" DEAR SIR, — I received a few days ago a pamphlet on the subject of
America, England and the Holy alliance, and read it with unusual
interest and concurrence of opn. It furnished a simple and satisfy
key for the solution of all the riddles of British conduct & policy.
While considering and conjecturing who could be its author, I happened
to cast my eye on the few words of superscription, and thot the hand
writing not unknown to me. I turned to my letters of correspdce.
and found it's tally which left me no longer at a loss to whom my
thanks should be addressed, and to return these thanks is the object
of this letter. In Nov. last I received a letter from some friend of
yours who chose to be anonymous, suggesting that your situation
might be bettered and the government advantaged by availing itself
of your services in some line. I immediately wrote to a friend whose
3i8 The Writings of [1823
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 24, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — The question presented by the letters
you have sent me, is the most momentous which has
ever been offered to my contemplation since that of
Independence. That made us a nation, this sets
our compass and points the course which we are to
steer through the ocean of time opening on us. And
never could we embark on it under circumstances
more auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim
should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils
of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe
to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America,
North, and South, has a set of interests distinct
from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She
should therefore have a system of her own, separate
and apart from that of Europe. While the last is
laboring to become the domicil of despotism, our
endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere
that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could
disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead,
aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her
proposition, we detach her from the bands, bring
her mighty weight into the scale of free government,
situation enabled him to attend to this. I have received no answer
but hope it is kept in view. I am long since withdrawn from the
political world, think little, read less, and know all but nothing of
what is going on; but I have not forgotten the past nor those who
were fellow-laborers in the gloomy hours of federal ascendancy when
the spirit of republicanism was beaten down, its votaries arraigned
as criminals, and such threats denounced as posterity would never
believe. My means of service are slender; but such as they are, if
you can make them useful to you in any sollicitn. they shall be sin
cerely employed. In the mean time, I assure you my continued
frdshp & respect."
1823] Thomas Jefferson 319
and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which
might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty,
Great Britain is the nation which can do us the
most harm of any one, or all on earth ; and with her
on our side we need not fear the whole world. With
her then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial
friendship; and nothing would tend more to knit
our affections than to be fighting once more, side by
side, in the same cause. Not that I would purchase
even her amity at the price of taking part in her
wars. But the war in which the present proposition
might engage us, should that be its consequence, is
not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce
and establish the American system, of keeping out
of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting
those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of
our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not
to depart from it. And if, to facilitate this, we can
effect a division in the body of the European powers,
and draw over to our side its most powerful member,
surely we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr.
Canning's opinion, that it will prevent instead of
provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn
from their scale and shifted into that of our two
continents, all Europe combined would not under
take such a war. For how would they propose to
get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is
the occasion to be slighted which this proposition
offers, of declaring our protest against the atrocious
violations of the rights of nations, by the inter
ference of any one in the internal affairs of an
other, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now
320 The Writings of [1823
continued by the equally lawless Alliance, calling
itself Holy.
But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do
we wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one
or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly con
fess, that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most
interesting addition which could ever be made to
our system of States. The control which, with
Florida Point, this island would give us over the
Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bor
dering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow
into it, would fill up the measure of our political
well-being. Yet, as I am sensible that this can
never be obtained, even with her own consent, but
by war; and its independence, which is our second
interest, (and especially its independence of Eng
land,) can be secured without it, I have no hesitation
in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and
accepting its independence, with peace and the
friendship of England, rather than its association,
at the expense of war and her enmity.
I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration
proposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any
of those possessions, that we will not stand in the
way of any amicable arrangement between them
and the mother country; but that we will oppose,
with all our means, the forcible interposition of
any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under
any other form or pretext, and most especially,
their transfer to any power by conquest, cession,
or acquisition in any other way. I should think
it, therefore, advisable, that the Executive should
1823] Thomas Jefferson 321
encourage the British government to a continuance
in the dispositions expressed in these letters, by an
assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his
authority goes ; and that as it may lead to war, the
declaration of which requires an act of Congress, the
case shall be laid before them for consideration at
their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect
in which it is seen by himself.
I have been so long weaned from political sub
jects, and have so long ceased to take any interest
in them, that I am sensible I am not qualified to
offer opinions on them worthy of any attention.
But the question now proposed involves conse
quences so lasting, and effects so decisive of our
future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I
have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to induce
me to the hazard of opinions, which will prove only
my wish to contribute still my mite towards any
thing which may be useful to our country. And
praying you to accept it at only what it is worth,
I add the assurance of my constant and affectionate
friendship and respect.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 4, 1823.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — Two dislocated wrists and
crippled fingers have rendered writing so slow and
laborious, as to oblige me to withdraw from nearly
all correspondence; not however, from yours, while
I can make a stroke with a pen. We have gone
VOL. XII. — 21.
322 The Writings of [1823
through too many trying scenes together, to forget
the sympathies and affections they nourished.
Your trials have indeed been long and severe.
When they will end, is yet unknown, but where they
will end, cannot be doubted. Alliances, Holy or
Hellish, may be formed, and retard the epoch of
deliverance, may swell the rivers of blood which are
yet to flow, but their own will close the scene, and
leave to mankind the right of self-government. I
trust that Spain will prove, that a nation cannot be
conquered which determines not to be so, and that
her success will be the turning of the tide of liberty,
no more to be arrested by human efforts. Whether
the state of society in Europe can bear a republican
government, I doubted, you know, when with you,
and I do now. A hereditary chief, strictly limited,
the right of war vested in the legislative body, a
rigid economy of the public contributions, and ab
solute interdiction of all useless expenses, will go
far towards keeping the government honest and
unoppressive. But the only security of all is in a
free press. The force of public opinion cannot be
resisted, when permitted freely to be expressed.
The agitation it produces must be submitted to.
It is necessary, to keep the waters pure.
We are all, for example, in agitation even in our
peaceful country. For in peace as well as in war, the
mind must be kept in motion. Who is to be the next
President, is the topic here of every conversation.
My opinion on that subject is what I expressed to
you in my last letter. The question will be ulti
mately reduced to the northernmost and southern-
1823] Thomas Jefferson 323
most candidate. The former will get every federal
vote in the Union, and many republicans ; the latter,
all of those denominated of the old school; for you are
not to believe that these two parties are amalgam
ated, that the lion and the lamb are lying down to
gether. The Hartford Convention, the victory of
Orleans, the peace of Ghent, prostrated the name
of federalism. Its votaries abandoned it through
shame and mortification; and now call themselves
republicans. But the name alone is changed, the
principles are the same. For in truth, the parties of
Whig and Tory, are those of nature. They exist in
all countries, whether called by these names, or by
those of Aristocrats and Democrats, Cote Droite and
Cote Gauche, Ultras and Radicals, Serviles and
Liberals. The sickly, weakly, timid man, fears the
people, and is a tory by nature. The healthy, strong
and bold, cherishes them, and is formed a whig by
nature. On the eclipse of federalism with us, al
though not its extinction, its leaders got up the Mis
souri question, under the false front of lessening the
measure of slavery, but with the real view of rjro-
ducing a geographical division of parties, which
might insure them the next President. The people
of the north went blindfold into the snare, followed
their leaders for awhile with a zeal truly moral and
laudable, until they became sensible that they were
injuring instead of aiding the real interests of the
slaves, that they had been used merely as tools for
electioneering purposes ; and that trick of hypocrisy
then fell as quickly as it had been got up. To that
is now succeeding a distinction, which, like that of
324 The Writings of [1823
republican and federal, or whig and tory, being
equally intermixed through every state, threatens
none of those geographical schisms which go im
mediately to a separation. The line of division
now, is the preservation of State rights as reserved
in the constitution, or by strained constructions of
that instrument, to merge all into a consolidated
government. The tories are for strengthening the
executive and general Government; the whigs
cherish the representative branch, and the rights
reserved by the States, as the bulwark against
consolidation, which must immediately generate
monarchy. And although this division excites,
as yet, no warmth, yet it exists, is well understood,
and will be a principle of voting at the ensuing
election, with the reflecting men of both parties.
I thank you much for the two books you were so
kind as to send me by Mr. Gallatin. Miss Wright
had before favored me with the first edition of her
American work; but her Few days in Athens, was
entirely new, and has been a treat to me of the
highest order. The manner and matter of the dia
logue is strictly ancient; and the principles of the
sects are beautifully and candidly explained and
contrasted; and the scenery and portraiture of the
interlocutors are of higher finish than anything in
that line left us by the ancients; and like Ossian, if
not ancient, it is equal to the best morsels of an
tiquity. I augur, from this instance, that Her-
culaneum is likely to furnish better specimens of
modern than of ancient genius; and may we not
hope more from the same pen?
1823] Thomas Jefferson 325
After much sickness and the accident of a broken
and disabled arm, I am again in tolerable health, but
extremely debilitated, so as to be scarcely able to
walk into my garden. The hebetude of age, too, and
extinguishment of interest in the things around me,
are weaning me from them and dispose me with
cheerfulness to resign them to the existing genera
tion, satisfied that the daily advance of science will
enable them to administer the commonwealth with
increased wisdom. You have still many valuable
years to give to your country, and with my prayers
that they may be years of health and happiness,
and especially that they may see the establishment
of the principles of government which you have
cherished through life, accept the assurance of my
affectionate and constant friendship and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO NOV. 15. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I return your letter to the President
& that of Mr. Rush to you with thanks for the com
munication. The J matters which Mr. Rush states
as under considn with the British govmt are verily
interesting. But that about the navigation of the
St. Lawrence & Misspi. I would rather they would
let alone. The navign. of the former, since the
1 "to wit. i. Our commercial intercourse embracing navign of St.
Lawrence & Missipi.
2. Suppression of slave trade.
3. Northern boundary.
4. Fisheries on W. coast of N. F-land.
5. Points of Maritime law.
6. Russian Ukase as to N. W. coast of America." T. J.
326 The Writings of [1823
N. Y. canal, is of too little interest to be cared about,
that of the latter too serious on account of the inlet
it would give to British smuggling and British tam
pering with the Indians. It would be an entering
wedge to incalculable mischief, a powerful agent
towds. separating the states.
I send you the rough draught of the letter I pro
pose to write to F. Gilmer for your considn. and
correction and salute you aff ectly.
TO JOHN FRY
MONTICELLO Dec 2d 23
You have sent me, dear Sir, a noble animal,
legitimated by superior force as a monarch of the
Forest; and he has incurred the death which his
brother legitimates have so much more merited;
like them, in death, he becomes food for a nobler
race, he for man, they for worms that will revel on
them, but he dies innocent, and with death all his
fears and pains are at an end; they die loaded with
maledictions, and liable to a sentence and sufferings
which we will leave to the justice of heaven to award.
In plain english we shall feast heartily on him,
and thank you heartily as the giver of the feast.
With Assurances of friendly esteem and respect.
TO WILLIAM CARVER j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 4. 23.
I thank you, Sir, for the inedited letter of Thos
Paine which you have been so kind as to send me.
1823] Thomas Jefferson 327
I recognise in it the strong pen and dauntless mind
of Common Sense, which, among the numerous
pamphlets written on the same occasion, so pre
eminently united us in our revolutionary opposition.
I return the two numbers of the periodical paper,
as they appear to make part of a regular file. The
language of these is too harsh, more caluclated to
irritate than to convince or to persuade. A devoted
friend myself to freedom of religious enquiry and
opinion, I am pleased to see others exercise the right
without reproach or censure; and I respect their
conclusions, however different from my own. It
is their own reason, not mine, nor that of any other,
which has been given them by their creator for the
investigation of truth, and of the evidences even
of those truths which are presented to us as revealed
by himself. Fanaticism, it is true, is not sparing of
her invectives against those who refuse blindly to
follow her dictates in abandonment of their own
reason. For the use of this reason, however, every
one is responsible to the God who has planted it in
his breast, as a light for his guidance, and that, by
which alone he will be judged. Yet why retort
invectives? It is better always to set a good ex
ample than to follow a bad one.
I received, in due time, the letter you mention of
Jan. 27. and did not answer it, because the pain of
writing has obliged me, for sometime, to withdraw
from all correspondence not of moral and inde-
spensable obligation. The duty of returning the
inclosed papers furnishes the present occasion of
tendering you my friendly and respectful salutations.
328 The Writings of [1823
TO THOMAS COOPER j. MSS.
MONTO Dec. ii. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I duly reed your favor of the 23d ult.
as also the 2 pamphlets you were so kind as to send
me. That on the tariff I observed was soon re
printed in Ritchie's Enquirer. I was only sorry he
did not postpone it to the meeting of Congress when
it would have got into the hands of all the members
and could not fail to have great effect, perhaps a
decisive one. It is really an extraordinary proposi
tion that the Agricultural, mercantile & navigating
classes should be taxed to maintain that of manu
factures. That the doctrine of materialism was
that of Jesus himself was a new idea to me. Yet it
is proved unquestionably. We all know it was that
of some of the early Fathers. I hope the physiolog
ical part will follow. In spite of the prevailing
fanaticism reason will make it's way. I confess
that it's reign is at present appalling. General
education is the true remedy, and that most happily
is now generally encouraged. The story you men
tion as gotten up by your opponents of my having
advised the trustees of our University to turn you
out as a Professor is quite in their stile of barefaced
mendacity. They find it so easy to obliterate the
reason of mankind that they think they may enter-
prize safely on his memory also. For it was the
winter before the last only that our annual report
to the legislature, printed in the newspapers stated
the precise ground on which we relinquished your
engagement with our Central College. And, if my
memory does not deceive me it was on your own
1823] Thomas Jefferson 329
proposition that the time of our getting into opera
tion being postponed indefinitely, it was important
to you not to lose an opportunity of fixing yourself
permanently. And that they should father on me too
the motive for this dismission, than whom no man
living cherishes a higher estimation of your worth,
talents, & information. But so the world goes.
Man is fed with fables thro' life, leaves it in the be
lief he has known something of what has been pass
ing, when in truth he has known nothing but what
has passed under his own eye. And who are the
great deceivers? Those who solemnly pretend to
be the depositories of the sacred truths of God him
self. I will not believe that the liberality of the
state to which you are rendering services in science
which no other man in the union is qualified to
render it, will suffer you to be in danger from a set
of conjurors. I note what you say of Mr. Finch;
but the moment of our commencement is as in
definite as it ever was. Affectionately & respect
fully yours.
TO GENERAL ANDREW JAOKSON j. MSS.
MONTO Dec. 18. 23.
DEAR GENERAL, — The apology in your letter of
the 8th inst for not calling on me in your passage
thro' our nbhood was quite unnecessary. The
motions of a traveller are always controuled by so
many imperious circumstances that wishes and
courtesies must yield to their sway. It was reported
among us, on I know not what authority, that you
330 The Writings of [1823
would be in Charlsvl on the ist inst, on your way to
Congress. I went there to have the pleasure of pay
ing you my respects, but after staying some hours,
met with a person lately from Staunton who as
sured me you had passed that place & gone on by
the way of Winchester. I comforted myself then
with the French adage that what is delayed is not
therefore lost; and certainly in your passages to
& from Washington should your travelling con
venience ever permit a deviation to Monto. I shall
receive you with distinguished welcome. Perhaps
our University which you visited in it's unfinished
state when finished & furnished with it's scientific
popln, may tempt you to make a little stay with us.
This will probably be by the close of the ensuing
year, when it may appear to you worthy of en
couraging the youth of your quarter as well as others
to seek there the finishing complement of their
education. I flatter myself it will assume a stand
ing secondary to nothing in our country. If I live
to see this I shall sing with cheerfulness the song of
old Simeon's nunc dimittis Domine.
I recall with pleasure the remembrance of our
joint labors while in Senate together in times of
great trial and of hard battling. Battles indeed of
words, not of blood, as those you have since fought
so much for your own glory & that of your country ;
with the assurance that my attamts continue undi-
minished, accept that of my great respect & considn.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 33 l
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON GROTJAN x
MONTICELLO, Jan. 10, '24.
Your affectionate mother requests that I would
address to you, as a namesake, something which
might have a favorable influence on the course of
life you have to run. Few words are necessary,
with good dispositions on your part. Adore God;
reverence and cherish your parents; love your
neighbor as yourself, and your country more than
life. Be just; be true; murmur not at the ways of
Providence — and the life into which you have en
tered will be one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And
if to the dead it is permitted to care for the things
of this world, every action of your life will be under
my regard. Farewell.
TO JOHN DAVIS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 18. z,[.
I thank you, Sir, for the copy you were so kind as
to send me of the revd. Mr. Bancroft's Unitarian
sermons. I have read them with great satisfaction,
and always rejoice in efforts to restore us to primi
tive Christianity, in all the simplicity in which it
came from the lips of Jesus. Had it never been
sophisticated by the subtleties of Commentators,
nor paraphrased into meanings totally foreign to it's
character, it would at this day have been the religion
of the whole civilized world. But the metaphysical
abstractions of Athanasius, and the maniac rav
ings of Calvin, tinctured plentifully with the foggy
1 From the Historical Magazine, xviii., 50.
332 The Writings of [1824
dreams of Plato, have so loaded it with absurdities
and incomprehensibilities, as to drive into infidelity
men who had not time, patience, or opportunity to
strip it of it's meretricious trappings, and to see it
in all it's native simplicity and purity. I trust how
ever that the same free exercise of private judgment
which gave us our political reformation will extend
it's effects to that of religion, which the present
volume is well calculated to encourage and promote.
Not wishing to give offence to those who differ
from me in opinion, nor to be implicated in a theo
logical controversy, I have to pray that this letter
may not get into print, and to assure you of my great
respect and good will.
TO GEORGE THACHER j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 26. 24.
SIR, — I have read with much satisfaction the
Sermon of Mr. Pierpoint which you/liave been so
kind as to send to me, and am much pleased with
the spirit of brotherly forbearance in matters of
religion which it breathes, and the sound distinction
it inculcates between the things which belong to us
to judge, and those which do not. If all Christian
sects would rally to the Sermon on the mount, make
that the central point of Union in religion, and the
stamp of genuine Christianity, (since it gives us all
the precepts of our duties to one another) why should
we further ask, with the text of our sermon * * What
think ye of Christ?" And if one should answer "he
is a member of the God-head," another " he is a being
1824] Thomas Jefferson 333
of eternal pre-existence," a third "he was a man
divinely inspired," a fourth "he was the Herald of
truths reformatory of the religions of mankind in
general, but more immediately of that of his own
countrymen, impressing them with more sublime
and more worthy ideas of the Supreme being, teach
ing them the doctrine of a future state of rewards
and punishments, and inculcating the love of man
kind, instead of the anti-social spirit with which the
Jews viewed all other nations," what right, or what
interest has either of these respondents to claim
pre-eminence for his dogma, and, usurping the judg
ment-seat of God, to condemn all the others to his
wrath? In this case, I say with the wiser heathen
deorum injuries, diis cures.
You press me to consent to the publication of my
sentiments and suppose they might have effect even
on Sectarian bigotry. But have they not the Gos
pel? If they hear not that, and the charities it
teacheth, neither will they be persuaded though one
rose from the dead. Such is the malignity of re
ligious antipathies that, altho' the laws will no
longer permit them, with Calvin, to burn those who
are not exactly of their Creed, they raise the Hue
& cry of Heresy against them, place them under the
ban of public opinion, and shut them out from all
the kind affections of society. I must pray per
mission therefore to continue in quiet during the
short time remaining to me; and, at a time of life
when the afflictions of the body weigh heavily
enough, not to superadd those which corrode the
spirit also, and might weaken it's resignation to
334 The Writings of [1824
continuance in a joyless state of being which provi
dence may yet destine. With these sentiments ac
cept those of good will and respect to yourself.
TO JARED SPARKS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 4, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I duly received your favor of the isth,
and with it, the last number of the North American
Review. This has anticipated the one I should re
ceive in course, but have not yet received, under my
subscription to the new series. The article on the
African colonization of the people of color, to which
you invite my attention, I have read with great con
sideration. It is, indeed, a fine one, and will do much
good. I learn from it more, too, than I had before
known, of the degree of success and promise of that
colony.
In the disposition of these unfortunate people,
there are two rational objects to be distinctly kept
in view. First. The establishment of a colony on
the coast of Africa, which may introduce among the
aborigines the arts of cultivated life, and the bless
ings of civilization and science. By doing this, we
may make to them some retribution for the long
course of injuries we have been committing on their
population. And considering that these blessings
will descend to the "nati natorum, et qui nascentur
ab illis," we shall in the long run have rendered them
perhaps more good than evil. To fulfil this object,
the colony of Sierra Leone promises well, and that
of Mesurado adds to our prospect of success. Under
1824] Thomas Jefferson 335
this view, the colonization society is to be considered
as a missionary society, having in view, however,
objects more humane, more justifiable, and less
aggressive on the peace of other nations, than the
others of that appellation.
The second object, and the most interesting to us,
as coming home to our physical and moral char
acters, to our happiness and safety, is to provide an
asylum to which we can, by degrees, send the whole
of that population from among us, and establish
them under our patronage and protection, as a
separate, free and independent people, in some
country and climate friendly to human life and
happiness. That any place on the coast of Africa
should answer the latter purpose, I have ever
deemed entirely impossible. And without repeat
ing the other arguments which have been urged by
others, I will appeal to figures only, which admit
no controversy. I shall speak in round numbers,
not absolutely accurate, yet not so wide from truth
as to vary the result materially. There are in the
United States a million and a half of people of color
in slavery. To send off the whole of these at once,
nobody conceives to be practicable for us, or ex
pedient for them. Let us take twenty-five years
for its accomplishment, within which time they will
be doubled. Their estimated value as property, in
the first place, (for actual property has been law
fully vested in that form, and who can lawfully take
it from the possessors?) at an average of two hundred
dollars each, young and old, would amount to six
hundred millions of dollars, which must be paid or
336 The Writings of [1824
lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of their
transportation by land and sea to Mesurado, a
year's provision of food and clothing, implements of
husbandry and of their trades, which will amount
to three hundred millions more, making thirty-six
millions of dollars a year for twenty -five years, with
insurance of peace all that time, and it is impossible
to look at the question a second time. I am aware
that at the end of about sixteen years, a gradual
detraction from this sum will commence, from the
gradual diminution of breeders, and go on during
the remaining nine years. Calculate this deduction,
and it is still impossible to look at the enterprise a
second time. I do not say this to induce an in
ference that the getting rid of them is forever im
possible. For that is neither my opinion nor my
hope. But only that it cannot be done in this way.
There is, I think, a way in which it can be done;
that is, by emancipating the after-born, leaving them,
on due compensation, with their mothers, until their
services are worth their maintenance, and then put
ting them to industrious occupations, until a proper
age for deportation. This was the result of my
reflections on the subject five and forty years ago,
and I have never yet been able to conceive any other
practicable plan. It was sketched in the Notes on
Virginia, under the fourteenth query. The estim
ated value of the new-born infant is so low, (say
twelve dollars and fifty cents,) that it would prob
ably be yielded by the owner gratis, and would thus
reduce the six hundred millions of dollars, the first
head of expense, to thirty -seven millions and a half;
1824] Thomas Jefferson 337
leaving only the expense of nourishment while with
the mother, and of transportation. And from what
fund are these expenses to be furnished? Why not
from that of the lands which have been ceded by the
very States now needing this relief? And ceded on
no consideration, for the most part, but that of the
general good of the whole. These cessions already
constitute one fourth of the States of the Union. It
may be said that these lands have been sold; are
now the property of the citizens composing those
States; and the money long ago received and ex
pended. But an equivalent of lands in the terri
tories since acquired, may be appropriated to that
object, or so much, at least, as may be sufficient;
and the object, although more important to the
slave States, is highly so to the others also, if they
were serious in their arguments on the Missouri
question. The slave States, too, if more interested,
would also contribute more by their gratuitous
liberation, thus taking on themselves alone the first
and heaviest item of expense.
In the plan sketched in the Notes on Virginia, no
particular place of asylum was specified; because
it was thought possible, that in the revolutionary
state of America, then commenced, events might
open to us some one within practicable distance.
This has now happened. St. Domingo has become
independent, and with a population of that color
only; and if the public papers are to be credited,
their Chief offers to pay their passage, to receive
them as free citizens, and to provide them employ
ment. This leaves, then, for the general confederacy,
VOL. XII. — 22.
338 The Writings of [1824
no expense but of nurture with the mother a
few years, and would call, of course, for a very
moderate appropriation of the vacant lands. Sup
pose the whole annual increase to be of sixty thou
sand effective births, fifty vessels, of four hundred
tons burthen each, constantly employed in that
short run, would carry off the increase of every
year, and the old stock would die off in the ordinary
course of nature, lessening from the commencement
until its final disappearance. In this way no viola
tion of private right is proposed. Voluntary sur
renders would probably come in as fast as the means
to be provided for their care would be competent to
it. Looking at my own State only, and I presume
not to speak for the others, I verily believe that this
surrender of property would not amount to more,
annually, than half our present direct taxes, to be
continued fully about twenty or twenty -five years,
and then gradually diminishing for as many more
until their final extinction; and even this half tax
would not be paid in cash, but by the delivery of an
object which they have never yet known or counted
as part of their property; and those not possessing
the object will be called on for nothing. I do not go
into all the details of the burthens and benefits of
this operation. And who could estimate its blessed
effects? I leave this to those who live to see their
accomplishment, and to enjoy a beatitude forbidden
to my age. But I leave it with this admonition, to
rise and be doing. A million and a half are within
their control; but six millions, (which a majority
of those now living will see them attain,) and one
1824] Thomas Jefferson 339
million of these fighting men, will say, "we will not
go."
I am aware that this subject involves some con
stitutional scruples. But a liberal construction, justi
fied by the object, may go far, and an amendment
of the constitution, the whole length necessary.
The separation of infants from their mothers, too,
would produce some scruples of humanity. But
this would be straining at a gnat, and swallowing a
camel.
I am much pleased to see that you have taken up
the subject of the duty on imported books. I hope
a crusade will be kept up against it, until those in
power shall become sensible of this stain on our
legislation, and shall wipe it from their code, and
from the remembrance of man, if possible.
I salute you with assurances of high respect and
esteem.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 5. 24.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed letter is from a person
entirely unknown to me. Yet it seems to expect a
confidence which prudence cannot give to a stranger,
and as he seems to write under your authority I
take the liberty of confiding my answer to yourself
directly & of returning his paper to you. I do not
know that the publicn of the papers of the old
Congress could be objected to, except such as
might contain personalties of no consequence to his
tory. But care should be taken that they should be
340 The Writings of [1824
impartially published and not all on one side. We
have seen how false a face may be given to history
by the garbling of documents. And even during
the old Congress and in it's body we had our whigs
& tories. Mr. Wagner says that for the present he
acknoleges no party, and supposes his continuance
in office during 6 y. of my admn a proof of his
fidelity and impartiality even while he was a party
man. But every one knows that the clerks of the
offices had been appd under federal heads * and
that I never medled with none of them. His con
version from vehemence to neutrality, having taken
place only since his withdrawing from the Editor
ship of the Baltimore Federalist, the proofs of it
have not yet reached our part of the country. Yet
his word need not be doubted farther than as we all
believe ourselves neutral. He is certainly capable
of the task, and has the advge of being familiar with
the arrangmt of the papers, yet not more so than
the gentlemen now in that office & who have been
longer in it than he was. On the whole my opinion
is fable to the publicn when it can be fairly made
but that it's want is not so pressing but that it is
better to let it wait till it can be so done as to give
to history it's true face.
I shall be among those most rejoiced at seeing La
Fayette again. But I hope Congress is prepared to
go thro' with their compliment worthily. That
they do not mean to invite him merely to dine, that
provision will be made for his expences here, which
1 "Who appd federalists only and exclusively, that the whole mass
of them were federal." — T. J.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 341
you know he cannot afford, and that they will not
send him back empty handed. This would place
us under indelible disgrace in Europe. Some 3. or
4. good townships, in Missouri, or Louisiana or
Alabama &c. should be in readiness for him, and
may restore his family to the opulence which his
virtues have lost to them. I suppose the time of
the visit will be left to himself, as the death of
Louis XVIII which has probably taken place or
soon must do will produce a crisis in his own country
from which he could not absent himself by a visit
of compliment. Ever & affectly yours.
TO ROBERT J. GARNETT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 14, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I have to thank you for the copy of
Colonel Taylor's New Views of the Constitution, and
shall read them with the satisfaction and edification
which I have ever derived from whatever he has
written. But I fear it is the voice of one crying in
the wilderness. Those who formerly usurped the
name of federalists, which, in fact, they never were,
have now openly abandoned it, and are as openly
marching by the road of construction, in a direct
line to that consolidation which was always their
real object. They, almost to a man, are in posses
sion of one branch of the government, and appear
to be very strong in yours. The three great questions
of amendment now before you, will give the measure
of their strength. I mean, ist, the limitation of the
342 The Writings of [1824
term of the presidential service; 2d, the placing the
choice of president effectually in the hands of the
people; 3d, the giving to Congress the power of
internal improvement, on condition that each State's
federal proportion of the monies so expended, shall
be employed within the State. The friends of con
solidation would rather take these powers by con
struction than accept them by direct investiture
from the States. Yet, as to internal improvement
particularly, there is probably not a State in the
Union which would not grant the power on the con
dition proposed, or which would grant it without
that.
The best general key for the solution of questions
of power between our governments, is the fact that
"every foreign and federal power is given to the
federal government, and to the States every power
purely domestic." I recollect but one instance of
control vested in the federal, over the State author
ities in a matter purely domestic, which is that of
metallic tenders. The federal is, in truth, our
foreign government, which department alone is taken
from the sovereignty of the separate States.
The real friends of the constitution in its federal
form, if they wish it to be immortal, should be at
tentive, by amendments, to make it keep pace with
the advance of the age in science and experience.
Instead of this, the European governments have re
sisted reformation, until the people, seeing no other
resource, undertake it themselves by force, their
only weapon, and work it out through blood, deso
lation and long-continued anarchy. Here it will
1824] Thomas Jefferson 343
be by large fragments breaking off, and refusing re
union but on condition of amendment, or perhaps
permanently. If I can see these three great amend
ments prevail, I shall consider it as a renewed ex
tension of the term of our lease, shall live in more
confidence, and die in more hope. And I do trust
that the republican mass, which Colonel Taylor
justly says is the real federal one, is still strong
enough to carry these truly federo -republican amend
ments. With my prayers for the issue, accept my
friendly and respectful salutations.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 20. 24.
DEAR SIR, — The multiplied sollicitns to interest
myself with you for applicants for office have been
uniformly refused by me. In a few cases only
where facts have been within my knolege, I have
not been able to refuse stating them as a witness,
which I have made it a point to do so drily as that
you might understand that I took no particular
interest in the case. In a conversn with you how
ever at the Oakhill some two or three years ago, I
mentioned to you that there would be one single
case, and but one in the whole world into which I
should go with my whole heart and soul, and ask as
if it were for myself. It was that whenever the
Post office or Collector's office at Richmd. either of
them should become vacant, you would name Colo.
B. Peyton to it, and preferably to the P. O. if both
344 The Writings of [1824
were to be vacant. The incumbents have for years
been thought ready for their exit, and Foushee
stated to be now at death's door, yet I would not
ask this were there a man in the world more capable,
more diligent or more honest than Peyton, one of
higher worth or more general favor or to whom I
would give it myself in preference to him. He is
all this, and I will be responsible that his nomina
tion will not only be a general gratificn, but I believe
a more general one than any other not only to the
vicinage but to the legislature & to the state for he
is very generally known having been a captain in the
late war and since that a Commn merch. of uncom
mon esteem. To me it will be a supreme gratifn for
I look on him with almost the eyes of a father. I
know you will be most strongly sollicited for others,
and those too of unexceptional merit and great
interest. I will say boldly however for no one who
will execute the office more faithfully & diligently
or with more comity than Peyton.1 Grant me this,
1 As regards this appointment, Jefferson wrote Richard Rush:
"Among the duties of your present station you will find the most
painful to be that of appmt to office. To 20 applicns 19. negatives
must be given, and what word in our language is so difficult to be pro
nounced as no? On retiremt from office myself, knowing how much
I should be harrassed to sollicit for others, I came to a determination
to say no at once, and to all. I could not indeed refuse to say when
required what I knew of an applicant, but made it a point to ac
company that with no request or sollicitn from myself. I departed
from my rule in one case only. I asked but did not obtain. It was
for Colo. B. Peyton of Richmond for whom I entertained a very sincere
frdshp. He was a meritorious officer in our late war, honest, capable,
active and attentive to business, kind to all, and beloved by all, with
a family fast growing on his hands and nothing to provide for them
but his own industry. His line was that of commns business which
1824] Thomas Jefferson 345
and as I never have, so I never will again put your
friendship to the trial as for myself. I inform Pey
ton that I have written to you, and desire him at
the moment of the occurrence to address a letter to
yourself directly that no time may be lost by it's
passing thro' me, for not a moment will be lost by
others, and the earlier the notice to you, the sooner
he still follows. Particular circumstances had interested me highly
in his favor. There were two offices in Richmd either of which would
have put him at ease. The one was that of P. M. the incumbent of
which had recently died, and I asked it for him with the same earnest
ness as if for myself and on the ground of my having never before
asked anything from the govmt personally. It was given to another.
The other office is that of the collector of the port of Richmd. now
held by Majr. Gibson, as worthy a man as could hold it, and one whom
no one would ever wish to see withdrawn. But he is now advanced
in years and in a very low state of health. He is at present gone to
the springs to recruit if possible and I wish he may, but it is not
expected. Should anything happen to him it would be a 2d chance
given me of getting something done for my friend Peyton. This is
within your deptmt, and to you therefore I address my request to
think of him on that event, and if no moral considn gives a higher
claim to any other, give it to him, if only for my sake. Notwithstdg
Gibson's ill health however my own and my age gives me no right to
expect to be the survivor of the two. In that case I bequeath my
friend as a legacy to you. And I pray you to be assured of my best
affection & respect."
He seems to have felt this refusal keenly, for he had previously
written to Leiper:
" MONTO [Oct. 27, 24].
"Mv GOOD FRIEND, — Since my solicitation of July 22. at your re
quest the ground on which I stand is entirely changed, and it is be
come impossible for me to ask anything further from the govmt. I
cannot explain this to you, and even request you not to mention the
fact. I should not have said it to you, but that I cannot offer you
false excuses. My frdshp for you is the same, but this method of
proving it is no longer in my power. Be assured of my constant &
affect6 attmt."
See also the letter to Monroe of July 18, 1824, and to Leiper of
Dec. 6, 1824.
346 The Writings of [1824
you may be able to preclude other importunities. I
salute you with constant affection & respect.
TO JAMES MONROE J. MSS.
MONTICELLO Mar. 27. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I receive Mr. Livingston's question
through you with kindness and answer it without
hesitation. He may be assured I have not a spark
of unfriendly feeling towards him. In all the earlier
scenes of life we thought and acted together. We
differed in opinion afterwards on a single point.
Each maintained his opinion, as he had a right, and
acted on it as he ought. But why brood over a
single difference, and forget all our previous har
monies? Difference of opinion was never, with me,
a motive of separation from a friend. In the trying
times of federalism, I never left a friend. Many
left me, have since returned, and been received with
open arms. Mr. Livingston would now be received
at Monticello with as hearty a welcome as he would
have been in 1800. The case with Mr. Adams was
much stronger. Fortune had disjointed our first
affections, and placed us in opposition in every
point. This separated us for a while. But on the
first intimation thro' a friend, we re-embraced with
cordiality, recalled our antient feelings and dis
positions, and every thing was forgotten but our
first sympathies. I bear ill-will to no human being.
Another item of your letter fills my heart with
thankfulness. With the other competitor it is an
imaginary want, a mere change of lounge, to fill up
1824] Thomas Jefferson 347
the vacancies of mind. Ever affectionately and
respectfully yours.
TO THOMAS LEIPER j. MSS.
MONTO. Apr. 3. 24.
I am really done, my friend, with politics, not
withstanding the doubts you express in your favor
of Mar. 1 6. There is a time for everything, for act
ing in this world, and for getting ready to leave it.
The last is now come upon me. You, I hope, will
hold out as long as you can, because what you do, I
know will always be done for the good of our fellow-
men. With respect to the European combins against
the rights of man I join an honest Irishman of my
nbhood in his 4th of July toast "the Holy alliance,
to Hell the whole of them."
In the Presidential election I am entirely passive.
The pretended letter of mine to which you allude
is a faithless travestie of what I really wrote. That
was addressed to a friend, who had sollicited my
thoughts on the subject. It expressed no prefer
ence of any and in terms which could give offence to
none. He incautiously read the letter to a zealous
partisan, who published it from memory and with
perversions of terms adapted to his own wishes. I
am truly sorry to see the foolish and wicked para
graph from a Richmond paper which you inclosed
me. The frdly dispositions which have so long pre
vailed between Pensve & Virge and which have been
so salutary to republican principles and govmt, are
not I hope to be ruffled by a paper recently set up,
348 The Writings of [1824
and which if conducted in the spirit of that para
graph will as certainly be soon put down. These
states happen at present to differ in the object of
their choice. Both favorites are republican, both will
administer the govmt honestly, which with the most
wisdom each state has a right to hope for itself.
But such a difference, between thinking and rational
men should excite no more feeling than a difference
of faces; and seeing as I do, the permanence of our
union hanging on the harmony of Pennsva & Virge,
I hope that will continue as long as our govmt con
tinues to be a blessing to mankind. To yourself
long life, long health & prosperity.
TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April 4, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — It was with great pleasure I learned
that the good people of New Orleans had restored
you again to the councils of our country. I did not
doubt the aid it would bring to the remains of our
old school in Congress, in which your early labors
had been so useful. You will find, I suppose, on
revisiting our maritime States, the names of things
more changed than the things themselves; that
though our old opponents have given up their ap
pellation, they have not, in assuming ours, aban
doned their views, and that they are as strong nearly
as they ever were. These cares, however, are no
longer mine. I resign myself cheerfully to the
managers of the ship, and the more contentedly, as I
1824] Thomas Jefferson 349
am near the end of my voyage. I have learned to
be less confident in the conclusions of human reason,
and give more credit to the honesty of contrary
opinions. The radical idea of the character of the
constitution of our government, which I have
adopted as a key in cases of doubtful construction,
is, that the whole field of government is divided into
two departments, domestic and foreign, (the States
in their mutual relations being of the latter;) that
the former department is reserved exclusively to the
respective States within their own limits, and the
latter assigned to a separate set of functionaries,
constituting what may be called the foreign branch,
which, instead of a federal basis, is established as
a distinct government quoad hoc, acting as the
domestic branch does on the citizens directly and
coercively; that these departments have distinct
directories, co-ordinate, and equally independent
and supreme, each within its own sphere of action.
Whenever a doubt arises to which of these branches
a power belongs, I try it by this test. I recollect no
case where a question simply between citizens of the
same State, has been transferred to the foreign de
partment, except that of inhibiting tenders but of
metallic money, and ex post facto legislation. The
causes of these singularities are well remembered.
I thank you for the copy of your speech on the
question of national improvement, which I have
read with great pleasure, and recognize in it those
powers of reasoning and persuasion of which I had
formerly seen from you so many proofs. Yet, in
candor, I must say it has not removed, in my mind,
350 The Writings of [1824
all the difficulties of the question. And I should
really be alarmed at a difference of opinion with you,
and suspicious of my own, were it not that I have,
as companions in sentiments, the Madisons, the
Monroes, the Randolphs, the Macons, all good men
and true, of primitive principles. In one sentiment
of the speech I particularly concur. "If we have
a doubt relative to any power, we ought not to ex
ercise it." When we consider the extensive and
deep-seated opposition to this assumption, the con
viction entertained by so many, that this deduction
of powers by elaborate construction prostrates the
rights reserved to the States, the difficulties with
which it will rub along in the course of its exercise;
that changes of majorities will be changing the sys
tem backwards and forwards, so that no under
taking under it will be safe; that there is not a
State in the Union which would not give the power
willingly, by way of amendment, with some little
guard, perhaps, against abuse; I cannot but think
it would be the wisest course to ask an express grant
of the power. A government held together by the
bands of reason only, requires much compromise of
opinion; that things even salutary should not be
crammed down the throats of dissenting brethren,
especially when they may be put into a form to be
willingly swallowed, and that a great deal of in
dulgence is necessary to strengthen habits of har
mony and fraternity. In such a case, it seems to
me it would be safer and wiser to ask an express
grant of the power. This would render its exercise
smooth and acceptable to all, and insure to it all the
1824] Thomas Jefferson 351
facilities which the States could contribute, to pre
vent that kind of abuse which all will fear, because
all know it is so much practised in public bodies, I
mean the bartering of votes. It would reconcile
every one, if limited by the proviso, that the federal
proportion of each State should be expended within
the State. With this single security against par
tiality and corrupt bargaining, I suppose there is
not a State, perhaps not a man in the Union, who
would not consent to add this to the powers of the
general government. But age has weaned me from
questions of this kind. My delight is now in the
passive occupation of reading; and it is with great
reluctance I permit my mind ever to encounter sub
jects of difficult investigation. You have many
years yet to come of vigorous activity, and I con
fidently trust they will be employed in cherishing
every measure which may foster our brotherly union,
and perpetuate a constitution of government de
stined to be the primitive and precious model of what
is to change the condition of man over the globe.
With this confidence, equally strong in your powers
and purposes, I pray you to accept the assurance of
my cordial esteem and respect.
TO JOHN HAMBDEN PLEASANTS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April IQ, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I received in due time your favor of
the 1 2th, requesting my opinion on the proposition
to call a convention for amending the constitution
352 The Writings of [1824
of the State. That this should not be perfect can
not be a subject of wonder, when it is considered
that ours was not only the first of the American
States, but the first nation in the world, at least
within the records of history, which peaceably by
its wise men, formed on free deliberation, a constitu
tion of government for itself, and deposited it in
writing, among their archives, always ready and
open to the appeal of every citizen. The other
States, who successively formed constitutions for
themselves also, had the benefit of our outline, and
have made on it, doubtless, successive improve
ments. One in the very outset, and which has been
adopted in every subsequent constitution, was to
lay its foundation in the authority of the nation.
To our convention no special authority had been
delegated by the people to form a permanent con
stitution, over which their successors in legislation
should have no powers of alteration. They had
been elected for the ordinary purposes of legislation
only, and at a time when the establishment of a new
government had not been proposed or contem
plated. Although, therefore, they gave to this act
the title of a constitution, yet it could be no more
than an act of legislation, subject, as their other acts
were, to alteration by their successors. It has been
said, indeed, that the acquiescence of the people
supplied the want of original power. But it is a
dangerous lesson to say to them "whenever your
functionaries exercise unlawful authority over you,
if you do not go into actual resistance, it will be
deemed acquiescence and confirmation." How long
1824] Thomas Jefferson 353
had we acquiesced under usurpations of the British
parliament? Had that confirmed them in right,
and made our revolution a wrong? Besides, no
authority has yet decided whether this resistance
must be instantaneous; when the right to resist
ceases, or whether it has yet ceased. Of the twenty-
four States now organized, twenty-three have dis
approved our doctrine and example, and have
deemed the authority of their people a necessary
foundation for a constitution.
Another defect which has been corrected by most
of the States is, that the basis of our constitution is
in opposition to the principle of equal political
rights, refusing to all but freeholders any participa
tion in the natural right of self-government. It is
believed, for example, that a very great majority
of the militia, on whom the burthen of military duty
was imposed in the late war, were men unrepre
sented in the legislation which imposed this burthen
on them. However nature may by mental or
physical disqualifications have marked infants and
the weaker sex for the protection, rather than the
direction of government, yet among the men who
either pay or fight for their country, no line of right
can be drawn. The exclusion of a majority of our ^
freemen from the right of representation is merely
arbitrary, and an usurpation of the minority over
the majority; for it is believed that the non-free
holders compose the majority of our free and adult
male citizens.
And even among our citizens who participate in
the representative privilege, the equality of political
VOL. XII. — 23.
354 The Writings of [1824
rights is entirely prostrated by our constitution.
Upon which principle of right or reason can any one
justify the giving to every citizen of Warwick as
much weight in the government as to twenty-two
equal citizens in Loudon, and similar inequalities
among the other counties? If these fundamental
principles are of no importance in actual govern
ment, then no principles are important, and it is as
well to rely on the dispositions of an administration,
good or evil, as on the provisions of a constitutionj
I shall not enter into the details of smaller de
fects, although others there doubtless are, the re
formation of some of which might very much lessen
the expenses of government, improve its organiza
tion, and add to the wisdom and purity of its ad
ministration in all its parts ; but these things I leave
to others, not permitting myself to take sides in the
political questions of the day. I willingly acquiesce
in the institutions of my country, perfect or imper
fect; and think it a duty to leave their modifica
tions to those who are to live under them, and are
to participate of the good or evil they may produce.
The present generation has the same right of self-
government which the past one has exercised for
itself. And those in the full vigor of body and mind
are more able to judge for themselves than those
who are sinking under the wane of both. If the
sense of our citizens on the question of a convention
can be fairly and fully taken, its result will, I am
sure, be wise and salutary; and far from arrogating
the office of advice, no one will more passively ac
quiesce in it than myself. Retiring, therefore, to
1824] Thomas Jefferson 355
the tranquillity called for by increasing years and
debility, I wish not to be understood as intermed
dling in this question; and to my prayers for the
general good, I have only to add assurances to your
self of my great esteem.
TO RICHARD RUSH j. MSS.
MONTO. June 5. 24.
DEAR SIR, — Taking for granted this will reach you
while Mr. Gilmer is still in England, I take the
liberty of putting a letter for him under the pro
tection of your cover to ensure it's safe receipt by
him. Should it however by any accident loiter on
the way until he should be on his return, I will re
quest of you to open the letter to him and to take
out and have delivered to majr. Cartwright one it
covers addressed to him, and which otherwise I
would have wished Mr. Gilmer to deliver personally.
Congress has just risen, having done nothing re
markable except the passing a tariff bill by squeez
ing majorities, very revolting to a great portion of
the people of the states, among whom it is believed
it would not have received a vote but of the manufac
turers themselves. It is considered as a levy on the
labor & efforts of the other classes of industry to
support that of manufactures, and I wish it may not
draw on our surplus & produce retaliatory imposi
tions from other nations. Among the candidates
for the presidency you will have seen by the news
papers that Genl. Jackson's prospect was not with
out promise. A threatening cloud has very suddenly
356 The Writings of [1824
darkened his horizon. A letter has become pub
lic, written by him when Colo. Monroe first came
into office, advising him to make up his administrn
without regard to party. [No suspicion has been
entertained of any indecision in his political prin
ciples, and this evidence of it threatens a revoln of
opinion respecting him.] T The solid republicanism
of Pensylve, his principal support, is thrown into
great fermentation by this apparent indifference to
political principles. The thing is as yet too new to
see in wThat it will result. A baseless and malicious
attack on Mr. Crawford has produced from him so
clear, so incontrovertible, and so temperate a jus-
tifcn of himself as to have added much to the
strength of his interest. The question will ultim
ately be, as I suggested in a former letter to you,
between Crawford and Adams, with this in favor of
Crawford that altho' many states have a different
ist favorite, he is the second with nearly all, and
that if it goes into the legislature he will surely be
elected. I am very much delighted to perceive a
friendly disposn growing up between the people &
govmt of the country where you are and ours. No
two nations on earth have so many interests pleading
for a cordial frdshp, and we have never had an
executive which was not anxious to have cultivated
it, if it could have been done with any regard to
self-respect. Accept assurances of my great esteem
and respectful considn.
i Part in brackets struck out.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 357
TO MARTIN VAN BUREN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 29, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I have to thank you for Mr. Picker
ing's elaborate philippic against Mr. Adams, Gerry,
Smith, and myself; and I have delayed the ac
knowledgment until I could read it and make some
observations on it.
I could not have believed, that for so many years,
and to such a period of advanced age, he could have
nourished passions so vehement and viperous. It
appears, that for thirty years past, he has been in
dustriously collecting materials for vituperating the
characters he had marked for his hatred; some of
whom, certainly, if enmities towards him had ever
existed, had forgotten them all, or buried them in
the grave with themselves. As to myself, there
never had been anything personal between us,
nothing but the general opposition of party senti
ment; and our personal intercourse had been that
of urbanity, as himself says. But it seems he has
been all this time brooding over an enmity which I
had never felt, and that with respect to myself, as
well as others, he has been writing far and near,
and in every direction, to get hold of original letters,
where he could, copies, where he could not, certifi
cates and journals, catching at every gossiping story
he could hear of in any quarter, supplying by sus
picions what he could find nowhere else, and then
arguing on this motley farrago, as if established on
gospel evidence. And while expressing his wonder,
that "at the age of eighty-eight, the strong passions
of Mr. Adams should not have cooled"; that on the
35$ The Writings of [1824
contrary, "they had acquired the mastery of his
soul," (p. 100 ;) that "where these were enlisted, no
reliance could be placed on his statements," (p. 104;)
the facility and little truth with which he could
represent facts and occurrences, concerning per
sons who were the objects of his hatred, (p. 3;)
that "he is capable of making the grossest mis
representations, and, from detached facts, and often
from bare suspicions, of drawing unwarrantable in
ferences, if suited to his purpose at the instant,"
(p. 174;) while making such charges, I say, on Mr.
Adams, instead of his "ecce homo," (p. 100;) how
justly might we say to him, "mutato nomine, de te
fabula narratur." For the assiduity and industry
he has employed in his benevolent researches after
matter of crimination against us, I refer to his
pages 13, 14, 34, 36> 46, 71, 79> 9°, bis. 92, 93, bis.
101, ter. 104, 116, 118, 141, 143, 146, 150, 151, 153,
168, 171, 172. That Mr. Adams' strictures on him,
written and printed, should have excited some
notice on his part, was not perhaps to be wondered
at. But the sufficiency of his motive for the large
attack on me may be more questionable. He says,
(p. 4) "of Mr. Jefferson I should have said no
thing, but for his letter to Mr. Adams, of October
the i2th, 1823." Now the object of that letter
was to soothe the feelings of a friend, wounded by
a publication which I thought an ' ' outrage on pri
vate confidence." Not a word or allusion in it re
specting Mr. Pickering, nor was it suspected that
it would draw forth his pen in justification of this
infidelity, which he has, however, undertaken in the
1824] Thomas Jefferson 359
course of his pamphlet, but more particularly in its
conclusion.
He arraigns me on two grounds, my actions and
my motives. The very actions, however, which he
arraigns, have been such as the great majority of
my fellow citizens have approved. The approbation
of Mr. Pickering, and of those who thought with
him, I had no right to expect. My motives he
chooses to ascribe to hypocrisy, to ambition, and a
passion for popularity. Of these the world must
judge between us. It is no office of his or mine.
To that tribunal I have ever submitted my actions
and motives, without ransacking the Union for
certificates, letters, journals, and gossiping tales, to
justify myself and weary them. Nor shall I do this
on the present occasion, but leave still to them these
antiquated party diatribes, now newly revamped
and paraded, as if they had not been already a
thousand times repeated, refuted, and adjudged
against him, by the nation itself. If no action is to
be deemed virtuous for which malice can imagine a
sinister motive, then there never was a virtuous
action; no, not even in the life of our Saviour him
self. But he has taught us to judge the tree by its
fruit, and to leave motives to him who can alone
see into them.
But whilst I leave to its fate the libel of Mr.
Pickering, with the thousands of others like it, to
which I have given no other answer than a steady
course of similar action, there are two facts or fancies
of his which I must set to rights. The one respects
Mr. Adams, the other myself. He observes that
360 The Writings of [1824
my letter of October the i2th, 1823, acknowledges
the receipt of one from Mr. Adams, of September
the i8th, which, having been written a few days
after Cunningham's publication, he says was no
doubt written to apologize to me for the pointed
reproaches he had uttered against me in his con
fidential letters to Cunningham. And thus having
''no doubt" of his conjecture, he considers it as
proven, goes on to suppose the contents of the
letter, (19, 22,) makes it place Mr. Adams at my
feet suing for pardon, and continues to rant upon
it, as an undoubted fact. Now, I do most solemnly
declare, that so far from being a letter of apology,
as Mr. Pickering so undoubtedly assumes, there was
not a word or allusion in it respecting Cunningham's
publication.
The other allegation respecting myself, is equally
false. In page 34, he quotes Doctor Stuart as hav
ing, twenty years ago, informed him that General
Washington, "when he became a private citizen,"
called me to account for expressions in a letter to
Mazzei, requiring, in a tone of unusual severity, an
explanation of that letter. He adds of himself, "in
what manner the latter humbled himself and ap
peased the just resentment of Washington, will
never be made known, as some time after his death
the correspondence was not to be found, and a
diary for an important period of his presidency was
also missing." The diary being of transactions dur
ing his presidency, the letter to Mazzei not known
here until some time after he became a private citizen,
and the pretended correspondence of course after
1824] Thomas Jefferson 361
that, I know not why this lost diary and supposed
correspondence are brought together here, unless
for insinuations worthy of the letter itself. The
correspondence could not be found, indeed, because
it had never existed. I do affirm that there never
passed a word, written or verbal, directly or in
directly, between General Washington and myself
on the subject of that letter. He would never have
degraded himself so far as to take to himself the
imputation in that letter on the "Samsons in com
bat." The whole story is a fabrication, and I defy
the framers of it, and all mankind, to produce a
scrip of a pen between General Washington and
myself on the subject, or any other evidence more
worthy of credit than the suspicions, suppositions
and presumptions of the two persons here quoting
and quoted for it. With Doctor Stuart I had not
much acquaintance. I supposed him to be an
honest man, knew him to be a very weak one, and,
like Mr. Pickering, very prone to antipathies, boiling
with party passions, and under the dominion of
these readily welcoming fancies for facts. But
come the story from whomsoever it might, it is an
unqualified falsehood.
This letter to Mazzei has been a precious theme of
crimination for federal malice. It was a long letter
of business, in which was inserted a single para
graph only of political information as to the state of
our country. In this information there was not one
word which would not then have been, or would not
now be approved by every republican in the United
States, looking back to those times, as you will see
362 The Writings of [1824
by a faithful copy now enclosed of the whole of what
that letter said on the subject of the United States,
or of its government. This paragraph, extracted
and translated, got into a Paris paper at a time when
the persons in power there were laboring under very
general disfavor, and their friends were eager to
catch even at straws to buoy them up. To them,
therefore, I have always imputed the interpolation
of an entire paragraph additional to mine, which
makes me charge my own country with ingratitude
and injustice to France. There was not a word in
my letter respecting France, or any of the proceed
ings or relations between this country and that.
Yet this interpolated paragraph has been the bur
then of federal calumny, has been constantly quoted
by them, made the subject of unceasing and virulent
abuse, and is still quoted, as you see, by Mr. Picker
ing, page 33, as if it were genuine, and really written
by me. And even Judge Marshall makes history
descend from its dignity, and the ermine from its
sanctity, to exaggerate, to record, and to sanction
this forgery. In the very last note of his book, he
says, "a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Mazzei, an
Italian, was published in Florence, and re-published
in the Moniteur, with very severe strictures on the
conduct of the United States." And instead of the
letter itself, he copies what he says are the remarks
of the editor, which are an exaggerated commentary
on the fabricated paragraph itself, and silently leaves
to his reader to make the ready inference that these
were the sentiments of the letter. Proof is the duty
of the affirmative side. A negative cannot be
1824] Thomas Jefferson 363
positively proved. But, in defect of impossible proof
of what was not in the original letter, I have its press-
copy still in my possession. It has been shown to
several, and is open to any one who wishes to see it.
I have presumed only, that the interpolation was
done in Paris. But I never saw the letter in either
its Italian or French dress, and it may have been
done here, with the commentary handed down to
posterity by the Judge. The genuine paragraph,
re-translated through Italian and French into Eng
lish, as it appeared here in a federal paper, besides
the mutilated hue which these translations and
retranslations of it produced generally, gave a mis
translation of a single word, which entirely per
verted its meaning, and made it a pliant and fertile
text of misrepresentation of my political principles.
The original, speaking of an Anglican, monarchical
and aristocratical party, which had sprung up since
he had left us, states their object to be "to draw over
us the substance, as they had already done the forms
of the British Government." Now the "forms"
here meant, were the levees, birthdays, the pompous
cavalcade to the state house on the meeting of Con
gress, the formal speech from the throne, the pro
cession of Congress in a body to re-echo the speech
in an answer, &c., &c. But the translator here, by
substituting form in the singular number, for forms
in the plural, made it mean the frame or organization
of our government, or its form of legislative, ex
ecutive and judiciary authorities, coordinate and
independent ; to which form it was to be inferred that
I was an enemy. In this sense they always quoted
364 The Writings of [1824
it, and in this sense Mr. Pickering still quotes it,
pages 34, 35, 38, and countenances the inference.
Now General Washington perfectly understood what
I meant by these forms, as they were frequent sub
jects of conversation between us. When, on my
return from Europe, I joined the government in
March, 1790, at New York, I was much astonished,
indeed, at the mimicry I found established of royal
forms and ceremonies, and more alarmed at the
unexpected phenomenon, by the monarchical senti
ments I heard expressed and openly maintained in
every company, and among others by the high mem
bers of the government, executive and judiciary,
(General Washington alone excepted,) and by a great
part of the legislature, save only some members
who had been of the old Congress, and a very few
of recent introduction. I took occasion, at various
times, of expressing to General Washington my dis
appointment at these symptoms of a change of
principle, and that I thought them encouraged by
the forms and ceremonies which I found prevailing,
not at all in character with the simplicity of repub
lican government, and looking as if wishfully to
those of European courts. His general explanations
to me were, that when he arrived at New York to
enter on the executive administration of the new
government, he observed to those who were to assist
him, that placed as he was in an office entirely new
to him, unacquainted with the forms and cere
monies of other governments, still less apprized of
those which might be properly established here, and
himself perfectly indifferent to all forms, he wished
1824] Thomas Jefferson 365
them to consider and prescribe what they should be ;
and the task was assigned particularly to General
Knox, a man of parade, and to Colonel Humphreys,
who had resided some time at a foreign court.
They, he said, were the authors of the present regu
lations, and that others were proposed so highly
strained that he absolutely rejected them. Atten
tive to the difference of opinion prevailing on this
subject, when the term of his second election ar
rived, he called the Heads of departments together,
observed to them the situation in which he had
been at the commencement of the government, the
advice he had taken and the course he had observed
in compliance with it; that a proper occasion had
now arrived of revising that course, of correcting it
in any particulars not approved in experience; and
he desired us to consult together, agree on any
changes we should think for the better, and that he
should willingly conform to what we should advise.
We met at my office. Hamilton and myself agreed
at once that there was too much ceremony for the
character of our government, and particularly, that
the parade of the installation at New York ought
not to be copied on the present occasion, that the
President should desire the Chief Justice to attend
him at his chambers, that he should administer the
oath of office to him in the presence of the higher
officers of the government, and that the certificate
of the fact should be delivered to the Secretary of
State to be recorded. Randolph and Knox differed
from us, the latter vehemently; they thought it not
advisable to change any of the established forms,
366 The Writings of [1824
and we authorized Randolph to report our opinions
to the President. As these opinions were divided,
and no positive advice given as to any change, no
change was made. Thus the forms which I had
censured in my letter to Mazzei were perfectly under
stood by General Washington, and were those which
he himself but barely tolerated. He had furnished
me a proper occasion for proposing their reformation,
and my opinion not prevailing, he knew I could not
have meant any part of the censure for him.
Mr. Pickering quotes, too, (page 34) the expression
in the letter, of "the men who were Samsons in the
field and Solomons in the council, but who had had
their heads shorn by the harlot England;" or, as
expressed in their re-translation, "the men who
were Solomons in council, and Samsons in combat,
but whose hair had been cut off by the whore
England." Now this expression also was perfectly
understood by General Washington. He knew that
I meant it for the Cincinnati generally, and that
from what had passed between us at the commence
ment of that institution, I could not mean to in
clude him. When the first meeting was called for
its establishment, I was a member of the Congress
then sitting at Annapolis. General Washington
wrote to me, asking my opinion on that proposition,
and the course, if any, which I thought Congress
would observe respecting it. I wrote him frankly
my own disapprobation of it ; that I found the mem
bers of Congress generally in the same sentiment;
that I thought they would take no express notice of
it, but that in all appointments of trust, honor, or
1824] Thomas Jefferson 367
profit, they would silently pass by all candidates of
that order, and give an uniform preference to others.
On his way to the first meeting in Philadelphia,
which I think was in the spring of 1784, he called on
me at Annapolis. It was a little after candle-light,
and he sat with me till after midnight, conversing,
almost exclusively, on that subject. While he was
feelingly indulgent to the motives which might induce
the officers to promote it, he concurred with me en
tirely in condemning it; and when I expressed an
idea that if the hereditary quality were suppressed,
the institution might perhaps be indulged during
the lives of the officers now living, and who had
actually served; "no," he said, "not a fibre of it
ought to be left, to be an eye-sore to the public, a
ground of dissatisfaction, and a line of separation be
tween them and their country; " and he left me with
a determination to use all his influence for its entire
suppression. On his return from the meeting he
called on me again, and related to me the course the
thing had taken. He said that from the beginning,
he had used every endeavor to prevail on the officers
to renounce the project altogether, urging the many
considerations which would render it odious to their
fellow citizens, and disreputable and injurious to
themselves ; that he had at length prevailed on most
of the old officers to reject it, although with great
and warm opposition from others, and especially
the younger ones, among whom he named Colonel
W. S. Smith as particularly intemperate. But that
in this state of things, when he thought the question
safe, and the meeting drawing to a close, Major
368 The Writings of [1824
L' Enfant arrived from France, with a bundle of
eagles, for which he had been sent there, with letters
from the French officers who had served in America,
praying for admission into the order, and a solemn
act of their king permitting them to wear its ensign.
This, he said, changed the face of matters at once,
produced an entire revolution of sentiment, and
turned the torrent so strongly in an opposite direc
tion that it could be no longer withstood; all he
could then obtain was a suppression of the heredi
tary quality. He added, that it was the French
applications, and respect for the approbation of the
king, which saved the establishment in its modified
and temporary form. Disapproving thus of the
institution as much as I did, and conscious that I
knew him to do so, he could never suppose that I
meant to include him among the Samsons in the
field, whose object was to draw over us the form, as
they made the letter say, of the British government,
and especially its aristocratic member, an hereditary
house of lords. Add to this, that the letter saying
"that two out of the three branches of legislature
were against us," was an obvious exception of him;
it being well known that the majorities in the two
branches of Senate and Representatives, were the
very instruments which carried, in opposition to the
old and real republicans, the measures which were
the subjects of condemnation in this letter. General
Washington then, understanding perfectly what and
whom I meant to designate, in both phrases, and
that they could not have any application or view to
himself, could find in neither any cause of offence to
1824] Thomas Jefferson 369
himself; and therefore neither needed, nor ever
asked any explanation of them from me. Had it
even been otherwise, they must know very little of
General Washington, who should believe to be with
in the laws of his character what Doctor Stuart is
said to have imputed to him. Be this, however, as
it may, the story is infamously false in every article
of it. My last parting with General Washington
was at the inauguration of Mr. Adams, in March,
1797, and was warmly affectionate; and I never
had any reason to believe any change on his part,
as there certainly was none on mine. But one
session of Congress intervened between that and his
death, the year following, in my passage to and
from which, as it happened to be not convenient to
call on him, I never had another opportunity; and
as to the cessation of correspondence observed dur
ing that short interval, no particular circumstance
occurred for epistolary communication, and both of
us were too much oppressed with letter-writing, to
trouble, either the other, with a letter about nothing.
The truth is, that the federalists, pretending to be
the exclusive friends of General Washington, have
ever done what they could to sink his character, by
hanging theirs on it, and by representing as the
enemy of republicans him, who of all men, is best en
titled to the appellation of the father of that re
public which they were endeavoring to subvert, and
the republicans to maintain. They cannot deny,
because the elections proclaimed the truth, that
the great body of the nation approved the repub
lican measures. General Washington was himself
VOL. XII. — 24.
The Writings of [1824
sincerely a friend to the republican principles of our
constitution. His faith, perhaps, in its duration,
might not have been as confident as mine; but he
repeatedly declared to me, that he was determined it
should have a fair chance for success, and that he
would lose the last drop of his blood in its support,
against any attempt which might be made to change
it from its republican form. He made these declara
tions the oftener, because he knew my suspicions
that Hamilton had other views, and he wished to
quiet my jealousies on this subject. For Hamilton
frankly avowed, that he considered the British con
stitution, with all the corruptions of its administra
tion, as the most perfect model of government which
had ever been devised by the wit of man ; professing
however, at the same time, that the spirit of this
country was so fundamentally republican, that it
would be visionary to think of introducing mon
archy here, and that, therefore, it was the duty of
its administrators to conduct it on the principles
their constituents had elected.
General Washington, after the retirement of his
first cabinet, and the composition of his second,
entirely federal, and at the head of which was Mr.
Pickering himself, had no opportunity of hearing
both sides of any question. His measures, conse
quently, took more the hue of the party in whose
hands he was. These measures were certainly not
approved by the republicans; yet were they not
imputed to him, but to the counsellors around him;
and his prudence so far restrained their impassioned
course and bias, that no act of strong mark, during
1824] Thomas Jefferson 371
the remainder of his administration, excited much
dissatisfaction. He lived too short a time after and
too much withdrawn from information, to correct
the views into which he had been deluded; and the
continued assiduities of the party drew him into the
vortex of their intemperate career; separated him
still farther from his real friends and excited him to
actions and expressions of dissatisfaction, which
grieved them, but could not loosen their affections
from him. They would not suffer the temporary
aberration to weigh against the immeasurable merits
of his life; and although they tumbled his seducers
from their places, they preserved his memory em
balmed in their hearts, with un diminished love and
devotion ; and there it forever will remain embalmed
in entire oblivion of every temporary thing which
might cloud the glories of his splendid life. It is
vain, then, for Mr. Pickering and his friends to en
deavor to falsify his character, by representing him
as an enemy to republicans and republican principles,
and as exclusively the friend of those who were so;
and had he lived longer, he would have returned to
his ancient and unbiased opinions, would have re
placed his confidence in those whom the people
approved and supported, and would have seen that
they were only restoring and acting on the principles
of his own first administration.
I find, my dear Sir, that I have written you a very
long letter, or rather a history. The civility of hav
ing sent me a copy of Mr. Pickering's diatribe, would
scarcely justify its address to you. I do not publish
these things, because my rule of life has been never
;~-~
The Writings of
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'-. ; ~ : : '
CC
i '•-
R- _j _ .: _
— r .rli. -^ r
374 The Writings of [1824
Spanish America that our republic should be blotted
out of the map, and to the rest of the world it would
be an act of treason. I see both reason and justifcn
in hanging our answers to them on the coopern of
England & directing all their importunities to that
govmt. We feel strongly for them, but our first
care must be ourselves. I am sorry for the doubt
fulness of your visit to our nbhood, and still more
so for the ground of it. With my prayers that the
last may be favorably relieved, accept the assurance
of my affecte frdshp & great respect.
TO HENRY LEE j. MSS.
MONTO. Aug. io. 24.
SIR, — I have duly received your favor of the i4th
and with it the prospectus of a newspaper which it
covered. If the style and spirit of that should be
maintained in the paper itself it will be truly worthy
of the public patronage. As to myself it is many
years since I have ceased to read but a single paper.
I am no longer therefore a general subscriber for any.
other. Yet to encourage the hopeful in the outset
I have sometimes subscribed for the ist year on the
condition of being discontinued at the end of it,
without further warning. I do the same now with
pleasure for yours, and unwilling to have outstand
ing accounts which I am liable to forget, I now in
close the price of the tri -weekly paper. I am no
believer in the amalgamation of parties, nor do I
consider it as either desirable or useful for the public ;
1824] Thomas Jefferson 375
but only that, like religious differences, a difference
in politics should never be permitted to enter into
social intercourse, or to disturb it's friendships, its
charities or justice. In that form they are censors
of the conduct of each other, and useful watchmen
for the public. Men by their constitutions are
naturally divided into two parties, i. Those who
fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all
powers from them into the hands of the higher
classes. 2ndly those who identify themselves with
the people, have confidence in them, cherish and
consider them as the most honest & safe, altho' not
the most wise depository of the public interests.
In every country these two parties exist, and in
every one where they are free to think, speak, and
write, they will declare themselves. Call them
therefore liberals and serviles, Jacobins and Ultras,
whigs and tories, republicans and federalists, aristo
crats and democrats or by whatever name you
please, they are the same parties still and pursue the
same object. The last appellation of aristocrats and
democrats is the true one expressing the essence of
all. A paper which shall be governed by the spirit
of Mr. Madison's celebrated report, of which you
express in your prospectus so just and high an ap
probation, cannot be false to the rights of all classes.
The grandfathers of the present generation of your
family I knew well. They were friends and fellow-
laborers with me in the same cause and principle.
Their descendants cannot follow better guides.
Accept the assurance of my best wishes & respectful
consideration.
376 The Writings of [1824
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Sep. 3. 24.
The mail my dear Friend, succeeding that which
brought us the welcome news of your arrival on our
shores, brought that of your being to proceed im
mediately to the North. I delayed therefore till
you should turn Southwdly to meet you with my
sincere congratulns on your safe passage, and restora
tion to those who love you more than any people
on earth. Indeed I fear they will kill you with their
kindness, so fatiguing and exhausting must be the
ceremonies they force upon you. Be on your
guard, against this, my dear Sir, and do not lose in
the enthusiastic embraces of affection a life they are
meant to cherish. I see you are to visit our York-
town on the i gth of Oct. My spirit will be there,
my body cannot. I am too much enfeebled by age
for such a journey. I cannot walk further than my
garden, with infirmities too which can only be
nursed at home. I imagine you will be forced to
visit Chas. T. and Savanna, for where is it they will
not wish and ask your company if they can get it.
Our little village of Charlottesville insists also on
receiving you. They would have claimed you as
their guest, were it possible I could have seen you the
guest of any other than myself in the vicinage of
Monto. I have reduced them therefore to the honor
of your accepting from them a dinner, and that,
thro' me, they beseech you to come and accept. I
suppose in fact that either going to or returning
from the South, the line by Monto. & Montpellier
will be little out of your way. Come then, my dear
1824] Thomas Jefferson 377
friend, suit the time to yourself, make your head
quarters here from whence the ride to Charlottesville
& it's appendage our university will not be of an
hour. Let me once more have the happiness of
talking over with you your first labors here, those
I witnessed in your own country, it's past & present
afflictions and future hopes. God bless and pre
serve you, and give me once more to see and em
brace you.
TO SAMUEL KEROHIVAL j. MSS.
MONTO. Sep. 5. 24.
SIR, — I have duly received your favor of the 25th
ult. requesting permission to publish my letters of
July 12. and Sep. 5. 1816. But to this I cannot
consent. They were committed to your honor and
confidence under express injunxtions against their
publication, and I am happy to learn that that
confidence has not been misplaced. The reasons
too, then opposed to it, have gained greater strength
by increase of age and of aversion to be committed
to political altercation and obloquy. Nor do I be
lieve their publicn would have any weight. Our
fellow citizens think too independantly for them
selves to yield their opinions to any one. Another
strong reason against it at present is the alarm which
has been excited, and with great effect, lest too much
innovation should be attempted. These letters
would do harm by increasing that alarm. At a
particular and pressing request I did venture in a
letter to Mr. Pleasants some strictures on certain
378 The Writings of [1824
defects in our constitution, with permission to pub
lish them. So far then my opinions are known.
When the legislature shall be assembled, and the
question approaching of calling a convention, I
should have no objection to a discreet communication
of these letters to thinking and friendly members,
who would not hang me up as a scare-crow and
enemy to a constitution on which many believe the
good and happiness of their country depend. I
believe on the contrary that they depend on amend
ing that constn from time to time and keeping it
always in harmony with the advance of habits and
principles. But I respect their right of free opinion
too much to urge an uneasy pressure on them.
Time and advancing science will ripen us all in it's
course, and reconcile all to wholesome and necessary
changes. I salute you with respectful consideration.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 9, 1824.
I have duly received, my dear friend and General,
your letter of the ist from Philadelphia, giving us the
welcome assurance that you will visit the neighbor
hood which, during the march of our enemy near it,
was covered by your shield from his robberies and
ravages. In passing the line of your former march
you will experience pleasing recollections of the good
you have done. My neighbors, too, of our academi
cal village, who well remember their obligations to
you, have expressed to you, in a letter from a com
mittee appointed for that purpose, their hope that
1824] Thomas Jefferson 379
you will accept manifestations of their feelings, sim
ple indeed, but as cordial as any you will have
received. It will be an additional honor to the Uni
versity of the State that you will have been its first
guest. Gratify them, then, by this assurance to their
committee, if it has not been done. But what recol
lections, dear friend, will this call up to you and me!
What a history have we to run over from the evening
that yourself, Meusnier, Bernau, and other patriots
settled, in my house in Paris, the outlines of the con
stitution you wished! And to trace it through all
the disastrous chapters of Robespierre, Barras, Bona
parte, and the Bourbons! These things, however,
are for our meeting. You mention the return of
Miss Wright to America, accompanied by her sister;
but do not say what her stay is to be, nor what her
course. Should it lead her to a visit of our Univer
sity, which, in its architecture only, is as yet an ob
ject, herself and her companion will nowhere find a
welcome more hearty than with Mrs. Randolph, and
all the inhabitants of Monticello. This Athenaeum
of our country, in embryo, is as yet but promise;
and not in a state to recall the recollections of
Athens. But everything has its beginning, its
growth, and end; and who knows with what future
delicious morsels of philosophy, and by what future
Miss Wright raked from its ruins, the world may,
some day, be gratified and instructed? Your son
George we shall be very happy indeed to see, and to
renew in him the recollections of your very dear
family ; and the revolutionary merit of M. le Vasseur
has that passport to the esteem of every American,
380 The Writings of [1824
and, to me, the additional one of having been your
friend and co-operator, and he will, I hope, join you
in making head-quarters with us at Monticello.
But all these things A revoir; in the meantime we
are impatient that your ceremonies at York should
be over, and give you to the embraces of friendship.
P. S. Will you come by Mr. Madison's, or let him
or me know on what day he may meet you here, and
join us in our greetings?
TO RICHARD RUSH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 13, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I must again beg the protection of
your cover for a letter to Mr. Gilmer; although a
little doubtful whether he may not have left you.
You will have seen by our papers the delirium into
which our citizens are thrown by a visit from
General La Fayette. He is making a triumphant
progress through the States, from town to town,
with acclamations of welcome, such as no crowned
head ever received. It will have a good effect in
favor of the General with the people in Europe, but
probably a different one with their sovereigns. Its
effect here, too, will be salutary as to ourselves, by
rallying us together and strengthening the habit of
considering our country as one and indivisible, and
I hope we shall close it with something more solid
for him than dinners and balls. The eclat of this
visit has almost merged the Presidential question, on
which nothing scarcely is said in our papers. That
question will lie ultimately between Crawford and
1824] Thomas Jefferson 381
Adams; but, at the same time, the vote of the
people will be so distracted by subordinate candi
dates, that possibly they may make no election, and
let it go to the House of Representatives. There,
it is thought, Crawford's chance is best. We have
nothing else interesting before the public. Of the
two questions of the tariff and public improvements,
the former, perhaps, is not yet at rest, and the latter
will excite boisterous discussions. It happens that
both these measures fall in with the western inter
ests, and it is their secession from the agricultural
States which gives such strength to the manufactur
ing and consolidating parties, on these two ques
tions. The latter is the most dreaded, because
thought to amount to a determination in the federal
government to assume all powers non -enumerated
as well as enumerated in the constitution, and by
giving a loose to construction, make the text say
whatever will relieve them from the bridle of the
States. These are difficulties for your day; I shall
give them the slip. Accept the assurance of my
friendly attachment and great respect.
TO JOSEPH COOLIDGE *
MONTICELLO, October 24, '24.
DEAR SIR, — I should not have delayed a single
day the answer to your interesting and acceptable
letter of the i3th inst. but that it found me suffering
severely from an imposthume formed under the
jaw, and closing it so effectually as to render the
1 From a copy in the possession of A. 0. Coolidge, Esq. , of Cambridge.
382 The Writings of [1824
introduction of sustenance into the mouth impos
sible but in a fluid form, and that, latterly, sucked
thro' a tube. After 2 or 3 weeks of sufferance, and
a total prostration of strength, I have been relieved
by a discharge of the matter, and am now on the
recovery; and I avail myself of the first moment of
my ability to take up a pen to assure you that
nothing could be more welcome to me than the visit
proposed, or it's object. During the stay you were
so kind as to make with us, my opportunities were
abundant of seeing and estimating the merit of your
character; insomuch as to need no further enquiry
from others. Nor did the family leave me unin
formed of the attachment which seemed to be form
ing towards my grandaur. Ellen. I learnt it with
pleasure; because I believed of yours, and knew of
her extraordinary moral qualifications, I was satis
fied no two minds could be formed, better com
pounded to make each other happy. I hold the
same sentiment now that I receive the information
from yourself, and assure you that no union could
give to me greater satisfaction, if your wishes prove
mutual, and your friends consenting. What pro
vision for a competent subsistence for you, might
exist or be practicable, was a consideration for both
parties. I knew that the circumstances of her
father, Governor Randolph, offered little prospect
from his resources, prostrated as they have been by
too much facility in engagements for others. Some
suffering of the same kind myself, and of sensible
amount, with debts of my own, remove to a distance
anything I could do, and certainly should do, for you.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 383
My property is such that after a discharge of these
incumbrances, a comfortable provision will remain
for my unprovided grandchildren. This state of
things on our part leaves us nothing to propose for
the present put to submit the course to be pursued
entirely to your own discretion, and the will of your
friends, under the general assurance that whenever
circumstances enable me to do anything, it will be
directed by justice to the other members of my
family, a special affection to this particularly valued
granddaughter, and a cordial attachment to your
self. Your visit to Monticello and at the time of
your own convenience will be truly welcome, and
your stay whatever may suit yourself, under any
views of friendship or connection. My gratification
will be measured by the time of it's continuance.
I ought sooner to have thanked you for the
valuable work of Milisia, on Architecture: searching,
as he does, for the resources and prototypes of our
ideas of beauty in that fine art, he appears to have
elicited them with more correctness than any other
I have read : and his work, as a text book, furnishes
excellent matter for a course of lectures on the sub
ject, which I shall hope to have introduced into our
institution. The letters of Mr. Gilmer are encour
aging as to the time and style of opening it.
I expect in the course of the ist. or 2d week of the
approaching month to receive here the visit of my
antient friend Genl La Fayette. The delirium which
his visit has excited in the North invelopes him in
the South also. The humble village of Charlottes-
ville, or rather the county of Albemarle, of which it
384 The Writings of [1824
is the seat of justice, will exhibit it's great affection,
and unpretending means, in a dinner to be given the
General in the buildings of the University, to which
they have given accepted invitations to Mr. Madison
also and myself as guests, and at which your presence,
as my guest would give high pleasure to us all, and
to none, I assure you, more cordially than to your
sincerely attached friend.
TO CHARLES JARED INGERSOLL
MONTICELLO Oct 27. 24
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of the 2ist found me in
a commencement of convalescence after a severe
illness of some weeks. I have given however to the
pamphlet which accompanied it the best attention
which my condition has permitted. The facts it
has collected are valuable, encouraging to the
American mind, and so far as they respect ourselves
could give umbrage to none. But if a contrast with
other nations were necessary or useful, it would
have been more flattering had it come from a foreign
hand. After the severe chastisement given by Mr.
Walsh in his American Register, to English scribblers,
which they well deserved and I was delighted to
see, I hoped there would be an end of this inter-
crimination, and that both parties would prefer the
course of courtesy and conciliation, and I think
their considerate writers have since shewn that
disposition, and that it would prevail if equally
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Mr. W. M. Meigs of Phila
delphia.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 385
cultivated by us. Europe is doing us full justice;
why then detract from her. It is true that the
pamphlet, in winding up, disavows this intention,
but in opposition to the fact of repeated sets made
at England, and too frequent assumptions of super
iority. It is true we have advantages, and great
advantages over her in some of our institutions, and
in some important conditions of our existence. But
in so many as are assumed will be believed by our
selves only, and not by all among ourselves. It
cannot be denied that we are a boasting nation. I
repeat however that the work is highly consolatory
to us, and that, with the indulgence of this single
criticism, it merits all praise in its matter, style and
composition. Mr. Short and Mr. Harris have truly
informed you that I suffer to excess by an oppressive
correspondence. The decays of age have so re
duced the powers of life with me, that a greater
affliction can scarcely be imposed on me than that
of writing a letter. I feel indeed that I must with
draw from the labors of this duty, even if it loses
me all my friends. My affections for them undergo
no diminution, but the laws of the animal economy
take from me this means of manifesting it. Be
pleased to accept the assurance of my high respect
and esteem.
TO THOMAS LEIPER j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Dec. 6. 24.
Be assured, dear Sir, that the reasons which put it
out of my power to interfere in behalf of Mr. Taylor
VOL. XII.— 25.
386 The Writings of [1824
were such as yourself would pronounce insuperable
had it been proper for me to have mentioned them.
We shall be happy to receive your son & Daughter
here whenever they will favor us with their visit.
Richmond was not well chosen, as the place to
shake off a fever & ague in the months of Aug. Sep.
& Oct. till frost. All it's inhabitants who can
afford it leave it for the upper country during that
season. If Miss Julia, instead of accompanying her
brother to Lynchbg will stay with us till his return
I should have strong confidence in his finding that
she will have missed her fit. There never was an
instance of fever & ague originating here, nor did I
ever know our friends who have brot it from below,
pass the 4th fit. Should the inveteracy of her case
bid defiance to our air for awhile, she had still better
stay with us till that of Richmd. becomes safe by
frost and numerous fires, these as well as frost being
correctives of the atmosphere. We have two stages
a week going to Richmd. which will give her a
passage to that place when ever she shall think her
self well enough to venture to it; and in the mean
time we shall be happy in having her as one of our
family and in administering to her every care &
comfort in our power. No one of your family must
ever suppose themselves not at home when with me ;
and indeed I think it would be but fatherly to ac
company your son yourself and give him the benefit
of your lessons when visiting our warehouses. To
me this addition to the visit would be most welcome
and add to the pleasure with which I assure you of
my constant frdshp & respect.
1824] Thomas Jefferson 387
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Dec. 15. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I have examined my letter of Jan. 13.
1803. as well as the indistinct copy given by the
copying press permits. In some parts it is illegible.
The publication of the whole of the ist paragraph
would merit very serious considn as respects myself.
Written when party passions and contests were at
their greatest height, and expressing freely to you,
with whom I had no reserve, my opinion of the
views of the other party, which were all but treason
able, they would kindle embers long seeming to be
extinguished. And altho' at that time the views
stated were known to be true, and not doubted at
this moment, yet promulgated now, they would
seem very harsh, and renew personal enmities and
hatreds which time seems to have quieted. Yet I
am perfectly willing that such parts as would be
useful to you, without committing me to new per
secutions should be made publick. With this view
I have revised the paragraph, suppressed passages
which would be offensive, modified here and there
an expression, and now inclose you the form in
which I should consent to it's publcn. Your letter
by Mr. Ticknor & Mr. Webster has been duly reed.
With the former I had had acquaintance and corre
spondence of long standing; and I am much grati
fied by the acquaintance made with the latter.1 He
is likely to become of great weight in our govmt.
1 In the Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster (i., 364) is "a
memorandum" by Webster descriptive of this visit, with a picture of
Jefferson's daily life and personal appearance. Following this are
388 The Writings of [1825
TO WILLIAM SHORT j. Mss.
MONTICELLO, January 8, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — I returned the first volume of Hall by
a mail of a week ago, and by this, shall return the
second. We have kept them long, but every mem
ber of the family wished to read his book, in which
"anecdotes from Mr. Jefferson's conversation," which are here ap
pended :
"Patrick Henry was originally a bar-keeper. He was married very
young, and going into some business, on his own account, was a bank
rupt before the year was out. When I was about the age of fifteen,
I left the school here, to go to the college at Williamsburgh. I stopped
a few days at a friend's in the county of Louisa. There I first saw and
became acquainted with Patrick Henry. Having spent the Christmas
holidays there, I proceeded to Williamsburgh. Some question arose
about my admission, as my preparatory studies had not been pursued
at the school connected with that institution. This delayed my ad
mission about a fortnight, at which time Henry appeared in Williams
burgh, and applied for a license to practise law, having commenced the
study of it at or subsequently to the time of my meeting him in Louisa.
There were four examiners, Wythe, Pendleton, Peyton Randolph, and
John Randolph; Wythe and Pendleton at once rejected his application.
The two Randolphs, by his importunity, were prevailed upon to sign
the license ; and having obtained their signatures, he applied again to
Pendleton, and after much entreaty and many promises of future
study, succeeded in obtaining his. He then turned out for a practising
lawyer. The first case which brought him into notice, was a contested
election, in which he appeared as counsel before a committee of the
House of Burgesses. His second was the Parsons cause, already well
known. These and similar efforts soon obtained for him so much
reputation, that he was elected a member of the legislature. He was
as well suited to the times as any man ever was, and it is not now easy
to say what we should have done without Patrick Henry. He was far
before all in maintaining the spirit of the Revolution. His influence
was most extensive with the members from the upper counties, and his
boldness and their votes overawed and controlled the more cool or
the more timid aristocratic gentlemen of the lower part of the State.
His eloquence was peculiar, if indeed it should be called eloquence;
for it was impressive and sublime, beyond what can be imagined.
Although it was difficult when he had spoken to tell what he had said,
yet, while he was speaking, it always seemed directly to the point.
1 825] Thomas Jefferson 389
case, you know, it had a long gauntlet to run. It
is impossible to read thoroughly such writings as
those of Harper and Otis, who take a page to say
what requires but a sentence, or rather, who give
you whole pages of what is nothing to the purpose.
A cursory race over the ground is as much as they
When he had spoken in opposition to my opinion, had produced a
great effect, and I myself been highly delighted and moved, I have
asked myself when he ceased: 'What the d — 1 has he said?' I could
never answer the inquiry. His person was of full size, and his manner
and voice free and manly. His utterance neither very fast nor very
slow. His speeches generally short, from a quarter to a half an hour.
His pronunciation was vulgar and vicious, but it was forgotten while
he was speaking.
41 He was a man of very little knowledge of any sort ; he read nothing,
and had no books. Returning one November from Albemarle court,
be borrowed of me Hume's Essays, in two volumes, saying he should
have leisure in the winter for reading. In the spring he returned
them, and declared he had not been able to go further than twenty or
thirty pages in the first volume. He wrote almost nothing — he could
not write. The resolutions of '75, which have been ascribed to him,
have by many been supposed to have been written by Mr. Johnson,
who acted as his second on that occasion; but if they were written by
Henry himself, they are not such as to prove any power of composition.
Neither in politics nor in his profession was he a man of business; he
was a man for debate only. His biographer says that he read Plutarch
every year. I doubt whether he ever read a volume of it in his life.
His temper was excellent, and he generally observed decorum in debate.
On one or two occasions I have seen him angry, and his anger was
terrible; those who witnessed it, were not disposed to rouse it again.
In his opinions he was yielding and practicable and not disposed to
differ from his friends. In private conversation, he was agreeable and
facetious, and, while in genteel society, appeared to understand all the
decencies and proprieties of it; but, in his heart, he preferred low
society, and sought it as often as possible. He would hunt in the pine
woods of Fluvannah, with overseers, and people of that description,
living in a camp for a fortnight at a time without a change of raiment.
I have often been astonished at his command of proper language;
how he attained the knowledge of it, I never could find out, as he read
so little and conversed little with educated men. After all, it must be
allowed that he was our leader in the measures of the Revolution, in
390 The Writings of [1825
can claim. It is easy for them, at this day, to en
deavor to whitewash their party, when the greater
part are dead of those who witnessed what passed,
others old and become indifferent to the subject, and
others indisposed to take the trouble of answering
them. As to Otis, his attempt is to prove that the
Virginia. In that respect more was due to him than any other person.
If we had not had him we should probably have got on pretty well,
as you did, by a number of men of nearly equal talents, but he left us all
far behind. His biographer sent the sheets of his work to me as they
were printed, and at the end asked my opinion. I told him it would
be a question hereafter, whether his work should be placed on the shelf
of history or of panegyric. It is a poor book written in bad taste, and
gives so imperfect an idea of Patrick Henry, that it seems intended
to show off the writer more than the subject of the work.
"Throughout the whole Revolution, Virginia and the four New
England States acted together; indeed, they made the Revolution.
Their five votes were always to be counted on; but they had to pick
up the remaining two for a majority, when and where they could.
"About the time of the Boston Port Bill, the patriotic feeling in
Virginia had become languid and worn out, from some cause or other.
It was thought by some of us to be absolutely necessary to excite the
people; but we hardly knew the right means. At length it occurred
to us to make grave faces and propose a fast. Some of us, who were
the younger members of the assembly, resolved upon the measure.
We thought Oliver Cromwell would be a good guide in such a case.
So we looked into Rushworth, and drew up our resolutions after the
most pious and praiseworthy examples. It would hardly have been in
character for us to present them ourselves. We applied therefore to
Mr. Nicholas, a grave and religious man; he proposed them in a set
and solemn speech; some of us gravely seconded him, and the resolu
tions were passed unanimously. If any debate had occurred, or if
they had been postponed for consideration, there was no chance that
they would have been passed. The next morning Lord Bottetourt,
the governor, summoned the assembly to his presence, and said to
them: ' I have heard of your proceedings of yesterday, and augur ill of
their effects. His Majesty's interest requires that you be dissolved,
and you are dissolved.' Another election taking place soon after
wards, such was the spirit of the times, that every member of the
assembly, without an individual exception, was re-elected.
"Our fast produced very considerable effect. We all agreed to go
1825] Thomas Jefferson 391
sun does not shine at mid-day; that that is not a
fact which every one saw. He merits no notice.
It is well known that Harper had little scruple about
facts where detection was not obvious. By placing
in false lights whatever admits it, and passing over
in silence what does not, a plausible aspect may be
home and see that preachers were provided in our counties, and
notice given to our people. I came home to my own county, provided
a preacher, and notified the people, who came together in great
multitudes, wondering what it meant.
"Lord Bottetourt was an honorable man. His government had
authorized him to make certain assurances to the people here, which he
made accordingly. He wrote to the minister that he had made these
assurances, and that, unless he should be enabled to fulfil them, he
must retire from his situation. This letter he sent unsealed to Peyton
Randolph for his inspection. Lord Bottetourt' s great respectability,
his character for integrity, and his general popularity, would have
enabled him to embarrass the measures of the patriots exceedingly.
His death was, therefore, a fortunate event for the cause of the Revolu
tion. He was the first governor in chief that had ever come over to
Virginia. Before his time, we had received only deputies, the govern
or residing in England, with a salary of five thousand pounds, and
paying his deputy one thousand pounds.
"When Congress met, Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee
opened the subject with great ability and eloquence. So much so,
that Paca and Chase, delegates from Maryland, said to each other as
they returned from the House : ' We shall not be wanted here ; those
gentlemen from Virginia will be able to do everything without us.'
But neither Henry nor Lee were men of business, and having made
strong and eloquent general speeches, they had done all they could.
" It was thought advisable that two papers should be drawn up, one,
an address to the people of England, and the other, an address, I think,
to the king. Committees were raised for these purposes, and Henry
was at the head of the first, and Lee of the second.
"When the address to the people of England was reported, Congress
heard it with utter amazement. It was miserably written and good
for nothing. At length Governor Livingston, of New Jersey, ventured
to break silence. After complimenting the author, he said he thought
some other ideas might be usefully added to his draft of the address.
Some such paper had been for a considerable time contemplated, and
he believed a friend of his had tried his hand in the composition of one
392 The Writings of
presented of anything. He takes great pains to
prove, for instance, that Hamilton was no mon
archist, by exaggerating his own intimacy with him,
and the impossibility, if he was so, that he should
not, at some time, have betrayed it to him. This
may pass with uninformed readers, but not with
He thought if the subject were again committed, some improvement
in the present draft might be made. It was accordingly recommitted,
and the address which had been alluded to by Governor Livingston,
and which was written by John Jay, was reported by the com
mittee, and adopted as it now appears.
"It is, in my opinion, one of the very best state papers which the
Revolution produced.
"Richard Henry Lee moved the Declaration of Independence, in
pursuance of the resolutions of the assembly of Virginia, and only
because he was the oldest member of the Virginia delegation.
"The Declaration of Independence was written in a house on the
north side of Chestnut street, Philadelphia, between third and fourth,
not a corner house. Heiskell's tavern, which has been pointed out as
the house, is not the true one.
"For depth of purpose, zeal, and sagacity, no man in Congress ex
ceeded, if any equalled Sam. Adams; and none did more than he to
originate and sustain revolutionary measures in Congress. But he
could not speak; he had a hesitating, grunting manner.
"John Adams was our Colossus on the floor. He was not graceful,
nor elegant, nor remarkably fluent; but he came out, occasionally,
with a power of thought and expression that moved us from our seats.
"I feel much alarmed at the prospect of seeing General Jackson
President. He is one of the most unfit men I know of for such a place.
He has had very little respect for laws or constitutions, and is, in fact,
an able military chief. His passions are terrible. When I was Presi
dent of the Senate he was a Senator; and he could never speak on
account of the rashness of his feelings. I have seen him attempt it
repeatedly, and as often choke with rage. His passions are no doubt
cooler now; he has been much tried since I knew him, but he is a
dangerous man.
"When I was in France, the Marquis de Chasteleux carried me over
to Buffon's residence in the country, and introduced me to him.
" It was Buffon's practice to remain in his study till dinner time, and
receive no visitors under any pretence; but his house was open and
his grounds, and a servant showed them very civilly, and invited all
1825] Thomas Jefferson 393
those who have had it from Hamilton's own mouth.
I am one of those, and but one of many. At my
own table, in presence of Mr. Adams, Knox, Ran
dolph, and myself, in a dispute between Mr. Adams
and himself, he avowed his preference of monarchy
over every other government, and his opinion that
strangers and friends to remain to dine. We saw Buffon in the garden,
but carefully avoided him; but we dined with him, and he proved
himself then, as he always did, a man of extraordinary powers in con
versation. He did not declaim ; he was singularly agreeable.
"I was introduced to him as Mr. Jefferson, who, in some notes on
Virginia, had combated some of his opinions. Instead of entering into
an argument, he took down his last work, presented it to me, and said,
'When Mr. Jefferson shall have read this, he will be perfectly satisfied
that I am right.'
"Being about to embark from Philadelphia for France, I observed
an uncommonly large panther skin at the door of a hatter's shop. I
bought it for half a Jo (sixteen dollars) on the spot, determining to
carry it to France to convince Monsieur Buffon of his mistake in rela
tion to this animal; which he had confounded with the cougar. He
acknowledged his mistake, and said he would correct it in his next
volume.
"I attempted also to convince him of his error in relation to the
common deer and the moose of America; he having confounded our
deer with the red deer of Europe, and our moose with the reindeer. I
told him that our deer had horns two feet long; he replied with warmth,
that if I could produce a single specimen, with horns one foot long, he
would give up the question. Upon this I wrote to Virginia for the
horns of one of our deer, and obtained a very good specimen, four feet
long. I told him also that the reindeer could walk under the belly of
our moose; but he entirely scouted the idea. Whereupon I wrote to
General Sullivan of New Hampshire. I desired him to send me the
bones, skin, and antlers of our moose, supposing they could easily be
procured by him. Six months afterwards my agent in England
advised me that General Sullivan had drawn on him for forty guineas.
I had forgotten my request, and wondered why such a draft had been
made, but I paid it at once. A little later came a letter from General
Sullivan, setting forth the manner in which he had complied with my
request. He had been obliged to raise a company of nearly twenty
men, had made an excursion towards the White Hills, camping out
many nights, and had at last, after many difficulties, caught my moose,
394 The Writings of [1825
the English was the most perfect model of govern
ment ever devised by the wit of man, Mr. Adams
agreeing "if its corruptions were done away."
While Hamilton insisted that "with these corrup
tions it was perfect, and without them it would be
an impracticable government." Can any one read
Mr. Adams' defence of the American constitutions
boiled his bones in the desert, stuffed his skin, and remitted him to me.
This accounted for my debt and convinced Mr. Buff on. He promised
in his next volume to set these things right also, but he died directly
afterwards.
"Madame Houdetot's society was one of the most agreeable in Paris
when I was there. She inherited the materials of which it was com
posed from Madame de Terrier and Madame Geoff rin. St. Lambert
was always there, and it was generally believed that every evening on
his return home, he wrote down the substance of the conversations he
had held there with D'Alembert, Diderot, and the other distinguished
persons who frequented her house. From these conversations he
made his books.
" I knew the Baron de Grignon very well; he was quite ugly, and one
of his legs was shorter than the other; but he was the most agreeable
person in French society, and his opinion was always considered de
cisive in matters relating to the theatre and painting. His persiflage
was the keenest and most provoking I ever knew.
"Madame Necker was a very sincere and excellent woman, but she
was not very pleasant in conversation, for she was subject to what in
Virginia we call the ' Budge,' that is, she was very nervous and fidgety.
She could rarely remain long in the same place, or converse long on the
same subject. I have known her get up from table five or six times
in the course of the dinner, and walk up and down her saloon to com
pose herself.
"Marmontel was a very amusing man. He dined with me every
Thursday for a long time, and I think told some of the most agreeable
stories I ever heard in my life. After his death, I found almost all of
them in his memoirs, and I dare say he told them so well because he
had written them before in his book.
"I wish Mr. Pickering would make a radical lexicon. It would do
more than anything else in the present state of the matter, to promote
the study of Greek among us. Jones's Greek lexicon is very poor. I
have been much disappointed in it. The best I have ever used is the
Greek and French one by Planche."
l825] Thomas Jefferson 395
without seeing that he was a monarchist? And
J. Q. Adams, the son, was more explicit than the
father, in his answer to Paine's rights of man. So
much for leaders. Their followers were divided.
Some went the same lengths, others, and I believe
the greater part, only wished a stronger Executive.
When I arrived at New York in 1790, to take a part
in the administration, being fresh from the French
revolution, while in its first and pure stage, and
consequently somewhat whetted up in my own
republican principles, I found a state of things, in
the general society of the place, which I could not
have supposed possible. Being a stranger there, I
was feasted from table to table, at large set dinners,
the parties generally from twenty to thirty. The
revolution I had left, and that we had just gone
through in the recent change of our own govern
ment, being the common topics of conversation, I
was astonished to find the general prevalence of
monarchical sentiments, insomuch that in main
taining those of republicanism, I had always the
whole company on my hands, never scarcely finding
among them a single co-advocate in that argument,
unless some old member of Congress happened to
be present. The furthest that any one would go,
in support of the republican features of our new
government, would be to say, "the present consti
tution is well as a beginning, and may be allowed a
fair trial ; but it is, in fact, only a stepping stone to
something better." Among their writers, Denny,
the editor of the Portfolio, who was a kind of oracle
with them, and styled the Addison of America,
396 The Writings of [1825
openly avowed his preference of monarchy over all
other forms of government, prided himself on the
avowal, and maintained it by argument freely and
without reserve, in his publications. I do not, my
self, know that the Essex junto of Boston were
monarchists, but I have always heard it so said, and
never doubted.
These, my dear Sir, are but detached items from
a great mass of proofs then fully before the public.
They are unknown to you, because you were absent
in Europe, and they are now disavowed by the
party. But, had it not been for the firm and de
termined stand then made by a counter-party, no
man can say what our government would have been
at this day. Monarchy, to be sure, is now defeated,
and they wish it should be forgotten that it was ever
advocated. They see that it is desperate, and treat
its imputation to them as a calumny; and I verily
believe that none of them have it now in direct aim.
Yet the spirit is not done away. The same party
takes now what they deem the next best ground, the
consolidation of the government; the giving to the
federal member of the government, by unlimited
constructions of the constitution, a control over all
the functions of the States, and the concentration of
all power ultimately at Washington.
The true history of that conflict of parties will
never be in possession of the public, until, by the
death of the actors in it, the hoards of their letters
shall be broken up and given to the world. I
should not fear to appeal to those of Harper himself,
if he has kept copies of them, for abundant proof
1825] Thomas Jefferson 397
that he was himself a monarchist. I shall not live
to see these unrevealed proofs, nor probably you;
for time will be requisite. But time will, in the end,
produce the truth. And, after all, it is but a truth
which exists in every country, where not suppressed
by the rod of despotism. Men, according to their
constitutions, and the circumstances in which they
are placed, differ honestly in opinion. Some are
whigs, liberals, democrats, call them what you please.
Others are tories, serviles, aristocrats, &c. The
latter fear the people, and wish to transfer all power
to the higher classes of society ; the former consider
the people as the safest depository of power in the
last resort; they cherish them therefore, and wish to
leave in them all the powers to the exercise of which
they are competent. This is the division of senti
ment now existing in the United States. It is the
common division of whig and tory, or according to
our denominations of republican and federal; and
is the most salutary of all divisions, and ought,
therefore, to be fostered, instead of being amal
gamated. For, take away this, and some more
dangerous principle of division will take its place.
But there is really no amalgamation. The parties
exist now as heretofore. The one, indeed, has
thrown off its old name, and has not yet assumed a
new one, although obviously consolidationists. And
among those in the offices of every denomination I
believe it to be a bare minority.
I have gone into these facts to show how one
sided a view of this case Harper has presented. I
do not recall these recollections with pleasure, but
398 The Writings of [1825
rather wish to forget them, nor did I ever permit
them to affect social intercourse. And now, least
of all, am disposed to do so. Peace and good will
with all mankind is my sincere wish. I willingly
leave to the present generation to conduct their
affairs as they please. And in my general affection
to the whole human family, and my particular de
votion to my friends, be assured of the high and
special estimation in which yourself is cordially held.
TO BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE x
MONTICELLO, Jan. 8. 25.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Dec. 20. is received.
The Professors of our University, 8. in number, are
all engaged. Those of antient & modern languages
are already on the spot. Three more are hourly
expected to arrive, and on their arrival the whole
will assemble and enter on their duties. There re
mains therefore no place in which we can avail our
selves of the services of the revd. Mr. Bertram as a
teacher. I wish we could do it as a Preacher. I
am anxious to see the doctrine of one god com
menced in our State. But the population of my
neighborhood is too slender, and is too much divided
into other sects to maintain any one Preacher well.
I must therefore be contented to be an Unitarian by
myself, altho I know there are many around me who
would become so if once they could hear the question
fairly stated.
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Dr. J. S. H. Fogg, of Boston.
1825] Thomas Jefferson 399
Your account of Mr. Adams afflicts me deeply:
and I join with him in the question, Is existence,
such as either his or mine, worth anxiety for it's
continuance. The value of life is equivocal with all
its' faculties and channels of enjoyment in full ex
ercise. But when these have been withdrawn from
us by age, the balance of pain preponderates un
equivocally. It is true that if my friend was doomed
to a paralysis either of body or mind, he has been
fortunate in retaining the vigor of his mind and
memory. The most undesirable of all things is long
life: and there is nothing I have ever so much
dreaded. Altho' subject to occasional indispositions,
my health is too good generally not to give me fears
on that subject. I am weak indeed in body, able
scarcely to walk into my garden without too much
fatigue. But a ride of 6. 8. or 10. miles a day gives
me none. Still however a start or stumble of my
horse, or some one of the many accidents which con
stantly beset us, may cut short the toughest thread
of life, and relieve me from the evils of dotage.
Come when it will, it will find me neither unready
nor unwilling. To yourself I wish as long a life as
you choose and health and prosperity to it's end.
TO FRANCIS ADRIAN VAN DER KEMP j. MSS.
MONTO Jan. n. 25.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Dec. 28. is duly re
ceived, and gladdens me with the information that
you continue to enjoy health ; it is a principal mitign
of the evils of age. I wish that the situatn of our
400 The Writings of [1825
friend Mr. Adams was equally comfortable. But
what I learn of his physical condition is truly de
plorable. His mind however continues strong and
firm, his memory sound, his hearing perfect & his
spirits good. But both he and myself are at that
term of life when there is nothing before us to pro
duce anxiety for it's continuance. I am sorry for the
occasion of expressing my condolance on the loss
mento. in your letter. The solitude in which we are
left by the death of our friends is one of the great
evils of protracted life. When I look back to the
days of my youth it is like looking over a field of
battle. All, all dead ! and ourselves left alone midst
a new genern whom we know not, and who know
not us. I thank you beforehand for the book of
your friend P. Vreede of which you have been so
kind as to bespeak a copy for me. On the subject
of my portefeuille, be assured it contains nothing
but copies of my letters. In these I have sometimes
indulged myself in reflections on the things which
have been passing. Some of them, like that to the
quaker to which you refer, may give a moment's
amusement to a reader, and from the voluminous
mass when I am dead, a selection may perhaps be
made of a few which may have interest enough to
bear a single reading. Mine has been too much a
life of action to allow my mind to wander from the
occurrences pressing on it. I have been lately read
ing a most extraordinary book, that of M. Flour ens
on the functions of the nervous system in verte-
brated animals. He proves by too many, and too
accurate experiments to admit contradiction, that
1825] Thomas Jefferson 401
from such animals the whole contents of the cere
brum may be taken out, leaving the cerebellum and
the rest of the system uninjured, and the animal
continue to live in perfect health an indefinite
period. He mentions particularly a case of ioj
months of survivance of a pullet. In that state the
animal is deprived of every sense, of perception, in
telligence, memory and thought of every degree.
It will perish on a heap of grain unless you cram it
down it's throat. It retains the powers of motion,
but feeling no motive, it never moves unless from
external excitement. He demonstrates in fact that
the cerebrum is the organ of thought, and possesses
alone the faculty of thinking. This is a terrible tub
thrown out to the Athanasians. They must tell us
whether the soul remains in the body in this state
deprived of the power of thought ? Or does it leave
the body as in death ? And where does it go ? Can
it be received in heaven while it's body is living on
earth? These and a multitude of other questions it
will be incumbent on them to answer otherwise than
by the dogma that every one who believeth not
with them, without doubt shall perish everlastingly.
The materialist fortified with these new proofs of his
own creed, will hear with derision these Athanasian
denunciations. It will not be very long before you
and I shall know the truth of all this, and in the
meantime I pray for the continuance of your health,
contentment & comfort.
VOL. XII.— 26
402 The Writings of [1825
TO J. S. JOHNSON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 13. '25.
SIR, — Your favor of the 3d was reed some days
ago, and I have taken time to make a thorough
search among my papers for whatever might relate
to Mr. Sibley, but to no effective purpose. The
part of his correspdce which related to public mat
ters was with the Secy, at war. The few letters I
have of his respect matters of curiosity, Indn vo
cabularies & things of that kind. When we acquired
Louisiana we were exceedingly uninformed of every
thing relating to it. I addressed enquiries to every
individual of the country who I thought might give
us informn, and I remember that I considered that
furnished by Dr. Sibley as distinguished in it's value.
At the ensuing Congress I communicated the whole
to that body and it was printed and made a large
8vo; the originals, and their printed copy were
probably burnt by the British, but the printed copy
which I had kept for myself went afterwards to
Washington with my library and may there be
turned to. It will be found entered in the printed
catalogue pa. 104, No. 261 under the title of " State
papers 1793-1812. 36. v. 8vo." The date of the
communicn Nov. i4th, 1803 will point to the par
ticular vol. In this will probably be found much
of the informn received from Dr. Sibley, which will
give an idea of the extent & value of his services to
us on that occasion.
With respect to the two articles particularly stated
in your Ire I have carefully examd. all my papers &
letters of the years 1804. & 1805, and do not find
1825] Thomas Jefferson 403
the scrip of a pen relating to them. My memory
furnishes me with some general recollections on
which I can depend as to De la Harpe's journal, but
several of the particulars are too faintly recalled to
be depended on. For example I am not certain
whether the correspdce and orders on that subject
passed between Govr. Claiborne & myself or the
war office and Dr. Sibley. My impression altho'
faint, is that it was Govr. Claiborne who informed
me of the existence of that book in the hands of an
individual, and that it could be purchased, giving
such a description of it's contents as shewed it to be
highly important to us in our then uninformed state.
I think he had got his informn of it from Dr. Sibley.
We directed the purchase to be made, & that before
trusting the original to the mail, a copy should be
taken (as I think, but your letter says two & it may
be so) and sent by successive mails. They were
safely reed, and I have believed the cost of the whole
had been reimbursed promptly either to Claiborne
or Dr. Sibley through whose agency it was obtained.
The importance of the work consisted in this. De
la Harpe was in some considble office in the govmt
of Louisiana & kept a private and regular journal
of the public transactions. The French considd the
Rio bravo as the Western boundary of Louisiana,
but the Spaniards claimed indefinitely to the east of
the river. The Fr. & Span, neighboring governors
with certain mercantile assciates entered into a
Contraband commerce, the former furnishing French
merchandise, and receiving from the latter in ex
change hard dollars. But the distance between
404 The Writings of [1825
N. O. & the Rio bravo occasd inconveniences &
difficulties and therefore the French Govr. winked
at the Spaniard's takg a small post at Nacagdoches,
and made his reclmns so faintly as not to disturb the
post. I cite these transactions by memory but be
lieve without material error. When we acquired
Louisiana we considd it as extending to the Rio
Bravo and so Bonaparte declared to our Commis
sioners and that he should have taken possn to that
extent. But Spain under color of the corrupt foot
hold she had got at this and one or two other small
posts, claimed the country agt us on the ground of
possn. This journal of De la Harpe clearly proves
how fraudulently it had been obtained, and was
therefore to us of the utmost importance. Hence
our anxiety to guard against it's loss by having it
copied and trusted to diift mails. The original being
lodged in the office of the Secretary of State, I re
tained a copy in my office, to be recurred to in pre
paring instrns for our Minister at Madrid. When I
removd from Washington it was inadvertently
packed with my own books & papers, and not at
tended to until the burning of the public records
at Washn. brought the thing to my mind. I im
mediately sent the copy to the Secretary of State in
whose office it now doubtless is and will prove that
it's importce justified the price it cost us.
Of the other transaction respecting the purchases
of horses &c. to bring a party of Indns to Washn. I
have not the slightest trace either in writing or
recollection. To the great value which was set on
Dr. Sibley's services by the admn of that day I
1825] Thomas Jefferson 405
bear testimony willingly as an act of duty & of
truth.
I am sorry that the decay of my memory does not
permit me to offer anything further and pray you be
assured of my great respect & esteem.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 21, 1825.
This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead.
The writer will be in the grave before you can weigh
its counsels. Your affectionate and excellent father
has requested that I would address to you something
which might possibly have a favorable influence on
the course of life you have to run, and I too, as a
namesake, feel an interest in that course. Few
words will be necessary, with good dispositions on
your part. Adore God. Reverence and cherish your
parents. Love your neighbor as yourself, and
your country more than yourself. Be just. Be
true. Murmur not at the ways of Providence. So
shall the life into which you have entered, be the
portal to one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And if
to the dead it is permitted to care for the things of
this world, every action of your life will be under my
regard. Farewell.
The portrait of a good man by the most sublime of poets,
for your imitation.
Lord, who 's the happy man that may to thy blest courts
repair ;
Not stranger-like to visit them but to inhabit there ?
406 The Writings of [1825
'Tis he whose every thought and deed by rules of virtue
moves ;
Whose generous tongue disdains to speak the thing his heart
disproves.
Who never did a slander forge, his neighbor's fame to wound;
Nor hearken to a false report, by malice whispered round.
Who vice in all its pomp and power, can treat with just
neglect ;
And piety, though clothed in rags, religiously respect.
Who to his plighted vows and trust has ever firmly stood ;
And though he promise to his loss, he makes his promise good.
Whose soul in usury disdains his treasure to employ ;
Whom no rewards can ever bribe the guiltless to destroy.
The man, who, by this steady course, has happiness insur'd,
When earth's foundations shake, shall stand, by Providence
secur'd.
A Decalogue of Canons for observation in practical life.
1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do
to-day.
2. Never trouble another for what you can do
yourself.
3. Never spend your money before you have it.
4. Never buy what you do not want, because it
is cheap; it will be dear to you.
5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst and
cold.
6. We never repent of having eaten too little.
7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly.
8. How much pain have cost us the evils which
have never happened.
9. Take things always by their smooth handle.
10. When angry, count ten, before you speak; if
very angry, an hundred.
1825] Thomas Jefferson 407
TO JUDGE AUGUSTUS B. WOODWARD j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April 3, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of March 25th has been
duly received. The fact is unquestionable, that the
Bill of Rights, and the Constitution of Virginia, were
drawn originally by George Mason, one of our really
great men, and of the first order of greatness. The
history of the Preamble to the latter is this : I was
then at Philadelphia with Congress; and knowing
that the Convention of Virginia was engaged in
forming a plan of government, I turned my mind to
the same subject, and drew a sketch or outline of a
Constitution, with a preamble, which I sent to Mr.
Pendleton, president of the convention, on the mere
possibility that it might suggest something worth
incorporation into that before the convention. He
informed me afterwards by letter, that he received
it on the day on which the Committee of the Whole
had reported to the House the plan they had agreed
to; that that had been so long in hand, so disputed
inch by inch, and the subject of so much altercation
and debate; that they were worried with the con
tentions it had produced, and could not, from mere
lassitude, have been induced to open the instrument
again; but that, being pleased with the Preamble
to mine, they adopted it in the House, by way of
amendment to the Report of the Committee; and
thus my Preamble became tacked to the work of
George Mason. The Constitution, with the Pre
amble, was passed on the 2gth of June, and the
Committee of Congress had only the day before that
reported to that body the draught of the Declaration
408 The Writings of [1825
of Independence. The fact is, that that Preamble
was prior in composition to the Declaration; and
both having the same object, of justifying our
separation from Great Britain, they used necessarily
the same materials of justification, and hence their
similitude.
Withdrawn by age from all other public services
and attentions to public things, I am closing the
last scenes of life by fashioning and fostering an
establishment for the instruction of those who are to
come after us. I hope its influence on their virtue,
freedom, fame and happiness, will be salutary and
permanent. The form and distributions of its struc
ture are original and unique, the architecture chaste
and classical, and the whole well worthy of attract
ing the curiosity of a visit. Should it so prove to
yourself at any time, it will be a great gratification
to me to see you once more at Monticello ; and I pray
you to be assured of my continued and high respect
and esteem.
TO HENRY LEE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 8, 1825.
DEAR SIR,— * * * That George Mason was
author of the bill of rights, and of the constitution
founded on it, the evidence of the day established
fully in my mind. Of the paper you mention, pur
porting to be instructions to the Virginia delegation
in Congress, I have no recollection. If it were any
thing more than a project of some private hand, that
is to say, had any such instructions been ever given
1825] Thomas Jefferson 409
by the convention, they would appear in the jour
nals, which we possess entire. But with respect to
our rights, and the acts of the British government
contravening those rights, there was but one opinion
on this side of the water. All American whigs
thought alike on these subjects. When forced,
therefore, to resort to arms for redress, an appeal
to the tribunal of the world was deemed proper for
our justification. This was the object of the
Declaration of Independence. Not to find out new
principles, or new arguments, never before thought
of, not merely to say things which had never been
said before; but to place before mankind the com
mon sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm
as to command their assent, and to justify ourselves
in the independent stand we are compelled to take.
Neither aiming at originality of principle or senti
ment, nor yet copied from any particular and
previous writing, it was intended to be an expression
of the American mind, and to give to that expression
the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.
All its authority rests then on the harmonizing
sentiments of the day, whether expressed in con
versation, in letters, printed essays, or in the ele
mentary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero ,
Locke, Sidney, &c. The historical documents which
you mention as in your possession, ought all to be
found, and I am persuaded you will find, to be cor
roborative of the facts and principles advanced in
that Declaration. Be pleased to accept assurances
of my great esteem and respect.
The Writings of [1825
TO MISS FANNY WRIGHT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, AugUSt 7, 1825.
I have duly received, dear Madam, your letter of
July 26th, and learn from it with much regret, that
Miss Wright, your sister, is so much indisposed as to
be obliged to visit our medicinal springs. I wish
she may be fortunate in finding those which may be
adapted to her case. We have taken too little pains
to ascertain the properities of our different mineral
waters, the cases in which they are respectively
remedial, the proper process in their use, and other
circumstances necessary to give us their full value.
My own health is very low, not having been able to
leave the house for three months, and suffering much
at times. In this state of body and mind, your
letter could not have found a more inefficient
counsellor, one scarcely able to think or to write.
At the age of eighty -two, with one foot in the grave,
and the other uplifted to follow it, I do not permit
myself to take part in any new enterprises, even for
bettering the condition of man, not even in the great
one which is the subject of your letter, and which has
been through life that of my greatest anxieties.
The march of events has not been such as to render
its completion practicable within the limits of time
allotted to me; and I leave its accomplishment as
the work of another generation. And I am cheered
when I see that on which it is devolved, taking it
up with so much good will, and such minds engaged
in its encouragement. The abolition of the evil is
not impossible; it ought never therefore to be
despaired of. Every plan should be adopted, every
1825] Thomas Jefferson 41*
experiment tried, which may do something towards,
the ultimate object. That which you propose is
well worthy of trial. It has succeeded with certain
portions of our white brethren, under the care of a
Rapp and an Owen; and why may it not succeed
with the man of color? An opinion is hazarded by
some, but proved by none, that moral urgencies are
not sufficient to induce him to labor; that nothing
can do this but physical coercion. But this is a
problem which the present age alone is prepared to
solve by experiment. It would be a solecism to
suppose a race of animals created, without sufficient
foresight and energy to preserve their own existence.
It is disproved, too, by the fact that they exist, and
have existed through all the ages of history. We
are not sufficiently acquainted with all the nations
of Africa, to say that there may not be some in which
habits of industry are established, and the arts
practised which are necessary to render life com
fortable. The experiment now in progress in St.
Domingo, those of Sierra Leone and Cape Mesurado,.
are but beginning. Your proposition has its aspects
of promise also; and should it not answer fully to
calculations in figures, it may yet, in its develop
ments, lead to happy results. These, however, I
must leave to another generation. The enterprise
of a different, but yet important character, in which
I have embarked too late in life, I find more than
sufficient to occupy the enfeebled energies remaining
to me, and that to divert them to other objects,
would be a desertion of these. You are young,
dear Madam, and have powers of mind which may
412 The Writings of [1825
do much in exciting others in this arduous task. I
am confident they will be so exerted, and I pray to
heaven for their success, and that you may be re
warded with the blessings which such efforts merit.
TO JOHN VAUGHAN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 16, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — I am not able to give you any par
ticular account of the paper handed you by Mr.
Lee, as being either the original or a copy of the
Declaration of Independence, sent by myself to his
grandfather. The draught, when completed by
myself, with a few verbal amendments by Dr.
Franklin and Mr. Adams, two members of the com
mittee, in their own hand-writing, is now in my own
possession, and a fair copy of this was reported to
the committee, passed by them without amendment,
and then reported to Congress. This latter should
be among the records of the old Congress; and
whether this or the one from which it was copied
and now in my hands, is to be called the original, is
a question of definition. To that in my hands, if
worth preserving, my relations with our University
gives irresistible claims. Whenever, in the course
of the composition, a copy became over-charged,
and difficult to be read with amendments, I copied it
fair, and when that also was crowded with other
amendments, another fair copy was made, &c.
These rough draughts I sent to distant friends who
were anxious to know what was passing. But how
1825] Thomas Jefferson 4*3
many, and to whom, I do not recollect. One sent to
Mazzei was given by him to the Countess de Tesse
(aunt of Madame de Lafayette) as the original, and
is probably now in the hands of her family. Whether
the paper sent to R. H. Lee was one of these, or
whether, after the passage of the instrument, I made
a copy for him, with the amendments of Congress,
may, I think, be known from the face of the paper.
The documents Mr. Lee has given you must be of
great value, and until all these private hoards are
made public, the real history of the revolution will
not be known.
TO DR. JAMES MEASE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 26, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — It is not for me to estimate the im
portance of the circumstances concerning which
your letter of the 8th makes inquiry. They prove,
even in their minuteness, the sacred attachments of
our fellow citizens to the event of which the paper
of July 4th, 1776, was but the declaration, the
genuine effusion of the soul of our country at that
time. Small things may, perhaps, like the relics of
saints, help to nourish our devotion to this holy
bond of our Union, and keep it longer alive and
warm in our affections. This effect may give im
portance to circumstances, however small. At the
time of writing that instrument, I lodged in the
house of a Mr. Graaf , a new brick house, three stories
high, of which I rented the second floor, consisting
of a parlor and bed -room, ready furnished. In that
4*4 The Writings of [1825
parlor I wrote habitually, and in it wrote this paper,
particularly. So far I state from written proofs in
my possession. The proprietor, Graaf , was a young
man, son of a German, and then newly married. I
think he was a bricklayer, and that his house was on
the south side of Market street, probably between
Seventh and Eighth streets, and if not the only
house on that part of the street, I am sure there
were few others near it. I have some idea that it
was a corner house, but no other recollections throw
ing light on the question, or worth communication.
I am ill, therefore only add assurance of my great
respect and esteem.
TO JOHN ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Dec. 18. 25.
DEAR SIR, — Your letters are always welcome, the
last more than all others, it's subject being one of
the dearest to my heart. To my granddaughter
your commendations cannot fail to be an object of
high ambition, also certain passports to the good
opinion of the world. If she does not cultivate
them with assiduity and affection, she will illy fulfill
my parting injunctions. I trust she will merit a
continuance of your favor, and find in her new
situation the general esteem she so happily possessed
in the society she left. You tell me she repeated
to you an expression of mine that I should be willing
to go again over the scenes of past life. I should
not be unwilling, without however wishing it. And
why not? I have enjoyed a greater share of health
1825] Thomas Jefferson 4*5
than falls to the lot of most men; and my spirits
have never failed me except tinder those paroxysms
of grief which you, as well as myself, have experienced
in every form: and with good health and good
spirits the pleasures surely outweigh the pains of
life. Why not then taste them again, fat and lean
together. Were I indeed permitted to cut off from
the train the last seven years, the balance would be
much in favor of treading the ground over again,
being at that period in the neighborhood of our
Warm springs, and well in health. I wished to be
better, and tried them. They destroyed in a great
degree, my internal organism, and I have never
since had a moment of perfect health. I have now
been 8 months confined almost constantly to the
house, with now and then intervals of a few days
on which I could get on horseback.
I presume you have received a copy of the life of
Richd. H. Lee from his grandson of the same name,
author of the work. You and I know that he
merited much during the revolution. Eloquent,
bold and ever watchful at his post, of which his
biographer omits no proof. I am not certain
whether the friends of George Mason, of Patrick
Henry, yourself, and even of Genl. Washington
may not reclaim some feathers of the plumage
given him, noble as was his proper and original coat.
But on this subject I will not anticipate your own
judgment.
I learn with sincere pleasure that you have ex
perienced lately a great renovation of your health.
That it may continue to the ultimate period of your
The Writings of [1825
wishes is the sincere prayer of us quere ad aras ami-
cissime tui.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 24, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — I have for some time considered the
question of internal improvement as desperate.
The torrent of general opinion sets so strongly in
favor of it as to be irresistible. And I suppose that
even the opposition in Congress will hereafter be
feeble and formal, unless something can be done
which may give a gleam of encouragement to our
friends, or alarm their opponents in their fancied
security. I learn from Richmond that those who
think with us there are in a state of perfect dismay,
not knowing what to do or what to propose. Mr.
Gordon, our representative, particularly, has written
to me in very desponding terms, not disposed to
yield indeed, but pressing for opinions and advice
on the subject. I have no doubt you are pressed in
the same way, and I hope you have devised and
recommended something to them. If you have,
stop here and read no more, but consider all that
follows as non-avenue. I shall be better satisfied to
adopt implicitly anything which you may have ad
vised, than anything occurring to myself. For I
have long ceased to think on subjects of this kind,
and pay little attention to public proceedings. But
if you have done nothing in it, then I risk for your
consideration what has occurred to me, and is ex
pressed in the enclosed paper. Bailey's proposi
tions, which came to hand since I wrote the paper,
1825] Thomas Jefferson 4*7
and which I suppose to have come from the Presi
dent himself, show a little hesitation in the purposes
of his party; and in that state of mind, a bolt shot
critically may decide the contest by its effect on the
less bold. The olive branch held out to them at this
moment may be accepted and the constitution thus
saved at a moderate sacrifice. I say nothing of the
paper, which will explain itself. The following
heads of consideration, or some of them, may weigh
in its favor:
It may intimidate the wavering. It may break
the western coalition, by offering the same thing in
a different form. It will be viewed with favor in
contrast with the Georgia opposition and fear of
strengthening that. It will be an example of a
temperate mode of opposition in future and similar
cases. It will delay the measure a year at least.
It will give us the chance of better times and of
intervening accidents; and in no way place us in a
worse than our present situation. I do not dwell
on these topics; your mind will develop them.
The first question is, whether you approve of doing
anything of the kind. If not, send it back to me,
and it shall be suppressed; for I would not hazard
so important a measure against your opinion, nor
even without its support. If you think it may be a
canvass on which to put something good, make what
alterations you please, and I will forward it to
Gordon, under the most sacred injunctions that it
shall be so used as that not a shadow of suspicion
shall fall on you or myself, that it has come from
either of us. But what you do, do as promptly as
VOL. XII. — 27.
4i 8 The Writings of [1825
your convenience will admit, lest it shall be an
ticipated by something worse.1
TO WILLIAM B. GILES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 25, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the i5th was received
four days ago. It found me engaged in what I could
not lay aside till this day.
Far advanced in my eighty -third year, worn down
1 "The solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth of
Virginia on the principles of the constitution of the US. of America &
on the violations of them.
"We the General Assembly of Virginia, on behalf, and in the name of
the people thereof do declare as follows.
" The states in N. America which confederated to establish their in-
dependance of the government of Great Britain, of which Virginia
was one, became, on that acquisition, free and independant states, and
as such authorised to constitute governments, each for itself, in such
form as it thought best.
" They entered into a compact (which is called the Constitution of the
US. of America) by which they agreed to unite in a single government
as to their relations with each other, and with foreign nations, and as to
certain other articles particularly specified. They retained at the same
time, each to itself the other rights of independant government com
prehending mainly their domestic interests.
" For the administration of their Federal branch they agreed to ap
point, in conjunction, a distinct set of functionaries, legislative,
executive and judiciary, in the manner settled in that compact: while
to each severally and of course, remained it's original right of appoint
ing, each for itself, a separate set of functionaries, legislative, executive
and judiciary also, for administering the Domestic branch of their
respective governments.
" Those two sets of officers, each independant of the other, constitute
thus a whole of government, for each state separately the powers
ascribed to the one, as specifically made federal, exercisable over the
whole, the residuary powers, retained to the other, exercisable exclu
sively over it's particular state, foreign herein, each to the others, as
they were before their original compact.
" To this construction of government & distribution of it's powers, the
1825] Thomas Jefferson 419
with infirmities which have confined me almost en
tirely to the house for seven or eight months past,
it afflicts me much to receive appeals to my memory
for transactions so far back as that which is the sub
ject of your letter. My memory is indeed become
almost a blank, of which no better proof can prob
ably be given you than by my solemn protestation,
Commonwealth of Virginia does religiously and affectionately adhere,
opposing with equal fidelity and firmness, the usurpation of either set
of functionaries on the rightful powers of the other.
" But the federal branch has assumed in some cases and claimed in
others, a right of enlarging it's own powers by constructions, inferences,
and indefinite deductions, from those directly given, which this assem
bly does declare to be usurpations of the powers retained to the in-
dependant branches, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct
infractions of it.
" They claim for example, and have commenced the exercise of a right
to construct roads, open canals, & effect other internal improvements
within the territories and jurisdictions exclusively belonging to the
several states, which this assembly does declare has not been given to
that branch by the constitutional compact, but remain to each state
among it's domestic and unalienated powers exercisable within itself,
and by it's domestic authorities alone.
" This assembly does further disavow, and declare to be most false
and unfounded, the doctrine, that the compact, in authorising it's
federal branch to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises to
pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare
of the U S. has given them thereby a power to do whatever they
may think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare, which
construction would make that, of itself, a complete government, with
out limitation of powers; but that the plain sense and obvious mean
ing was that they might levy the taxes necessary to provide for the
general welfare by the various acts of power therein specified and
delegated to them, and by no others.
" Nor is it admitted, as has been said, that the people of these states,
by not investing their federal branch with all means of bettering their
condition, have denied to themselves any which may effect that pur
pose since, in the distribution of these means, they have given to that
branch those which belong to it's department, and to the states have
reserved separately the residue which belong to them separately.
And thus by the organization of the two branches taken together, have
42o The Writings of [1825
that I have not the least recollection of your inter
vention between Mr. John Q. Adams and myself, in
what passed on the subject of the embargo. Not
the slightest trace of it remains in my mind. Yet I
completely secured the first object of human association, the full
improvement of their condition, and reserved to themselves all the
faculties of multiplying their own blessings.
" Whilst the General assembly thus declares the rights retained by
the states, rights which they have never yielded, and which this state
will never voluntarily yield, they do not mean to raise the banner of
disaffection, or of separation from their sister- states, co-parties with
themselves to this compact. They know and value too highly the
blessings of their union as to foreign nations and questions arising
among themselves, to consider every infraction as to be met by
actual resistance; they respect too affectionately the opinions of
those possessing the same rights under the same instrument, to
make every difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture.
They would indeed consider such a rupture as among the greatest
calamities which could befall them; but not the greatest. There is
yet one greater, submission to a government of unlimited powers.
It is only when the hope of avoiding this shall become absolutely
desperate that further forbearance could not be indulged. Should a
majority of the Co-parties therefore contrary to the expectation and
hope of this assembly, perfer at this time, acquiescence in these
assumptions of power by the federal member of the government, we
will be patient and suffer much, under the confidence that time, ere
it be too late, will prove to them also the bitter consequences in which
this usurpation will involve us all. In the mean while we will breast
with them, rather than separate from them, every misfortune save
that only of living under a government of unlimited powers. We
owe every other sacrifice to ourselves, to our federal brethren, and to
the world at large, to pursue with temper and perseverance the great
experiment which shall prove that man is capable of living in society,
governing itself by laws self-imposed, and securing to it's members
the enjoyment of life, liberty, property and peace; and further to shew
that even when the government of it's choice shall shew a tendency
to degeneracy, we are not at once to despair but that the will & the
watchfulness of it's sounder parts will reform it's aberrations, recall
it to original and legitimate principles and restrain it within the
rightful limits of self-government. And these are the objects of this
Declaration and Protest.
" Supposing then that it might be for the good of the whole, as some
1825] Thomas Jefferson 421
have no doubt of the exactitude of the statement in
your letter. And the less, as I recollect the inter
view with Mr. Adams, to which the previous com
munications which had passed between him and
yourself were probably and naturally the prelimin
ary. That interview I remember well; not indeed
in the very words which passed between us, but in
of it's Oo-states seem to think, that this power of making roads and
canals should be added to those directly given to the federal branch,
as more likely to be systematically and beneficially directed, than by
the independant action of the several states, this Commonwealth,
from respect to these opinions, and a desire of conciliation with it's
Go-states, will consent, in concurrence with them, to make this ad
dition, provided it be done regularly by an amendment of the com
pact, in the way established by that instrument, and provided also
it be sufficiently guarded against abuses, compromises, and corrupt
practices, not only of possible, but of probable occurrence. And as
a further pledge of the sincere and cordial attachment of this common
wealth to the Union of the whole so far as has been consented to by
the compact called 'the Constitution of the US. of America' (con
strued according to the plain and ordinary meaning of it's language,
to the common intendment of the time, and of those who framed it)
to give also to all parties and authorities time for reflection, and for
consideration whether, under a temperate view of the possible con
sequences, and especially of the constant obstructions which an
equivocal majority must ever expect to meet, they will still prefer
the assumption of this power rather than it's acceptance from the
free will of their constituents, and to preserve peace in the meanwhile,
we proceed to make it the duty of our citizens, until the legislature
shall otherwise & ultimately decide, to acquiesce under those acts of
the federal branch of our government which we have declared to be
usurpations, and against which, in point of right, we do protest as
null and void, and never to be quoted as precedents of right.
" We therefore do enact, and be it enacted by the General assembly
of Virginia that all citizens of this commonwealth, and persons and
authorities within the same, shall pay full obedience at all times to
the Acts which may be past by the Congress of the US. the object
of which shall be the construction of post roads, making canals of
navigation, and maintaining the same in any part of the US. in like
manner as if the said acts were, totidem verbis past by the legislature
of this commonwealth."
422 The Writings of [1825
their substance, which was of a character too awful,
too deeply engraved in my mind, and influencing too
materially the course I had to pursue, ever to be
forgotten. Mr. Adams called on me pending the
embargo, and while endeavors were making to ob
tain its repeal. He made some apologies for the
call, on the ground of our not being then in the
habit of confidential communications, but that
which he had then to make, involved too seriously
the interest of our country not to overrule all other
considerations with him, and make it his duty to
reveal it to myself particularly. I assured him
there was no occasion for any apology for his visit;
that, on the contrary, his communications would be
thankfully received, and would add a confirmation
the more to my entire confidence in the rectitude
and patriotism of his conduct and principles. He
spoke then of the dissatisfaction of the eastern por
tion of our confederacy with the restraints of the
embargo then existing, and their restlessness under
it. That there was nothing which might not be
attempted, to rid themselves of it. That he had
information of the most unquestionable certainty,
that certain citizens of the eastern States (I think
he named Massachusetts particularly) were in nego
tiation with agents of the British government, the
object of which was an agreement that the New
England States should take no further part in the
war then going on ; that, without formally declaring
their separation from the Union of the States, they
should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them ;
that their navigation and commerce should be free
1825] Thomas Jefferson 423
from restraint and interruption by the British ; that
they should be considered and treated by them as
neutrals, and as such might conduct themselves
towards both parties; and, at the close of the war,
be at liberty to rejoin the confederacy. He as
sured me that there was eminent danger that the
convention would take place; that the tempta
tions were such as might debauch many from their
fidelity to the Union ; and that, to enable its friends
to make head against it, the repeal of the embargo
was absolutely necessary. I expressed a just sense
of the merit of this information, and of the impor
tance of the disclosure to the safety and even the
salvation of our country; and however reluctant I
was to abandon the measure, (a measure which
persevered in a little longer, we had subsequent and
satisfactory assurance would have effected its object
completely,) from that moment, and influenced by
that information, I saw the necessity of abandoning
it, and instead of effecting our purpose by this peace
ful weapon, we must fight it out, or break the Union.
I then recommended to yield to the necessity of a
repeal of the embargo, and to endeavor to supply
its place by the best substitute, in which they could
procure a general concurrence.
I cannot too often repeat, that this statement is
not pretended to be in the very words which passed ;
that it only gives faithfully the impression remaining
on my mind. The very words of a conversation are
too transient and fugitive to be so long retained in
remembrance. But the substance was too impor
tant to be forgotten, not only from the revolution
424 The Writings of [1825
of measures it obliged me to adopt, but also from the
renewals of it in my memory on the frequent oc
casions I have had of doing justice to Mr. Adams,
by repeating this proof of his fidelity to his country,
and of his superiority over all ordinary considera
tions when the safety of that was brought into
question.
With this best exertion of a waning memory
which I can command, accept assurances of my
constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
TO WILLIAM B. GILES j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 26, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you a letter yesterday, of
which you will be free to make what use you please.
This will contain matters not intended for the public
eye. I see, as you do, and with the deepest afflic
tion, the rapid strides with which the federal branch
of our government is advancing towards the usurpa
tion of all the rights reserved to the States, and the
consolidation in itself of all powers, foreign and
domestic; and that, too, by constructions which, if
legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take
together the decisions of the federal court, the
doctrines of the President, and the misconstruc
tions of the constitutional compact acted on by
the legislature of the federal branch, and it is but
too evident, that the three ruling branches of that
department are in combination to strip their col
leagues, the State authorities, of the powers reserved
by them, and to exercise themselves all functions
1825] Thomas Jefferson 425
foreign and domestic. Under the power to regulate
commerce, they assume indefinitely that also over
agriculture and manufactures, and call it regulation
to take the earnings of one of these branches of
industry, and that too the most depressed, and put
them into the pockets of the other, the most flour
ishing of all. Under the authority to establish post
roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains
for the construction of roads, of digging canals, and
aided by a little sophistry on the words ''general
welfare," a right to do, not only the acts to effect
that, which are specifically enumerated and per
mitted, but whatsoever they shall think, or pretend
will be for the general welfare. And what is our
resource for the preservation of the constitution?
Reason and argument? You might as well reason
and argue with the marble columns encircling them.
The representatives chosen by ourselves? They are
joined in the combination, some from incorrect views
of government, some from corrupt ones, sufficient
voting together to out-number the sound parts ; and
with majorities only of one, two, or three, bold
enough to go forward in defiance. Are we then
to stand to our arms, with the hot-headed Georgian?
No. That must be the last resource, not to be
thought of until much longer and greater sufferings.
If every infraction of a compact of so many parties
is to be resisted at once, as a dissolution of it, none
can ever be formed which would last one year. We
must have patience and longer endurance then with
our brethren while under delusion; give them time
for reflection and experience of consequences; keep
426 The Writings of [1825
ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of
accidents; and separate from our companions only
when the sole alternatives left, are the dissolution of
our Union with them, or submission to a govern
ment without limitation of powers. Between these
two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be
no hesitation. But in the meanwhile, the States
should be watchful to note every material usurpation
on their rights; to denounce them as they occur in
the most peremptory terms ; to protest against them
as wrongs to which our present submission shall be
considered, not as acknowledgments or precedents
of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser
evil, until their accumulation shall overweigh that
of separation. I would go still further, and give to
the federal member, by a regular amendment of the
constitution, a right to make roads and canals of
intercommunication between the States, providing
sufficiently against corrupt practices in Congress,
(log-rolling, &c.,) by declaring that the federal pro
portion of each State of the moneys so employed,
shall be in works within the State, or elsewhere with
its consent, and with a due salvo of jurisdiction.
This is the course which I think safest and best as
yet.
You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving
publicity to what is stated in your letter, as having
passed between Mr. John Q. Adams and yourself.
Of this no one can judge but yourself. It is one of
those questions which belong to the forum of feel
ing. This alone can decide on the degree of confid
ence implied in the disclosure; whether under no
1825] Thomas Jefferson 427
circumstances it was to be communicated to others ?
It does not seem to be of that character, or at all to
wear that aspect. They are historical facts which
belong to the present, as well as future times. I
doubt whether a single fact, known to the world,
will carry as clear conviction to it, of the correctness
of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the
federal party of that day, as that disclosed by thisr
the most nefarious and daring attempt to dissever
the Union, of which the Hartford convention was a
subsequent chapter; and both of these having
failed, consolidation becomes the fourth chapter of
the next book of their history. But this opens with
a vast accession of strength from their younger re
cruits, who, having nothing in them of the feelings
or principles of '76, now look to a single and splendid
government of an aristocracy, founded on banking
institutions, and moneyed incorporations under the
guise and cloak of their favored branches of manu
factures, commerce and navigation, riding and
ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared
yeomanry. This will be to them a next best bless
ing to the monarchy of their first aim, and perhaps
the surest stepping-stone to it.
I learn with great satisfaction that your school is
thriving well, and that you have at its head a truly
classical scholar. He is one of three or four whom
I can hear of in the State. We were obliged the last
year to receive shameful Latinists into the classical
school of the University, such as we will certainly
refuse as soon as we can get from better schools a
sufficiency of those properly instructed to form a
428 The Writings of [1825
class. We must get rid of this Connecticut Latin,
of this barbarous confusion of long and short syl
lables, which renders doubtful whether we are
listening to a reader of Cherokee, Shawnee, Iroquois,
or what. Our University has been most fortunate
in the five professors procured from England. A
finer selection could not have been made. Besides
their being of a grade of science which has left little
superior behind, the correctness of their moral
character, their accommodating dispositions, and
zeal for the prosperity of the institution, leave us
nothing more to wish. I verily believe that as high
a degree of education can now be obtained here, as
in the country they left. And a finer set of youths
I never saw assembled for instruction. They com
mitted some irregularities at first, until they learned
the lawful length of their tether; since which it has
never been transgressed in the smallest degree. A
great proportion of them are severely devoted to
study, and I fear not to say that within twelve or
fifteen years from this time, a majority of the rulers
of our State will have been educated here. They
shall carry hence the correct principles of our day,
and you may count assuredly that they will exhibit
their country in a degree of sound respectability it
has never known, either in our days, or those of our
forefathers. I cannot live to see it. My joy must
only be that of anticipation. But that you may
see it in full fruition, is the probable consequence
of the twenty years I am ahead of you in time, and
is the sincere prayer of your affectionate and con
stant friend.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 429
TO WILLIAM F. GORDON j. MSS.
MONTO. Jan. i, 26.
DEAR SIR, — I cannot blame you, if you have been
thinking hardly of my long delay in answering your
favor of the loth ult. But knowing the state of my
health these thoughts will vanish from your mind.
It is now 3. weeks since a re-ascerbation of my
painful complaint has confined me to the house and
indeed to my couch. Required to be constantly
recumbent I wrote slowly and with difficulty.
Yesterday for the ist time I was able to leave the
house and to resume a posture which enables me to
begin to answer the letters which have been ac
cumulating, and I take up yours first. Weakened
in body by infirmities and in mind by age, now far
gone in my 83d year, reading one newspaper only
and forgetting immediately what I read in that, I
am unable to give counsel in cases of difficulty, and
our present one is truly a case of difficulty. It is
but too evident that the branches of our foreign
department of govmt. Exve, judiciary and legisla
tive are in combination to usurp the powers of the
domestic branch also reserved to the states and
consolidate themselves into a single govmt without
limitn of powers. I will not trouble you with de
tails of the instances which are threadbare and un
heeded. The only question is what is to be done?
Shall we give up the ship? No, by heavens, while
a hand remains able to keep the deck. Shall we
with the hot-headed Georgian, stand at once to our
arms ? Not yet, nor until the evil, the only greater
one than separn, shall be all but upon us, that of
430 The Writings of [1826
living under a government of discretion. Between
these alternatives there can be no hesitation. But
again, what are we to do? I am glad I did not
answer earlier, for a fortnight ago might have called
for a different answer. Since that the S. C. resolu
tions are become known. Van Buren's motion and
Baylie's proposn to yield the power of roads and
canals, provided it be regularly by an amdmt of the
constn and guarded against abusive practices under
it. We had better at present rest awhile on our
oars and see which way the tide will set, in Congress
and in the state legislatures. Perhaps it will be
better for Virginia to follow than take the lead in
whatever is to be done. A Majority of the people
are against us on this question. The Western
states have especially been bribed by local con-
sidns to abandon their antient brethren and enlist
under banners alien to them in principles & interest.
If in this state of things we can make such a com
promise as Baylie proposes, we shall save and at the
same time improve our constn, for I think that with
suffict guards it will be a wholesome amdmt. And
not doubting but that it comes from the president
himself we may hope it's success under such auspices.
If I had an opn therefore it would be for lying still
awhile. But I have none. I have neither matter
nor mind to form one. And I pray that what I
have now hazarded to you as a friend may be
sacredly locked up in your own breast. For aban
doning, as it is time, to the genern now on the stage,
the entire management of their own affairs, I should
deem it the greatest of all calamities to be implicated,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 431
at this period of life in embroilment of which I wish
never to think again. Yesterday the last of the
year closed the 6ist of my continued services to the
public. I came into it as soon as of age which was
in 1764. beginning with the court of my county,
then their Representative [illegible] Governor, Con
gress, M.P. Secy of State V. President Presid.
[illegible].
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 2 26.
DEAR SIR, — I now return you Ritchie's letter and
your answer. I have read the last with entire ap
probation and adoption of it's views. When my
paper was written all was gloom, and the question
of roads and canals was thought desperate at
Washington after the President's message. Since
that however have appeared the S. C. resolns, Van
Buren's motion, and above all Baylie's proposn of
Amdmt, believed to come from the President him
self, who may have motives for it. After these,
before we can see their issue my proposn would
certainly be premature. I think with you too that
any measures of opposition would come with more
hope from any other state than from Virginia, and
S. C. N. Y. and Massachusetts being willing to take
the lead, we had better follow. I have therefore
suppressed my paper, and recommend to Gordon
to do nothing until we see the course Bailey's
proposn will take, which I think a desirable one in
itself.
432 The Writings of [1826
I have been quite anxious to get a good drawing
master in the Military or landscape line for the
University. It is a branch of male educn most
highly & justly valued on the continent of Europe.
One most highly recommended as a landscape
painter and as a personal character offered himself
under a mistaken expectn as to the emoluments.
I authorized Dr. Emmet to speak with him on the
subject, and inclose you his letter. Rembrandt
Peale, whose opinion I asked is as high in his praise
as Emmet. I fear his present birth is too good to
leave it for ours under it's present uncertainties.
His predilection to come to us might have some
weight. Whether the offer to pay the expenses of
his removal might be sufficient for him and ap-
provable by us is a question. There is a more advan
tageous offer we might make him. You know we
have 2. pavilions not yet occupied, nor likely soon
to be so. A rent of 8. p. c. would be 600 D. a year.
We could let him have the occupn gratis until an
addition to our Professors might call for a resump
tion of it. I shall suggest this offer to Emmet but
to avoid all engagement till the sanction of the
Visitors should be obtained. Be so good as to
return me the letter. Ever & affectly yours.
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH x
MONTICELLO, Jan. 8, '26.
DEAR SIR, — I have for sometime entertained the
hope that your affairs being once wound up, your
1 From the original in the possession of Archibald Gary Ooolidge.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 433
mind would cease to look back on them, and resume
the calm so necessary to your own happiness, and
that of your family and friends; and especially
that you would return again to their society. I
hope there remains no reason now to delay this
longer, and that you will rejoin our table and fireside
as heretofore. It is now that the value of education
will prove itself to you, in the resource to books of
which it has qualified you to avail yourself, and
which, aided by the conversation and endearments
of your family, and every comfort which this place
can be made to afford you, will I hope, ensure to
you future ease and happiness. Be assured that
to no one will your society be more welcome than
to myself, and that my affectionate friendship to
you and respect, remain constant & sincere.1
1 The following is a note in lead pencil appended to the foregoing
letter, in the handwriting of Mr. Randolph, but without signature:
"I never slept a night from Monticello while my wife was there.
But I left it early & returned after dark. After my misfortune I
wished to avoid the supercilious looks of Mr. Jefferson's various
guests. I still had the house in which I had so long kept my books
& papers. Thither I went at an early hour every day & constantly
returned when I could cross the river or the rains were not too heavy
to brave."
Again Jefferson wrote to his son-in-law :
"Let me beseech you, dear sir, to return and become again a mem
ber of the family. I have ever wished you to consider yourself at
home here, and to command, bring your friends, and act in all respects
as you would in your own house. We are all distressed at your with
drawing from us. Your family doubtless have felt their participa
tion in your misfortunes. This is natural. But in these there is
nothing extraordinary. But your separation is a grief of a more
distressing kind. From this you can relieve us all, and better pro
mote your own happiness by returning to the bosom of those who
love and respect you, rather than to continue in solitude, brooding
over your misfortunes, & encouraging their ravages on your mind,
VOL. XII. 28.
434 The Writings of [1826
TO WILLIAM SHORT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 18, 26.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the i ith is received. Those
of Nov. 2. and Dec. 14. had been so in due time. I
suppose I had not acknoleged them specifically
from being perhaps too lazy to recur to them while
writing mine of the I thank you for your in
formation from Mr. Boyce and shall desire the in
struments to remain in their present position until
I can find a safe and gentle conveyance and give an
order for them. The Russian discourse was duly
received and was read with the feelings it would
naturally excite in the breast of a friend to the
Rights of man. On the subject of emancipation I
have ceased to think because not to be a work of
my day. The plan of converting the blacks into
Serfs would certainly be better than keeping them
in their present condition, but I consider that of
expatriation to the governments of the W. I. of their
own colour as entirely practicable, and greatly pre
ferable to the mixture of colour here. To this I
have great aversion; but I repeat my abandonment
of the subject. My health is at present as good as
I ever expect it to be, and I am ever and affection
ately yours.
and on the happiness of your life. Neither your family, nor yourself
can be without any comforts while I have anything, and all I ask is
that you will be assured of this, as well as of my affectionate friendship
& respect."
Randolph penciled on this letter :
"I never passed a night from Monticello unless from heavy rain in
the evening or the river being too high to cross. Tho. M. R."
1826] Thomas Jefferson 435
THOUGHTS ON LOTTERIES
February, 1826.
It is a common idea that games of chance are
immoral. But what is chance? Nothing happens
in this world without a cause. If we know the
cause, we do not call it chance; but if we do not
know it, we say it was produced by chance. If we
see a loaded die turn its lightest side up, we know
the cause, and that it is not an effect of chance ; but
whatever side an unloaded die turns up, not know
ing the cause, we say it is the effect of chance. Yet
the morality of a thing cannot depend on our
knowledge or ignorance of its cause. Not knowing
why a particular side of an unloaded die turns up,
cannot make the act of throwing it, or of betting on
it, immoral. If we consider games of chance im
moral, then every pursuit of human industry is
immoral; for there is not a single one that is not
subject to chance, not one wherein you do not risk
a loss for the chance of some gain. The navigator,
for example, risks his ship in the hope (if she is not
lost in the voyage) of gaining an advantageous
freight. The merchant risks his cargo to gain a
better price for it. A landholder builds a house on
the risk of indemnifying himself by a rent. The
hunter hazards his time and trouble in the hope of
killing game. In all these pursuits, you stake some
one thing against another which you hope to win.
But the greatest of all gamblers is the farmer. He
risks the seed he puts into the ground, the rent he
pays for the ground itself, the year's labor on it, and
the wear and tear of his cattle and gear, to win a
436 The Writings of [1826
crop, which the chances of too much or too little
rain, and general uncertainties of weather, insects,
waste, &c., often make a total or partial loss. These,
then, are games of chance. Yet so far from being
immoral, they are indispensable to the existence of
man, and every one has a natural right to choose for
his pursuit such one of them as he thinks most likely
to furnish him subsistence. Almost all these pursuits
of chance produce something useful to society.
But there are some which produce nothing, and en
danger the well-being of the individuals engaged
in them, or of others depending on them. Such
are games with cards, dice, billiards, &c. And al
though the pursuit of them is a matter of natural
right, yet society, perceiving the irresistible bent of
some of its members to pursue them, and the ruin
produced by them to the families depending on
these individuals, consider it as a case of insanity,
quoad hoc, step in to protect the family and the
party himself, as in other cases of insanity, infancy,
imbecility, &c., and suppress the pursuit altogether,
and the natural right of following it. There are
some other games of chance, useful on certain oc
casions, and injurious only when carried beyond
their useful bounds. Such are insurances, lotteries,
raffles, &c. These they do not suppress, but take
their regulation under their own discretion. The in
surance of ships on voyages is a vocation of chance,
yet useful, and the right to exercise it therefore is
left free. So of houses against fire, doubtful debts,
the continuance of a particular life, and similar
cases. Money is wanting for a useful undertaking,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 437
as a school, &c., for which a direct tax would be
disapproved. It is raised therefore by a lottery,
wherein the tax is laid on the willing only, that is
to say, on those who can risk the price of a ticket
without sensible injury for the possibility of a
higher prize. An article of property, insusceptible
of division at all, or not without great diminution
of its worth, is sometimes of so large value as that
no purchaser can be found while the owner owes
debts, has no other means of payment, and his
creditors no other chance of obtaining it but by its
sale at a full and fair price. The lottery is here a
salutary instrument for disposing of it, where many
run small risks for the chance of obtaining a high
prize. In this way the great estate of the late
Colonel Byrd (in 1756) was made competent to pay
his debts, which, had the whole been brought into
the market at once, would have overdone the de
mand, would have sold at half or quarter the value,
and sacrificed the creditors, half or three-fourths of
whom would have lost their debts. This method
of selling was formerly very much resorted to, until
it was thought to nourish too much a spirit of
hazard. The legislature were therefore induced not
to suppress it altogether, but to take it under their
own special regulation. This they did for the first
time by their act of 1769, c. 17, before which time
every person exercised the right freely; and since
which time, it is made unlawful but when approved
and authorized by a special act of the legislature.
Since then this right of sale, by way of lottery, has
been exercised only under the jurisdiction of the
438 The Writings of [1826
legislature. Let us examine the purposes for which
they have allowed it in practice, not looking beyond
the date of our independence.
1. It was for a long time an item of the standing
revenue of the State.
1813. c. i, § 3. An act imposing taxes for the sup
port of government, and c. 2,
§ i°-
1814. Dec. c. i, § 3. 1814. Feb. c. i, § 3. 1818. c.
i» § i.
1819. c. i. 1820. c. i.
This, then, is a declaration by the nation, that an
act was not immoral, of which they were in the
habitual use themselves as a part of the regular
means of supporting the government ; the tax on the
vender of tickets was their share of the profits, and
if their share was innocent, his could not be criminal.
2. It has been abundantly permitted to raise
money by lottery for the purposes of schools; and
in this, as in many other cases, the lottery has been
permitted to retain a part of the money (generally
from ten to fifteen per cent.) for the use to which the
lottery has been applied. So that while the adven
turers paid one hundred dollars for tickets, they
received back eighty -five or ninety dollars only in
the form of prizes, the remaining ten or fifteen being
the tax levied on them, with their own consent.
Examples are,
1784. c. 34. Authorizing the city of Williamsburg
to raise £2,000 for a grammar school.
1789. c. 68. For Randolph Academy, ^1,000.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 439
1789. c. 73. For Fauquier Academy, £500.
c. 74. For the Fredericksburg Academy,
£4,000.
1790. c. 46. For the Transylvanian Seminary, £500.
For the Southampton Academy, £300.
1796. c. 82. For the New London Academy.
1803. c. 49. For the Fredericksburg Charity
School.
c. 50. For finishing the Strasbury Sem
inary.
c. 58. For William and Mary College.
c. 62. For the Bannister Academy.
c. 79. For the Belfield Academy.
c. 82. For the Petersburg Academy.
1804. c. 40. For the Hotsprings Seminary,
c. 76. For the Stevensburg Academy.
c. 100. For William and Mary College.
1805. c. 24. For the Rumford Academy.
1812. c. 10. For the Literary Fund. To sell the
privilege for $30,000 annually, for
seven years.
1816. c. 80. For Norfolk Academy, $12,000.
Norfolk Female Society, $2,000.
Lancastrian School, $6,000.
3. The next object of lotteries has been rivers.
1790. c. 46. For a bridge between Gosport and
Portsmouth, £400.
1796. c. 83. For clearing Roanoke River.
1804. c. 62. For clearing Quantico Creek.
1805. c. 42. For a toll bridge over Cheat River.
1816. c. 49. For the Dismal Swamp, $50,000.
TThe acts not being at hand, the sums allowed are not known. T. J.
440 The Writings of [1826
4. For Roads.
1790. c. 46. For a road to Warminster, £200.
For cutting a road from Rockfish gap
to Scott's and Nicholas's landing,
£400.
1796. c. 85. To repair certain roads.
1803. c. 60. For improving roads to Snigger's and
Ashby's gaps.
c. 6 1. For opening a road to Brock's gap.
c. 65. For opening a road from the town of
Monroe to Sweet Springs and Lewis-
burg.
c. 71. For improving the road to Brock's gap.
1805. c. 5. For improving the road to Clarksburg.
c. 26. For opening a road from Monongalia
Glades to Fishing Creek.
1813. c. 44. For opening a road from Thornton's
gap.
5. Lotteries for the benefit of counties.
1796. c. 78. To authorize a lottery in the county
of Shenandoah.
c. 84. To authorize a lottery in the county
of Gloucester.
6. Lotteries for the benefit of towns.
1782. c. 31. Richmond, for a bridge over Shockoe,
amount not limited.
1789. c. 75. Alexandria, to pave its streets, £1,500.
1790. c. 46. do. do. £5,000.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 441
1796. c. 79. Norfolk, one or more lotteries author
ized.
c. 81. Petersburg, a lottery authorized.
1803. c. 12. Woodstock, do.
c. 48. Fredericksburg, for improving its main
street.
c. 73. Harrisonburg, for improving its streets.
7. Lotteries for religious congregations.
1785. c. in. Completing a church in Winchester.
For rebuilding a church in the parish
of Elizabeth River.
1791. c. 69 . For the benefit of the Episcopal society.
1790. c. 46. For building a church in Warminster,
£200.
in Halifax, £200.
in Alexandria, £500.
in Petersburg, £750.
in Shepherdstown, £250.
8. Lotteries for private societies.
1790. c. 46. For the Amicable Society in Rich
mond, £1,000.
1791. c. 70. For building a Freemason's Hall in
Charlotte, £750.
9. Lotteries for the benefit of private individuals.
[To raise money for them.]
1796. c. 80. For the sufferers by fire in the town
of Lexington.
1781. c. 6. For completing titles under Byrd's
lottery.
442 The Writings of [1826
1790.0. 46. To erect a paper mill in Staunton, £300.
To raise £2,000 for Nathaniel Twining.
1791. c. 73. To raise £4,000 for William Tatham,
to enable him to complete his geo
graphical work.
To enable - - to complete a literary
work.1
We have seen, then, that every vocation in life is
subject to the influence of chance; that so far from
being rendered immoral by the admixture of that
ingredient, were they abandoned on that account,
man could no longer subsist; that, among them,
every one has a natural right to choose that which
he thinks most likely to give him comfortable sub
sistence ; but that while the greater number of these
pursuits are productive of something which adds to
the necessaries and comforts of life, others again,
such as cards, dice, &c., are entirely unproductive,
doing good to none, injury to many, yet so easy, and
so seducing in practice to men of a certain constitu
tion of mind, that they cannot resist the temptation,
be the consequences what they may; that in this
case, as in those of insanity, idiocy, infancy, &c., it
is the duty of society to take them under its pro
tection, even against their own acts, and to restrain
their right of choice of these pursuits, by suppressing
them entirely; that there are others, as lotteries
particularly, which, although liable to chance also,
are useful for many purposes, and are therefore
1 I found such an act, but not noting it at the time, I have not been
able to find it again. But there is such an one. — T. J.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 443
retained and placed under the discretion of the Legis
lature, to be permitted or refused according to the
circumstances of every special case, of which they
are to judge; that between the years 1782 and 1820,
a space of thirty -eight years only, we have observed
seventy cases, where the permission of them has
been found useful by the Legislature, some of which
are in progress at this time. These cases relate to
the emolument of the whole State, to local benefits
of education, of navigation, of roads, of counties,
towns, religious assemblies, private societies, and of
individuals under particular circumstances which
may claim indulgence or favor. The latter is the
case now submitted to the Legislature, and the
question is, whether the individual soliciting their
attention, or his situation, may merit that degree
of consideration which will justify the Legislature
in permitting him to avail himself of the mode of
selling by lottery, for the purpose of paying his
debts.
That a fair price cannot be obtained by sale in
the ordinary way, and in the present depressed state
of agricultural industry, is well known. Lands in
this State will not now sell for more than a third or
fourth of what they would have brought a few years
ago, perhaps at the very time of the contraction of
the debts for which they are now to be sold. The
low price in foreign markets, for a series of years
past, of agricultural produce, of wheat generally,,
of tobacco most commonly, and the accumulation
of duties on the articles of consumption not produced
within our State, not only disable the farmer or
444 The Writings of [1826
planter from adding to his farm by purchase, but
reduces him to sell his own, and remove to the
western country, glutting the market he leaves,
while he lessens the number of bidders. To be pro
tected against this sacrifice is the object of the
present application, and whether the applicant has
any particular claim to this protection, is the present
question.
Here the answer must be left to others. It is not
for me to give it. I may, however, more readily
than others, suggest the offices in which I have
served. I came of age in 1 764, and was soon put into
the nomination of justice of the county in which I
live, and at the first election following I became one
of its representatives in the Legislature.
I was thence sent to the old Congress.
Then employed two years with Mr. Pendleton
and Mr. Wythe on the revisal and reduction to a
single code of the whole body of the British statutes,
the acts of our Assembly, and certain parts of the
common law.
Then elected Governor.
Next to the Legislature, and to Congress again.
Sent to Europe as Minister Plenipotentiary.
Appointed Secretary of State to the new govern
ment.
Elected Vice-President, and
President.
And lastly, a Visitor and Rector of the University.
In these different offices, with scarcely any in
terval between them, I have been in the public
service now sixty -one years; and during the far
1 826] Thomas Jefferson 445
greater part of the time, in foreign countries or in
other States. Every one knows how inevitably a
Virginia estate goes to ruin, when the owner is so
far distant as to be unable to pay attention to it
himself; and the more especially, when the line of
his employment is of a character to abstract and
alienate his mind entirely from the knowledge neces
sary to good, and even to saving management.
If it were thought worth while to specify any
particular services rendered, I would refer to the
specification of them made by the Legislature itself
in their Farewell Address, on my retiring from the
Presidency, February, 1809. [This will be found in
2 Pleasant 's Collection, page 144.] There is one,
however, not therein specified, the most important
in its consequences, of any transaction in any por
tion of my life ; to wit, the head I personally made
against the federal principles and proceedings, dur
ing the administration of Mr. Adams. Their usurpa
tions and violations of the constitution at that
period, and their majority in both Houses of Con
gress, were so great, so decided, and so daring, that
after combating their aggressions, inch by inch,
without being able in the least to check their career,
the republican leaders thought it would be best for
them to give up their useless efforts there, go home,
get into their respective Legislatures, embody what
ever of resistance they could be formed into, and if
ineffectual, to perish there as in the last ditch. All,
therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gallatin alone in the
House of Representatives, and myself in the Senate,
where I then presided as Vice-President. Remaining
446 The Writings of [1826
at our posts, and bidding defiance to the brow
beatings and insults by which they endeavored to
drive us off also, we kept the mass of republicans in
phalanx together, until the Legislatures could be
brought up to the charge; and nothing on earth is
more certain, than that if myself particularly, placed
by my office of Vice-President at the head of the
republicans, had given way and withdrawn from my
post, the republicans throughout the Union would
have given up in despair, and the cause would have
been lost forever. By holding on, we obtained time
for the Legislatures to come up with their weight;
and those of Virginia and Kentucky particularly,
but more especially the former, by their celebrated
resolutions, saved the constitution at its last gasp.
No person who was not a witness of the scenes of that
gloomy period, can form any idea of the afflicting
persecutions and personal indignities we had to
brook. They saved our country however. The
spirits of the people were so much subdued and re
duced to despair by the X Y Z imposture, and other
stratagems and machinations, that they would have
sunk into apathy and monarchy, as the only form
of government which could maintain itself.
If Legislative services are worth mentioning, and
the stamp of liberality and equality, which was
necessary to be imposed on our laws in the first
crisis of our birth as a nation, was of any value, they
will find that the leading and most important laws
of that day were prepared by myself, and carried
chiefly by my efforts; supported, indeed, by able
and faithful coadjutors from the ranks of the House,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 447
very effective as seconds, but who would not have
taken the field as leaders.
The prohibition of the further importation of
slaves was the first of these measures in time.
This was followed by the abolition of entails, which
broke up the hereditary and high-handed aristocracy,
which, by accumulating immense masses of property
in single lines of families, had divided our country
into two distinct orders, of nobles and plebeians.
But further to complete the equality among our
citizens so essential to the maintenance of republican
government, it was necessary to abolish the prin
ciple of primogeniture. I drew the law of descents,
giving equal inheritance to sons and daughters,
which made a part of the revised code.
The attack on the establishment of a dominant
religion, was first made by myself. It could be
carried at first only by a suspension of salaries for one
year, by battling it again at the next session for
another year, and so from year to year, until the
public mind was ripened for the bill for establishing
religious freedom, which I had prepared for the
revised code also. This was at length established
permanently, and by the efforts chiefly of Mr.
Madison, being myself in Europe at the time that
work was brought forward.
To these particular services, I think I might add
the establishment of our University, as principally
my work, acknowledging at the same time, as I do,
the great assistance received from my able colleagues
of the Visitation. But my residence in the vicinity
threw, of course, on me the chief burthen of the
448 The Writings of [1826
enterprise, as well of the buildings as of the general
organization and care of the whole. The effect of
this institution on the future fame, fortune and
prosperity of our country, can as yet be seen but at
a distance. But an hundred well-educated youths,
which it will turn out annually, and ere long, will
fill all its offices with men of superior qualifications,
and raise it from its humble state to an eminence
among its associates which it has never yet known;
no, not in its brightest days. That institution is
now qualified to raise its youth to an order of science
unequalled in any other State; and this superiority
will be the greater from the free range of mind en
couraged there, and the restraint imposed at other
seminaries by the shackles of a domineering hier
archy, and a bigoted adhesion to ancient habits.
Those now on the theatre of affairs will enjoy the
ineffable happiness of seeing themselves succeeded
by sons of a grade of science beyond their own ken.
Our sister States will also be repairing to the same
fountains of instruction, will bring hither their
genius to be kindled at our fire, and will carry back
the fraternal affections which, nourished by the
same alma mater, will knit us to them by the in
dissoluble bonds of early personal friendships. The
good Old Dominion, the blessed mother of us all,
will then raise her head with pride among the nations,
will present to them that splendor of genius which
she has ever possessed, but has too long suffered to
rest uncultivated and unknown, and will become a
centre of ralliance to the States whose youth she has
instructed, and, as it were, adopted.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 449
I claim some share in the merits of this great
work of regeneration. My whole labors, now for
many years, have been devoted to it, and I stand
pledged to follow it up through the remnant of life
remaining to me. And what remuneration do I
ask? Money from the treasury? Not a cent. f\I
ask nothing from the earnings or labors of my fellow
citizens. I wish no man's comforts to be abridged
for the enlargement of mine. For the services
rendered on all occasions, I have been always paid
to my full satisfaction. I never wished a dollar
more than what the law had fixed on. My request
is, only to be permitted to sell my own property
freely to pay my own debts. To sell it, I say, and
not to sacrifice it, not to have it gobbled up by
speculators to make fortunes for themselves, leaving
unpaid those who have trusted to my good faith,
and myself without resource in the last and most
helpless stage of life. If permitted to sell it in a way
which will bring me a fair price, all will be honestly
and honorably paid, and a competence left for
myself, and for those who look to me for subsistence.
To sell it in a way which will offend no moral prin
ciple, and expose none to risk but the willing, and
those wishing to be permitted to take the chance
of gain. To give me, in short, that permission which
you often allow to others for purposes not more
moral.
Will it be objected, that although not evil in itself,
it may as a precedent, lead to evil? But let those
who shall quote the precedent, bring their case
within the same measure. Have they, as in this
VOL. XII. — 2Q.
450 The Writings of [1826
case, devoted three-score years and one of their
lives, uninterruptedly, to the service of their coun
try ? Have the times of those services been as trying
as those which have embraced our Revolution, our
transition from a colonial to a free structure of
government? Have the stations of their trial been
of equal importance? Has the share they have
borne in holding their new government to its genuine
principles, been equally marked? And has the
cause of the distress, against which they seek a
remedy, proceeded, not merely from themselves, but
from errors of the public authorities, disordering the
circulating medium, over which they had no con
trol, and which have, in fact, doubled and trebled
debts, by reducing, in that proportion, the value of
the property which was to pay them? If all these
circumstances, which characterize the present case,
have taken place in theirs also, then follow the pre
cedent. Be assured, the cases will be so rare as to
produce no embarrassment, as never to settle into
an injurious habit. The single feature of a sixty
years' service, as no other instance of it has yet
occurred in our country, so it probably never may
again. And should it occur, even once and again,
it will not impoverish your treasury, as it takes
nothing from that, and asks but a simple permission,
by an act of natural right, to do one of moral justice.
TO JOSEPH 0. OABELL j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 7. 26.
DEAR SIR, — I reed yesterday your kind letter of
the 2d and am truly sensible of the interest you are
1826] Thomas Jefferson 451
so good as to take in my affairs. I had hoped the
length and character of my services might have
prevented the fear in the legislature of the indul
gence asked being quoted as a precedent in future
cases, but I find no fault with their strict adherence
to a rule generally useful, altho' relaxable in some
cases under their discretion, of which they are the
proper judges. If it can be yielded in my case, I
can save the house of Monticello and a farm ad
joining to end my days in and bury my bones. If
not I must sell house and all here and carry my
family to Bedford where I have not even a log hut
to put my head into. In any case I wish nothing
from the treasury. The pecuniary compensns I
have reed for my services from time to time have
been fully to my own satisfn.
I have been very much mortified by the publicn in
the Enquirer of the 4th of two letters from some
person called an American citizen who seems to
have visited Mr. Madison & myself and has under
taken to state private conversns with us. In one
of these he makes me declare that I had intention
ally proceeded in a course of dupery of our legisla
ture, teasing them as he makes me say for 6. or 7.
sessions for successive aids to the Univty. and ask
ing a part only at a time & intentionally concealing
the ultimate cost; and gives an inexact statement
of a story of Obrian. Now our annual reports will
shew that we constantly gave full and candid ac
counts of the money expended, and statements of
what might still be wanting founded on the Proc
tor's estimates. No man ever heard me speak of
45 2 The Writings of [1826
the grants of the legislre but with acknolegements
of their liberality, which I have always declared had
gone far beyond what I could have expected in the
beginning. Yet the letter writer has given to my
expressions an aspect disrespectful of the legislre and
calculated to give them offence, which I do abso
lutely disavow. The writer is called an American
citizen. It is evident, if he be so, that he is an
adopted one only who after calling on us in his
travels thro' the country as a stranger may have
obtained naturalisation and settled in Phila. where
he is enjoying the society of the Buonapartes &c.
The familiar style of his letter to his friend in Eng
land and the communicn of it to the literary gazette
there indicates sufficiently his foreign birth and con
nections. I cannot express to you the pain which
this unfaithful version and betrayment of private
conversn has given me. I feel that it will add to
the disfavor I had incurred with a large portion of
the legislature by my strenuous labours for the
establmt of the University to which they were op
posed insomuch as to let it overweigh whatever
of satisfactn former services had given them. I
have been long sensible that while I was endeavoring
to render to our country the greatest of all services,
that of regenerating the public education, and
placing our rising genern on the level of our sister
states (which they have proudly held heretofore) I
was discharging the odious function of a Physician
pouring medicine down the throat of a patient, in
sensible of needing it. I am so sure of the future
approbn of posterity and of the inestimable effect
1826] Thomas Jefferson 453
we shall have produced in the educn of our country
by what we have done as that I cannot repent of
the part I have borne in coopern with my colleagues.
I disclaim the honors which this writer (among the
other errors he had interlarded with the truths of
his letters) has ascribed to me of having made the
liberal donations of timber & stone from my own
estate and of having paid all the contracts for
materials myself, and I restore them to their true
source the liberal legislators of our country. My pain
at these false praises and representations should
merit with them an acquittal of any supposed ap-
probn of them by myself. Ever & affectly yours.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH ' j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 8. 26
MY DEAR JEFFERSON, — I duly reed, your affec
tionate letter of the 3d and perceive there are
greater doubts than I had apprehended whether the
legislre will indulge me in my request to them. It
is a part of my mortifn to perceive that I had so far
overvalued myself as to have counted on it with too
much confidence. I see in the failure of this hope
a deadly blast of all peace of mind during my re
maining days. You kindly encourage me to keep
up my spirits. But oppressed with disease, de
bility, age, and embarrassed affairs, this is difficult.
For myself I should not regard a prostration of
fortune, but I am overwhelmed at the prospect of
the situation in which I may leave my family. My
1 From the original in the possession of Archibald Gary Coolidge.
454 The Writings of [1826
dear & beloved daughter, the cherished companion
of my early life and nurse of my age, and her children,
rendered as dear to me as if my own from having
lived with them from their cradle, left in a comfort
less situation, hold up to me nothing but future
gloom, and I should not care were life to end with
the line I am writing, were it not that in the un
happy state of mind which your father's misfor
tunes have brought upon him I may yet be of some
avail to the family. Their affectionate devotion to
me makes a willingness to endure life a duty as long
as it can be of any use to them. Yourself par
ticularly, dear Jefferson, I consider as the greatest
of the Godsends which heaven has granted me.
Without you what could I do under the difficulties
now environing me. This has been produced in
some degree by my unskilful management and
devoting my life to the service of my country, but
much also by the unfortunate fluctuations in the
value of our money and the long continued de
pression of the farming business. But for these
last I am confident my debts might be paid leaving
me Monticello and the Bedford estate. But where
there are no bidders property however great offers
no resource for the payment of debts. In the pay
ment of debts all must go for little or nothing.
Perhaps however even in this case I may have no
right to complain, as these misfortunes have been
held back for my last days when few remain to me.
I duly acknolege that I have gone thro' a long
life with fewer circumstances of affliction than are
the lot of most men. Uninterrupted health, a
1826] Thomas Jefferson 455
competence for every reasonable want, usefulness to
my fellow citizens, a good portion of their esteem,
no complaint against the world which has suffi
ciently honored me, and above all a family which
has blessed me by their affectn and never by their
conduct given me a moment's pain ; and should this
my last request be granted I may yet close with a
cloudless sun a long and serene day of life. Be
assured my dear Jefferson that I have a just sense
of the part you have contributed to this, and that
I bear to you unmeasured affection.
TO JAMES MADISON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 17, 1826.
DEAR SIR, — * * * Immediately on seeing the
overwhelming vote of the House of Representatives
against giving us another dollar, I rode to the
University and desired Mr. Brockenbrough to en
gage in nothing new, to stop everything on hand
which could be done without, and to employ all his
force and funds in finishing the circular room for the
books, and the anatomical theatre. These cannot
be done without ; and for these and all our debts we
have funds enough. But I think it prudent then to
clear the decks thoroughly, to see how we shall stand,
and what we may accomplish further. In the mean
time, there have arrived for us in different ports of
the United States, ten boxes of books from Paris,
seven from London, and from Germany I know not
how many; in all, perhaps, about twenty-five boxes.
Not one of these can be opened until the book-room
456 The Writings of [1826
is completely finished, and all the shelves ready to
receive their charge directly from the boxes as they
shall be opened. This cannot be till May. I hear
nothing definite of the three thousand dollars duty
of which we are asking the remission from Congress.
In the selection of our Law Professor, we must be
rigorously attentive to his political principles. You
will recollect that before the revolution, Coke Lit
tleton was the universal elementary book of law
students, and a sounder whig never wrote, nor of
prof ounder learning in the orthodox doctrines of the
British constitution, or in what were called English
liberties. You remember also that our lawyers
were then all whigs. But when his black-letter text,
and uncouth but cunning learning got out of fashion,
and the honied Mansfieldism of Blackstone became
the student's hornbook, from that moment, that
profession (the nursery of our Congress) began to
slide into toryism, and nearly all the young brood
of lawyers now are of that hue. They suppose
themselves, indeed, to be whigs, because they no
longer know what whigism or republicanism means.
It is in our seminary that that vestal flame is to be
kept alive; it is thence it is to spread anew over our
own and the sister States. If we are true and
vigilant in our trust, within a dozen or twenty years
a majority of our own legislature will be from one
school, and many disciples will have carried its
doctrines home with them to their several States,
and will have leavened thus the whole mass. New
York has taken strong ground in vindication of the
constitution; South Carolina had already done the
1826] Thomas Jefferson 457
same. Although I was against our leading, I am
equally against omitting to follow in the same line,
and backing them firmly; and I hope that yourself
or some other will mark out the track to be pursued
by us.
You will have seen in the newspapers some pro
ceedings in the legislature, which have cost me much
mortification. My own debts had become consider
able, but not beyond the effect of some lopping of
property, which would have been little felt, when
our friend Nicholas gave me the coup de grace.
Ever since that I have been paying twelve hundred
dollars a year interest on his debt, which, with my
own, was absorbing so much of my annual income,
as that the maintenance of my family was making
deep and rapid inroads on my capital, and had al
ready done it. Still, sales at a fair price would leave
me competently provided. Had crops and prices
for several years been such as to maintain a steady
competition of substantial bidders at market, all
would have been safe. But the long succession of
years of stunted crops, of reduced prices, the general
prostration of the farming business, under levies for
the support of manufactures, &c., with the calam
itous fluctuations of value in our paper medium, have
kept agriculture in a state of abject depression,
which has peopled the western States by silently
breaking up those on the Atlantic, and glutted the
land market, while it drew off its bidders. In such
a state of things, property has lost its character of
being a resource for debts. Highland in Bedford,
which, in the days of our plethory, sold readily for
458 The Writings of [1826
from fifty to one hundred dollars the acre, (and such
sales were many then,) would not now sell for more
than from ten to twenty dollars, or one-quarter or
one-fifth of its former price. Reflecting on these
things, the practice occurred to me, of selling, on fair
valuation, and by way of lottery, often resorted to
before the Revolution to effect large sales, and still
in constant usage in every State for individual as
well as corporation purposes. If it is permitted in
my case, my lands here alone, with the mills, &c.,
will pay every thing, and leave me Monticello and a
farm free. If refused, I must sell everything here,
perhaps considerably in Bedford, move thither with
my family, where I have not even a log hut to put my
head into, and whether ground for burial, will de
pend on the depredations which, under the form of
sales, shall have been committed on my property.
The question then with me was ultrum horumf But
why afflict you with these details? Indeed, I can
not tell, unless pains are lessened by communication
with a friend. The friendship which has subsisted
between us, now half a century, and the harmony
of our political principles and pursuits, have been
sources of constant happiness to me through that
long period. And if I remove beyond the reach of
attentions to the University, or beyond the bourne
of life itself, as I soon must, it is a comfort to leave
that institution under your care, and an assurance
that it will not be wanting. It has also been a great
solace to me, to believe that you are engaged in vin
dicating to posterity the course we have pursued for
preserving to them, in all their purity, the blessings
1826] Thomas Jefferson 459
of self-government, which we had assisted too in
acquiring for them. If ever the earth has beheld
a system of administration conducted with a single
and steadfast eye to the general interest and hap
piness of those committed to it, one which, protected
by truth, can never know reproach, it is that to
which our lives have been devoted. To myself you
have been a pillar of support through life. Take
care of me when dead, and be assured that I shall
leave with you my last affections.
TO NATHANIEL MAOON j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 21. 26.
How could you think, my dear friend, of appealing
to me for materials for the history of N. Carolina?
At the age of 83, scarcely able to walk from one
room to another, rarely out of pain, and with both
hands so crippled that to write a page is nearly the
work of a day? I believe too that I never knew
any thing about it, and if I did it is all forgotten.
But I have observed that at whatever age, or in
whatever form we have known a person of old so
we believe him to continue indefinitely, unchanged
by time or decay. I am glad however you did not
reflect on this, because it has furnished occasion for
a letter from you which I shall always receive with
the welcome which antient & affectionate recol
lections ever bring. I am particularly happy to
perceive that you retain health and spirits still man
fully to maintain our good old principle of cherishing
and fortifying the rights and authorities of the
460 The Writings of [1826
people in opposition to those who fear them, who
wish to take all power from them, and to transfer
all to Washington. The latter may call themselves
republicans if they please, but the school of Venice,
and all of this principle I call at once tories. For
consolidation is but toryism in disguise it's object
being to withdraw their [illegible] as far as possible
from the ken of the people. God bless you & pre
serve you many and long years.
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 22. 26.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the i3th was received
yesterday. Your use of my letter with the alterns
subsequently proposed, needs no apology. And it
will be a gratifn to me if it can be of any service to
you. I learn with sincere affliction the difficulties
with which you have still to struggle. Mine are
considble, but the single permission given me by
the legislature of such a mode of sale as ensures a
fair value for what I must sell, will leave me still a
competent provision. If sold under the hammer it
must have been for whatever the bidder would
gratuitously offer. For such a piece of property
for example as my mills there could not have been
two bona fide bidders in the state. A Virginia
estate managed rigorously well yields a comfortable
subsistence to it's owner living on it, but nothing
more. But it runs him in debt annually if at a!
distance from him, if he is absent, if he is unskilful
as I am, if short crops reduce him to deal on credit,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 461
and most assuredly if thunder struck from the hand
of a friend as I was. Altho' all these causes con
spired against me, and should have put me on my
guard I had no suspicions until my grandson under
took the management of my estate and developed
to me the state of my affairs, fortunately while yet
retrievable in a comfortable degree. I hope you
will still find yours so, and with sincere wishes that
they may prove so to be. I salute you with con
stant frdshp, and respect.
TO GEORGE LOYALL j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 22. 26.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknolege the rect. of your
favor of the i4th and still more especially to ac-
knowlge the kindness with which you lent your aid
to a late measure of extreme importance to me and
to my family. The ist vote indeed was very ap
palling, and made me fear I had made a very im
proper proposition which could be rejected offhand
by so great a proportion of the house. The practice
of selling property by lottery had been so frequent
before the revoln as to hide from us, by it's famil
iarity what might be amiss in it if anything were so.
The subsequent votes however relieved my appre
hensions, and the zeal with which my friends
espoused my case was a healing balm which would
have soothed me under any issue in which it might
have ended. Every owner of a Virginia estate,
knows how prone they are to mismanagement and
ruin, even when distant alone, how much more so
462 The Writings of [1826
when long & necessary absences of the master are
added to distance, and still more when his line of
life adds invincible ignorance to his intermissions of
attention. These circumstances had thrown me
into arrears when an overwhelming stroke fell on me
from a friend. Still, had our land market remained
in a healthy state every thing might have been paid
and have left me competently provided. But the
agricultural branch of industry with us had been
so many years in a state of abject prostrn, that,
combined with the calamitous fluctuations in the
value of our circulating medium, those concerned
in it instead of being in a condn to purchase were
abandoning farms no longer yielding profit and
moving off to the Western country. The only relief
I wanted then was a market for property, where it
might be sold at a fair price and effect the paymt
of my debts, instead of being sacrificed to specula
tors lying in wait to get it for nothing, and leaving
the debts still unpaid. As it is, I shall be left at my
ease, and nothing unpaid but the obligns to my
friends which I can never repay.
We have about 160. students entered, many
dormitories engaged, their occupants not yet ar
rived, and new hands still coming in so as to leave
no doubt of all being filled. Were indeed the Law
chair occupied, it would add immediately more than
we could receive. But the present lamented in
cumbent is hastening rapidly to his end. I hope
when we meet we shall be prepared to name one
who will accept and who will be acceptable to us in
point of science in his particular profession, and
1826] Thomas Jefferson 463
more particularly in the political principles to be
disseminated from his school. I hope too you will
make your head quarters with us as heretofore
under the assurance that no friend can be more wel
come, none who possesses more sincerely my affec
tionate esteem and respect.
TO THOMAS RITCHIE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 28 26
DEAR SIR, — I have duly received your favor
covering one from a Lottery office offering it's ser
vices for the management of that lately permitted
to me. I have for some years been obliged by age
and ill health to resign the care of all my affairs to
my grandson Th. J. R. who accdly acts for me with
full powers in all cases. That of the lottery par
ticularly has been entirely left to him so that I
know nothing of it's plan or management. I there
fore sent immediately to him your letter and that
which it covered. I think however that I heard
him say he had engaged a particular company before
he left Richmd. If he has not I am sure your
recommdn will be received with respect. I have
had too many proofs dear Sir of your kind disposns
to need any assurance that in all cases respecting
myself whatever you do is done from the most frdly
motives. That the opinions of my best friends
were divided on my late proposition appeared in
every quarter, and in none stronger than on the ist
question in the H. of R. My own alarm at that
464 The Writings of [1826
vote was great & painful. But I found, with all,
that the more steadily they viewed the object the
more they rallied to the alternative which finally
prevailed. I knew that my property if a fair mar
ket could be obtained was far beyond the amt. of
my debts and sff t after paying them to leave me at
ease. I knew at the same time that in the present
abject prostration of agricultural industry in this
country no market existed for that form of property;
a long succession of unfruitful years, long-continued
low prices, oppressive tariffs levied on other branches
to maintain that of manufactures, far the most
flourishing of all, calamitous fluctuans in the value
of our circulating medium, and, in my case a want
of skill, in the management of our land & labor,
these circumstances had been long undermining the
state of agriculture, had been breaking up the land
holders and glutting the land market here, while
drawing off it's bidders to people the Western coun
try. Under such circumstances agricultural prop
erty had become no resource for the payment of
debts. To obtain a fair market was all I wanted,
and this the only means of obtaining it. The idea
was perhaps more familiar to me than to younger
people because so commonly practised before the
revoln. It had no connection with morality, altho'
it had with expediency. Instead of being sup
pressed therefore with mere games of chance, lot
teries had been placed under the discretion of the
legislre as a means of sometimes effecting purposes
desirable while left voluntary. Whether my case
was within the range of that discretion, they were
1826] Thomas Jefferson 465
to judge, and in the integrity of that jdmt I have
the most perfect confidce. And I hope I am not
deceived in thinking that I discover after the ist
impression is rectified, some revulsion in the general
opinion. You say you had made up from the public
papers a little packet of expressions containing
proofs of this. Such proofs would be acceptable
and the more so after the rap of the knuckles re
ceived from the ist vote. I pray you to be assured
of my great frdship and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Ritchie :
"MONTICELLO Mar. 13. '26.
"DEAR SIR, — The interest you are so kind as to take in the meas
ures proposed for relieving me from embarrassment brings on you
the trouble of this letter. I have received an application from per
sons in N. Co. desirous of manifesting their goodwill to me by con
tributions in money, if acceptable, and offering to dispose of a portion
of tickets if the way of lottery is preferred. This renders it necessary
to take at once decided ground, lest by pursuing different plans they
may defeat one another. It certainly is not for me to prescribe what
shape my fellow citizens shall manifest their kindness to me. The
bounties from one's county, expressions of it's approbation, are
honors which it would be arrogance to refuse, especially where flow
ing from the willing only. The same approbation however expressed
by promoting the success of the lottery, would have the advantage
of relieving the repugnance we justly feel against becoming a burthen
to our friends and may justly excuse a preference of this mode. In
answering my well wishers of N. Carolina I have endeavored to ex
plain respectfully the motives of this preference. I send you a copy
of this answer, as possessing the grounds of our proceedings. You
may be able perhaps, by occasional editorial hints, to give uniformity
of direction to the various propositions of which you probably will
be made the center. Those to whom this letter is addressed may
perhaps publish it which should not I think, be formally otherwise
done.
" The necessity which dictated this expedient cost me in it's early
stage unspeakable mortification. The turn it has taken, so much
beyond what I could have expected, has countervailed all I suffered,
and become a source of felicity which I should otherwise never have
known. Affectionately & gratefully yours."
VOL. XII. — 30.
466 The Writings of [1826
TO JAMES MONROE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Mar. 8. 26.
DEAR SIR, — I have duly received your two favors
of Feb. 23. and 27. and am truly sensible of the in
terest you so kindly take in my affairs and of the
encouraging aspects of Mr. Gouvernour's letter. All
that is necessary for my relief is a successful sale of
our tickets, of which the public papers give good
hope. If this is effected at a reasonable value for
what I shall sell, what will remain will leave me at
a good degree of ease. To keep a Virginia estate
together requires in the owner both skill and atten
tion; skill I never had and attention I could not
have, and really when I reflect on all circumstances
my wonder is that I should have been so long as 60
years in reaching the result to which I am now
reduced. Still if this resource succeeds I am safe.
With the scheme and management of the lottery I
meddle not at all. Age and ill health render me
entirely unequal to it. I have committed it there
fore to my grandson altogether, and put into his
hands all letters coming to me on the subject, that
he may avail himself of the kindnesses offered, as
far as his arrangements will admit. I hope your
affairs will wind up to your wishes, and pray you
to be assured of the pleasure it will give me to learn
your happy issue out of all your difficulties, and of
my great and sincere affection and respect.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 467
TO JOHN QUINOY ADAMS j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 30, 1826.
DEAR SIR, — I am thankful for the very interesting
message and documents of which you have been so
kind as to send me a copy, and will state my recol
lections as to the particular passage of the message
to which you ask my attention. On the conclusion
of peace, Congress, sensible of their right to assume
independence, would not condescend to ask its
acknowledgment from other nations, yet were willing,
by some of the ordinary international transactions,
to receive what would imply that acknowledgment.
They appointed commissioners, therefore, to pro
pose treaties of commerce to the principal nations
of Europe. I was then a member of Congress, was
of the committee appointed to prepare instructions
for the commissioners, was, as you suppose, the
draughtsman of those actually agreed to, and was
joined with your father and Dr. Franklin, to carry
them into execution. But the stipulations making
part of these injunctions, which respected priva
teering, blockades, contraband, and freedom of the
fisheries, were not original conceptions of mine.
They had before been suggested by Dr. Franklin,
in some of his papers in possession of the public, and
had, I think, been recommended in some letter of
his to Congress. I happen only to have been the
inserter of them in the first public act which gave
the formal sanction of a public authority. We ac
cordingly proposed our treaties, containing these
stipulations, to the principal governments of Europe.
But we were then just emerged from a subordinate
468 The Writings of [1826
condition ; the nations had as yet known nothing of
us, and had not yet reflected on the relations which
it might be their interest to establish with us. Most
of them, therefore, listened to our propositions with
coyness and reserve ; old Frederic alone closing with
us without hesitation. The negotiator of Portugal,
indeed, signed a treaty with us, which his govern
ment did not ratify, and Tuscany was near a final
agreement. Becoming sensible, however, ourselves,
that we should do nothing with the greater powers,
we thought it better not to hamper our country with
engagements to those of less significance, and suf
fered our powers to expire without closing any other
negotiations. Austria soon after became desirous
of a treaty with us, and her ambassador pressed it
often on me; but our commerce with her being no
object, I evaded her repeated invitations. Had
these governments been then apprized of the station
we should so soon occupy among nations, all, I
believe, would have met us promptly and with
frankness. These principles would then have been es
tablished with all, and from being the conventional
law with us alone, would have slid into their en
gagements with one another, and become general.
These are the facts within my recollection. They
have not yet got into written history; but their
adoption by our southern brethren will bring them
into observance, and make them, what they should
be, a part of the law of the world, and of the re
formation of principles for which they will be in
debted to us. I pray you to accept the homage of
my friendly and high consideration.
1826] Thomas Jefferson 469
TO EDWARD EVERETT j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April 8, 1826.
DEAR SIR, — I thank you for the very able and
eloquent speech you have been so kind as to send
me on the amendment of the constitution, proposed
by Mr. McDuffie. I have read it with pleasure and
satisfaction, and concur with much of its contents.
On the question of the lawfulness of slavery, that is
of the right of one man to appropriate to himself the
faculties of another without his consent, I certainly
retain my early opinions. On that, however, of
third persons to interfere between the parties, and
the effect of conventional modifications of that pre
tension, we are probably nearer together. I think
with you, also, that the constitution of the United
States is a compact of independent nations subject
to the rules acknowledged in similar cases, as well
that of amendment provided within itself, as, in
case of abuse, the justly dreaded but unavoidable
ultimo ratio gentium. The report on the Panama
question mentioned in your letter has as I suppose,
got separated by the way. It will probably come
by another mail. In some of the letters you have
been kind enough to write me, I have been made to
hope the favor of a visit from Washington. It
would be received with sincere welcome, and un
willingly relinquished if no circumstance should
render it inconvenient to yourself. I repeat always
with pleasure the assurances of my great esteem and
respect.
470 The Writings of [1826
TO HENRY LEE j. MSS.
MONTICELLO May 30. 26.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 25th came to hand
yesterday, and I shall be happy to receive you at
the time you mention or any other, if any other
shall be more convenient to you.
Not being now possessed of a copy of Genl. Lee's
memoirs as I before observed to you, I may have
misremembered the passage respecting Simpcoe's
expedition, and very willingly stand corrected.
The only fact relative to it which I can state from
personal knolege is that being at Monticello on the
9th. loth. & nth of June 81, on one of these days
I cannot now ascertain which, I distinctly saw the
smoke of houses, successively arising in the horizon
a little beyond James river, and which I learnt from
indubitable testimony were kindled by his corps,
and that being within 3. or 4 miles of N. London
from that time to the 25th of July, he did not within
that space of time reach N. London. But all this
may be better explained viva voce; and in the mean
time I repeat assurances of my great esteem &
respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Lee:
" MONTICELLO, May 15, 1826.
" DEAR SIR, — The sentiments of justice which have dictated your
letters of the 3d and gth inst., are worthy of all praise, and merit and
meet my thankful acknowledgments. Were your father now living
and proposing, as you are, to publish a second edition of his memoirs,
I am satisfied he would give a very different aspect to the pages of
that work which respect Arnold's invasion and surprise of Richmond,
in the winter of 1780-81. He was then, I believe, in South Carolina,
too distant from the scene of those transactions to relate them on
his own knowledge, or even to sift them from the chaff of the rumors
then afloat, rumors which vanished soon before the real truth, as
1826] Thomas Jefferson 471
TO MRS. JOSEPH COOLIDGE x
MONTICELLO June 5. '26.
A word to you, my dearest Ellen, under the cover
of Mr. Coolidge's letter. I address you the less
frequently, because I find it easier to write 10
letters of business, than one on the intangible
affections of the mind. Were these to be indulged
vapors before the sun, obliterated by their notoriety, from every
candid mind, and by the voice of the many who, as actors or specta
tors knew what had truly past. The facts shall speak for themselves.
" General Washington had just given notice to all the Governors on
the seaboard, north and south, that an embarcation was taking place
at New York, destined for the southward, as was given out there; and
on Sunday the 3ist of December, 1780, we received information that
a fleet had entered our capes. It happened fortunately that our legis
lature was at that moment in session, and within two days of their
rising, so that, during these two days, we had the benefit of their
presence, and of the counsel and information of the members in
dividually. On Monday the ist of January, we were in suspense as
to the destination of this fleet, whether up the bay, or up our river.
On Tuesday at 10 o'clock, however, we received information that they
had entered James river; and, on general advice, we instantly pre
pared orders for calling in the militia, one-half from the nearer coun
ties, and a fourth from the more remote, which would constitute a
force of between four and five thousand men, of which orders the
members of the legislature, which adjourned that day, took charge,
each to his respective county; and we began the removal of every
thing from Richmond. The wind being fair and strong, the enemy
ascended the river as rapidly almost as the expresses could ride, who
were dispatched to us from time to time, to notify their progress.
At 5 P. M. on Thursday, we learnt that they had then been three hours
landed at Westover. The whole militia of the adjacent counties were
now called for, and to come on individually, without waiting any
regular array. At i P. M. the next day, (Friday,) they entered Rich
mond, and on Saturday, after twenty-four hours possession, burning
some houses, destroying property, &c., they retreated, encamped that
evening ten miles below, and reached their shipping at Westover the
next day, (Sunday.)
"By this time had assembled three hundred militia under Colonel
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Archibald Gary Coolidge.
472 The Writings of [1826
as calls for writing letters to express them, my love
to you would engross the unremitting exercises of
my pen. I hear of you regularly however thro'
your correspondents of the family, and also of
Nicholas, six miles above Westover, and two hundred under General
Nelson, at Charles city Court House, eight miles below. Two or three
hundred at Petersburg had put themselves under General Smallwood,
of Maryland, accidentally there on his passage through the State;
and Baron Steuben with eight hundred, and Colonel Gibson with one
thousand, were also on the south side of James river, aiming to reach
Hood's before the enemy should have passed it, where they hoped they
could arrest them. But the wind, having shifted, carried them down
as prosperously as it had brought them up the river. Within the
first five days therefore, about twenty-five hundred men had collected
at three or four different points, ready for junction. I was absent
myself from Richmond (but always within observing distance of the
enemy) three days only, during which I was never off my horse but to
take food or rest, and was everywhere where my presence could be
of any service; and I may with confidence challenge any one to put
his finger on the point of time when I was in a state of remissness from
any duty of my station. But I was not with the army! true; for
first, where was it? second, I was engaged in the more important
function of taking measures to collect an army; and, without military
education myself, instead of jeopardizing the public safety by pre
tending to take its command, of which I knew nothing, I had com
mitted it to persons of the art, men who knew how to make the best
use of it, to Steuben for instance, to Nelson and others, possessing
that military skill and experience, of which I had none.
" Let our condition, too, at that time be duly considered. Without
arms, without money of effect, without a regular soldier in the State,
or a regular officer, except Steuben, a militia scattered over the country,
and called at a moment's warning to leave their families and firesides,
in the dead of winter, to meet an enemy ready marshalled, and pre
pared at all points to receive them. Yet had time been given them
by the hasty retreat of that enemy, I have no doubt but the rush to
arms, and to the protection of their country, would have been as rapid
and universal as in the invasion during our late war, when, at the first
moment of notice, our citizens rose in mass, from every part of the
State, and without waiting to be marshalled by their officers, armed
themselves, and marched off by ones and by twos, as quickly as they
could equip themselves. Of the individuals of the same house one
would start in the morning, a second at noon, a third in the evening,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 473
Cornelia since she has joined you. She will find,
on her return some changes in our neighborhood.
The removal of the family of Ashton to New Lon
don will be felt by us all; and will scarcely be
no one waiting an hour for the company of another. This I saw my
self on the late occasion, and should have seen on the former had wind
and tide, and a Howe, instead of an Arnold, slackened their pace ever
so little.
" And is the surprise of an open and unarmed place, although called a
city, and even a capital, so unprecedented as to be a matter of indelible
reproach? Which of our own capitals during the same war, was not in
possession of the same enemy, not merely by surprise and for a day only,
but permanently? That of Georgia? of South Carolina? North Carolina?
Pennsylvania? New York? Connecticut? Rhode Island? Massachusetts?
And if others were not, it was because the enemy saw no object in tak
ing possession of them. Add to the list in the late war, Washington,
the metropolis of the Union, covered by a fort, with troops and a
dense population. And what capital on the continent of Europe, (St.
Petersburg and its regions of ice excepted,) did not Bonaparte take and
hold at his pleasure? Is it then just that Richmond and its authori
ties alone should be placed under the reproach of history, because, in a
moment of peculiar denudation of resources, by the coup de main of an
enemy, led on by the hand of fortune directing the winds and weather
to their wishes, it was surprised and held for twenty-four hours? Or
strange that that enemy with such advantages, should be enabled then
to get off, without risking the honors he had achieved by burnings and
destructions of property peculiar to his principles of warfare? We, at
least, may leave these glories to their own trumpet.
"During this crisis of trial I was left alone, unassisted by the co-opera
tion of a single public functionary. For, with the legislature, every
member of the council had departed to take care of his own family.
Unaided even in my bodily labors, but by my horse, and he, exhausted
at length by fatigue, sunk under me in the public road, where I had to
leave him, and with my saddle and bridle on my shoulders, to walk
afoot to the nearest farm, where I borrowed an unbroken colt, and
proceeded to Manchester, opposite to Richmond, which the enemy had
evacuated a few hours before.
" Without further pursuing these minute details, I will here ask the
favor of you to turn to Girardin's History of Virginia, where such of
them as are worthy the notice of history, are related in that scale of ex
tension which its objects admit. That work was written at Milton, with
in two or three miles of Monticello ; and at the request of the author, I
474 The Writings of [1826
compensated by an increased intercourse with the
house beyond them. Yesterday closed a visit of 6
weeks from the younger members of the latter, dur
ing which their attractions had kept us full of the
communicated to him every paper I possessed on the subject, of which
he made the use he thought proper for his work. [See his pages 453,
460, and the appendix xi. — xv.] I can assure you of the truth of every
fact he has drawn from these papers, and of the genuineness of such as
he has taken the trouble of copying. It happened that during those
eight days of incessant labor, for the benefit of my own memory, I
carefully noted every circumstance worth it. These memorandums
were often written on horseback, and on scraps of paper taken out of
my pocket at the moment, fortunately preserved to this day, and now
lying before me. I wish you could see them. But my papers of that
period are stitched together in large masses, and so tattered and tender
as not to admit removal further than from their shelves to a reading
table. They bear an internal evidence of fidelity which must carry
conviction to every one who sees them. We have nothing in our
neighborhood which could compensate the trouble of a visit to it,
unless perhaps our University, which I believe you have not seen, and
I can assure you is worth seeing. Should you think so, I would ask as
much of your time at Monticello as would enable you to examine these
papers at your ease. Many others too are interspersed among them,
which have relation to your object, many letters from Generals Gates,
Greene, Stephens and others engaged in the Southern war, and in the
North also. All should be laid open to you without reserve, for there
is not a truth existing which I fear, or would wish unknown to the whole
world. During the invasions of Arnold, Phillips and Cornwallis, until
my time of office had expired, I made it a point, once a week, by letters
to the President of Congress, and to General Washington, to give them
an exact narrative of the transactions of the week. These letters
should still be in the office of state in Washington, and in the presses at
Mount Vernon. Or, if the former were destroyed by the conflagra
tions of the British, the latter are surely safe, and may be appealed to
in corrobo ration of what I have now written.
"There is another transaction, very erroneously stated in the same
work, which although not concerning myself, is within my own
knowledge, and I think it a duty to communicate it to you. I am
sorry that not being in possession of a copy of the memoirs, I am not
able to quote the page, and still less the facts themselves, verbatim
from the text. But of the substance, as recollected, I am certain. It
is said there that, about the time of Tarleton's expedition up the north
1 826] Thomas Jefferson 475
homagers to their beauty. According to appear
ances they had many nibbles and bites, but whether
the hooks took firm hold of any particular subject
or not, is a secret not communicated to me. If not,
we shall know it by a return to their angling grounds,
for here they fix them until they catch something
to their palate. The annual visit of the family en
masse begins you know, the next month. Our near
relationship of blood interests me of course in their
success, for by ascending to my great grandfather
and to their great, great, great grandfather, we come
to a common ancestor. Shall I say anything to you
of my health. It is as good as I ever expect it to
be. At present tolerable, but subject to occasional
branch of James river to Oharlottesville and Monticello, Simcoe was de
tached up the southern branch, and penetrated as far as New London,
in Bedford, where he destroyed a dep6t of arms, &c., &c. I was with
my family, at the time, at a possession I have within three miles of
New London, and I can assure you of my own knowledge that he did
not advance to within fifty miles of New London. Having reached
the lower end of Buckingham, as I have understood, he heard of a
deposit of arms, and a party of new recruits under Baron Steuben,
somewhere in Prince Edward; he left the Buckingham road immedi
ately, at or near Francisco's, pushed directly south at this new object,
was disappointed, and returned to and down James river to head quar
ters. I had then returned to Monticello myself, and from thence saw
the smokes of his conflagration of houses and property on that river,
as they successively arose in the horizon at a distance of twenty-five
or thirty miles. I must repeat that his excursion from Francisco's is
not from my own knowledge, but as I have heard it from the inhabit
ants on the Buckingham road, which for many years I travelled six or
eight times a year. The particulars of that, therefore, may need
inquiry and correction.
"These are all the recollections within the scope of yourrequest, which
I can state with precision and certainty ; and of these you are free to
make what use you think proper in the new edition of your father's
work; and with which I pray you to accept the assurances of my great
esteem and respect."
476 The Writings of [1826
relapses of sufferance. I am just now out of one of
these. The pleasure of seeing yourself, Mr. Coolidge
and Cornelia I begin to enjoy in anticipation; and
am sure I shall feel it's sanative effects when the
moment arrives. I commit my affections to Mr.
Coolidge to my letter to him. Communicate those
to Cornelia by a thousand kisses from me, and take
to yourself those I impress on this paper for you.
TO ROGER 0. WEIGHTMAN j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 24, 1826.
RESPECTED SIR, — The kind invitation I receive
from you, on the part of the citizens of the city of
Washington, to be present with them at their cele
bration on the fiftieth anniversary of American Inde
pendence, as one of the surviving signers of an
instrument pregnant with our own, and the fate of
the world, is most flattering to myself, and height
ened by the honorable accompaniment proposed for
the comfort of such a journey. It adds sensibly to
the sufferings of sickness, to be deprived by it of
a personal participation in the rejoicings of that day.
But acquiescence is a duty, under circumstances not
placed among those we are permitted to control. I
should, indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and
exchanged there congratulations personally with the
small band, the remnant of that host of worthies, who
joined with us on that day, in the bold and doubtful
election we were to make for our country, between
submission or the sword; and to have enjoyed with
them the consolatory fact, that our fellow citizens,
1826] Thomas Jefferson 477
after half a century of experience and prosperity,
continue to approve the choice we made. May it be
to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts
sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal
of arousing men to burst the chains under which
monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded
them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings
and security of self-government. That form which
we have substituted, restores the free right to the un
bounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion.
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of
man. The general spread of the light of science has
already laid open to every view the palpable truth,
that the mass of mankind has not been born with
saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and
spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the
grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others.
For ourselves, let the annual return of this day for
ever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an
undiminished devotion to them.
I will ask permission here to express the pleasure
with which I should have met my ancient neighbors
of the city of Washington and its vicinities, with
whom I passed so many years of a pleasing social in
tercourse ; an intercourse which so much relieved the
anxieties of the public cares, and left impressions so
deeply engraved in my affections, as never to be for
gotten. With my regret that ill health forbids me
the gratification of an acceptance, be pleased to re
ceive for yourself, and those for whom you write,
the assurance of my highest respect and friendly
attachments.
478 The Writings of [1826
JEFFERSON'S WILL
[Mar. 1826.]
I, Thomas Jefferson, of Monticello, in Albemarle,
being of sound mind and in my ordinary state of
health, make my last will and testament in manner
and form as follows :
I give to my grandson Francis Eppes, son of my
dear deceased daughter Mary Eppes, in fee simple,
all that part of my lands at Poplar Forest lying west
of the following lines, to wit: beginning at Radford's
upper corner, near the double branches of Bear
Creek and the public road, and running thence in a
straight line to the fork of my private road, near the
barn; thence along that private road, (as it was
changed in 1817,) to its crossing of the main branch
of North Tomahawk Creek; and from that crossing,
in a direct line over the main ridge which divides the
North and South Tomahawk, to the South Toma
hawk, at the confluence of two branches where the
old road to the Waterlick crossed it, and from that
confluence up the northermost branch, (which
separate M'Daniels' and Perry's fields,) to its source;
and thence by the shortest line to my western
boundary. And having, in a former correspondence
with my deceased son-in-law John W. Eppes, con
templated laying off for him, with remainder to my
grandson Francis, a certain portion in the southern
part of my lands in Bedford and Campbell, which I
afterwards found to be generally more indifferent
than I had supposed, and therefore determined to
change its location for the better; now to remove
all doubt, if any could arise on a purpose merely
1826] Thomas Jefferson 479
voluntary and unexecuted, I hereby declare that
what I have herein given to my said grandson
Francis, is instead of, and not additional to, what I
had formerly contemplated. I subject all my other
property to the payment of my debts in the first
place. Considering the insolvent state of the affairs
of my friend and son-in-law Thomas Mann Ran
dolph, and that what will remain of my property
will be the only resource against the want in which
his family would otherwise be left, it must be his
wish, as it is my duty, to guard that resource against
all liability for his debts, engagements or purposes
whatsoever, and to preclude the rights, powers, and
authorities over it, which might result to him by
operation of law, and which might, independently
of his will, bring it within the power of his creditors,
I do hereby devise and bequeath all the residue of
my property, real and personal, in possession or in
action, whether held in my own right, or in that of
my dear deceased wife, according to the powers
vested in me by deed of settlement for that purpose,
to my grandson Thomas J. Randolph, and my
friends Nicholas P. Trist and Alexander Garrett, and
their heirs, during the life of my said son-in-law
Thomas M. Randolph, to be held and administered
by them, in trust, for the sole and separate use and
behoof of my dear daughter Martha Randolph, and
her heirs; and aware of the nice and difficult dis
tinction of the law in these cases, I will further ex
plain by saying, that I understand and intend the
effect of these limitations to be, that the legal estate
and actual occupation shall be vested in my said
480 The Writings of [1826
trustees, and held by them in base fee, determinable
on the death of my said son-in-law, and the re
mainder during the same time be vested in my said
daughter and her heirs, and of course disposable by
her last will, and that at the death of my said son-
in-law, the particular estate of the trustees shall be
determined, and the remainder, in legal estate,
possession, and use, become vested in my said
daughter and her heirs, in absolute property forever.
In consequence of the variety and indescribableness
of the articles of property within the house at
Monticello, and the difficulty of inventorying and
appraising them separately and specifically, and its
inutility, I dispense with having them inventoried
and appraised; and it is my will that my executors
be not held to give any security for the administra
tion of my estate. I appoint my grandson Thomas
Jefferson Randolph, my sole executor during his
life, and after his death, I constitute executors my
friends Nicholas P. Trist and Alexander Garrett,
joining to them my daughter Martha Randolph,
after the death of my said son-in-law Thomas M.
Randolph. Lastly, I revoke all former wills by me
heretofore made; and in witness that this is my
will, I have written the whole with my own hand on
two pages, and have subscribed my name to each of
them this sixteenth day of March, one thousand
eight hundred and twenty-six.
I, Thomas Jefferson, of Monticello, in Albemarle,
make and add the following codicil to my will, con
trolling the same so far as its provisions go:
1826] Thomas Jefferson 481
I recommend to my daughter Martha Randolph,
the maintenance and care of my well beloved sister
Anne Scott, and trust confidently that from affection
to her, as well as for my sake, she will never let her
want a comfort. I have made no specific provision
for the comfortable maintenance of my son-in-law
Thomas M. Randolph, because of the difficulty and
uncertainty of devising terms which shall vest any
beneficial interest in him, which the law will not
transfer to the benefit of his creditors, to the desti
tution of my daughter and her family, and disable
ment of her to supply him: whereas, property
placed under the exclusive control of my daughter
and her independent will, as if she were a feme sole,
considering the relation in which she stands both to
him and his children, will be a certain resource
against want for all.
I give to my friend James Madison, of Mont-
pellier, my gold-mounted walking staff of animal
horn, as a token of the cordial and affectionate
friendship which for nearly now an half century,
has united us in the same principles and pursuits of
what we have deemed for the greatest good of our
country.
I give to the University of Virginia my library,
except such particular books only, and of the same
edition, as it may already possess, when this legacy
shall take effect : the rest of my said library, remain
ing after those given to the University shall have
been taken out, I give to my two grandsons-in-law
Nicholas P. Trist and Joseph Coolidge. To my
grandson Thomas Jefferson Randolph, I give my
VOL. xii. — 31.
482 The Writings of [1826
silver watch in preference of the golden one, because
of its superior excellence. My papers of business
going of course to him, as my executor, all others of
a literary or other character I give to him as of his
own property.
I give a gold watch to each of my grandchildren,
who shall not have already received one from me,
to be purchased and delivered by my executors to
my grandsons, at the age of twenty-one, and grand
daughters at that of sixteen.
I give to my good, affectionate, and faithful ser
vant Burwell, his freedom, and the sum of three
hundred dollars, to buy necessaries to commence his
trade of glazier, or to use otherwise, as he pleases.
I give also to my good servants John Hemings and
Joe Fosset, their freedom at the end of one year
after my death; and to each of them respectively,
all the tools of their respective shops or callings;
and it is my will that a comfortable log-house be
built for each of the three servants so emancipated,
on some part of my lands convenient to them with
respect to the residence of their wives, and to
Charlottesville and the University, where they will
be mostly employed, and reasonably convenient
also to the interests of the proprietor of the lands,
of which houses I give the use of one, with a cur
tilage of an acre to each, during his life or personal
occupation thereof.
I give also to John Hemings the service of his two
apprentices Madison and Eston Hemings, until their
respective ages of twenty-one years, at which period
respectively, I give them their freedom; and I
1826] Thomas Jefferson 483
humbly and earnestly request of the legislature of
Virginia a confirmation of the bequest of freedom
to these servants, with permission to remain in this
State, where their families and connections are, as
an additional instance of the favor, of which I have
received so many other manifestations in the course
of my life, and for which I now give them my last,
solemn, and dutiful thanks.
In testimony that this is a codicil to my will of
yesterday's date, and that it is to modify so far the
provisions of that will, I have written it all with my
own hand in two pages, to each of which I subscribe
my name, this seventeenth day of March, one thou
sand eight hundred and twenty-six.
JEFFERSON S INSCRIPTION FOR HIS TOMBSTONE
HERE WAS BURIED
THOMAS JEFFERSON
AUTHOR
OF THE DECLARATION OF
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
OF
THE STATUTE OF VIRGINIA
FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, AND
FATHER OF THE UNIVERSITY
OF VIRGINIA
BORN APRIL 2D
1743 o. s.
DIED [JULY 4]
[1826]
INDEX
The letters both to and from Jefferson are grouped under the name
of each correspondent. All references in small type are to letters
printed in footnotes; those in roman letters are written by Jefferson,
and those in italic to him.
Aborigines, American (see In
dians') .
ADAIR, JAMES, views of, on In
dians, XI. 250.
ADAMS, ABIGAIL (Mrs. JOHN),
1785, 21 June, IV.
- 7 J^y,
— 25 September, —
1786, 9 August, V.
1787, 22 February,
1804, 13 June, X.
— 22 July,
— ii Sei
426
432
463
I4S
262
84
86
^ptember
1817, n January, XII. 44
Jefferson's conversation with,
I- 353- Jefferson's corre
spondence with, V. 138; XI.
172. Indictment of Jefferson
by, X. 86. Death of, XII.
102.
ADAMS, JOHN,
1777, 16 May, II.
— 21 August, —
1785, 3i July, ' IV.
1786, 9 — V.
— 27 August, —
1787, i July,
— 28 September,
1791, 17 July, VI.
— 30 August,
1794, 25 April, VIII.
1796, 28 February,
— 28 December, —
— 28 — —
1812, 21 January, XI.
— 20 April,
— ii June, —
3°4
308
444
136
179
289
349
282
3J3
144
218
259
261
218
236
250
— 27 —
— 15 October,
— i November,
1813, 15 - 293
22 AugUSt, - 323
— 28 October, — 341
1814, 5 July, - 393
1815, 10 August, - 484
1817, ii January, XII. 46
1818, 17 May, 94
— 13 November, — 102
1819, 9 July, - 131
• 7 November, - 144
— 10 December, — 150
1821, 22 January, — 198
1822, i June, - 234
— 240
— 266
— 266
1823, 4 September, - 309
— 12 October, — 312
1825, 18 December, — 414
Arguments on Independence, I.
23. Account of the drafting
of the Declaration of Inde
pendence, 28. Speech on
Confederation, 45, 52. Opin
ion of British Constitution,
178; XI. 167. Alleged writ
ing of "Publicola," I. 184.
Interview with Jefferson, 334.
Offer of Mission to Jefferson,
334. Presidential policy of,
336. Not a Republican, 337,
3 47; VI. 281. Governmental
theories of, I. 341. Poor ap
pointments of, 346. Cabinet
of, 349; XI. 296. Articles of
"Davila," I. 354; VI. 255.
Opinion on permanence of
Union, I. 375. Draft of
Declaration in handwriting
of, II. 199. Anecdote of, IV.
485
486
The Writings of
Arguments on Ind'ence — Cont.
126. Character of, 136; V.
485 ; XI. 174. Squibs against,
IV. 428. Portrait of, V. 219,
384. Desires to be recalled,
261. Diplomatic expenses
of, 394- Jefferson thrown
into antagonism to, VI. 256,
313. Attacks on, 275, 279.
Criticised by Hamilton, 281.
Jefferson explains his en
dorsement of Paine' s pam
phlet to, 283. Plans of, VII.
132. Vote for Vice- Presi
dent, 192, 196. Alleged ar
ticles of, VIII. 12. Scheme
to defeat, 255. Jefferson's
preference for, 255. Con
gratulations to, on election
to the Presidency, 259. De
tachment from Hamilton,
267. Election of, 267.
Opinion of Jefferson, 271.
Letter of, to Dalton, 272.
Will not truckle to Great
Britain, 273. Jefferson's
friendship with, 279; X. 85.
Attempt to produce aliena
tion from Jefferson, VIII.
284. Debate in Congress on
speech of, 295. Declaration
of, concerning Senate, 375.
Partisans of, pay no regard
to Washington's Birthday,
379. Proposed changes in
administration of, 385. In
sane message of, 386, 388.
Objectionable speech of, 401.
Thrasonic addresses of, 414.
Embarrassing conduct of,
IX. 183. Midnight appoint
ments of, 222, 226, 231, 237,
245, 247. Family appoint
ments by, 238. Long ab
sences from capital while
President, 311. Suppression
of Wood's History of Ad
ministration of, 347. Wash
ington's dislike of, X. 32.
Relations of, with Jefferson,
XI. 167. Sends Jefferson a
gift of homespun cloth, 218.
Taylor's reply to, 529. Read
ing of, XII. 46. Health of,
89, 399. Secures fisheries,
107. Correspondence with
Cunningham, 313, 360. Pick
ering's attack on, 360. Men
tal strength of, 400.
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY,
1826, 30 March, XII. 467
Answer of "Publicola" to Paine
by, VI. 275, 279, 283, 314.
Appointment of, to Berlin,
VIII. 296. Appointment of,
negatived, XI. 103. Jeffer
son's consultation with, con
cerning embargo, XII. 420,
426.
ADAMS, SAMUEL,
[1800], 26 February, IX. 114
1801, 29 March, — 239
Jefferson's veneration for, VIII.
282; IX. 239. Insults to,
239. Services of, XII. 115.
Character of , 125.
ADAMS, THOMAS,
1770, ii July, I. 481
1771, 20 February, II. 3
— i June, — ii
Agricultural Societies: Jefferson's
plan for, IX. 181.
Agriculture: American tendency
to, IV. 84. God's chosen voca
tion, 85. Jefferson's interest in,
V. 338; VIII. 145, 149; XII. 56.
The principal object of Amer
ica, VI. 274. Neglect of, 363.
Contempt for, 408. Prosperity
of American, VII. 100. Notes
on American, 113. System of
American, 114. Question as to
advantage of, XII. 49.
Agriculturists: The most valua
ble citizens, IV. 449.
Albemarle County: Resolutions of,
1774, II. 42. Address to in
habitants of, XI. 104.
Albinos: Cases of, in negroes, III.
466.
ALEXANDER OF RUSSIA (see also
Russia, Emperor of), letter to,
X. 249. Character of , XI. 157.
Alexandria, Va.: Future impor
tance of, V. 220. Address of, to
Jefferson, VI. 34.
ALEXANDRIA, VA., Mayor of,
1790, ii March, VI. 34
Algiers: Gift to , 1 . 2 05 . Piracy of,
VI. 86; VIII. 125. Resolution
Thomas Jefferson
487
A Igiers — Continued .
concerning American prisoners
in, VI. 340. Appropriation for
convention with, 473 . Informa
tion concerning, IX. 83. Trib
ute to, 264.
Alien Law (see also Kentucky
Resolutions), VIII. 412, 414,
417, 427, 429, 433, 45°. 462,
481; IX. 28, 61. Petitions
against, 44, 46. Jefferson's
characterization of, 218.
Aliens: Proclamation concerning,
111. 161.
ALLAN, ETHAN, declaration con
cerning, II. 145.
ALLEN, JOHN, report on, IV. 228.
ALLSTON, WASHINGTON, concern
of, in Burr's plot, X. 345.
America (see also South America;
U.S.): Settlementof.il. 65,
112. Alleged degeneracy of ani
mals in, III. 415, 416, 422. U.S.
a nest to populate all, V. 75.
Disconnection of, from Europe,
XI. 352. Separate interests
from Europe, XII. 167. Should
have no kings or emperors, 274.
AMERICUS VESPUCCIUS, portrait
of, V. 384-
AMES, FISHER, speculation in
public funds, I. 354. Probable
defeat of, VII. 179.
Anas, JEFFERSON'S, I. 163.
ANDREWS, ROBERT,
1781, 31 March, III. 235
Animals: Alleged degeneracy of,
in America, III. 415, 416, 422.
Annapolis Convention: Meeting of,
I. 168, 338. Failure of, V. 226,
240.
Anti-Federalists (see also Repub
lican party; Political parties) :
Unreconciled to Constitution,
VI. 24. Disappearance of, 40.
APPLETON, THOMAS,
1816, 18 July, XII. 16
l8l7, I AugUSt, 22
1820, 13 July, _ — 25
Appointments (see also Civil Ser
vice; Office-holders; Removal) :
Rights of President and Senate
in, VI. 49. Principles govern
ing, IX. 245. Principles gov
erning Jefferson's, 270. Policy
as regards papers concerning,
443. Reduction in number of,
450. Right of Congress to docu
ments relating to, X. 218. Cir
cular letter concerning, XI.
102.
Arbitration: Offer of, VI. 295.
Argand Lamp, IV. 380; V. 92.
Aristocracy: A natural, among
men, XI. 343. As a protection
against the majority, 343. Euro
pean, 348.
ARMAND, COLONEL, legion of, III.
43, 296.
Arms: Purchase of, II. 5. Scarc
ity of, 473, 492; III. 20, 41,
52, 117, 131, 242, 252, 288.
Manufactory of, II. 474.
ARMSTRONG, JOHN,
1804, 26 May, X. 79
1806, 14 February, — 230
1807, 17 July, — 466
1808, 2 May, XI. 30
1813, 21 February, — 284
Negotiator to Spain, I. 386.
Offer of French mission to,
X. 79. Excitement against,
230. Quarrel with Bowdoin,
276. Incapacity of, XI.
425-
Army (see U . S. Army).
ARNOLD, BENEDICT,
1781, 24 March, III. 232
(See also Virginia). Invasion
of Virginia under, III. 105,
123, 125-146, 156, 161, 164—
238, 282; XII. 147. Possible
capture of, III. 158. Not the
proposer of the Canadian
expedition, V. 197. At De
troit, VI. 89.
ARNOND, ABBE,
1789, 19 July, V. 483
Assignats, French: Question of
payments raised by, VI. 316.
Fluctuation of, VII. 200, 261.
Association (see Congress, Conti
nental) .
Assumption of State Debts (see
also Hamilton): History of, I.
174; VI. 37, 47, 53, 75, 76, 78,
82-84, 87, 96, 106, 108; VII.
224. Disapprobation of, VI.
154. Virginian dislike of, 217.
Second, 476.
488
The Writings of
ASTOR, JOHN JACOB,
1812, 24 May, XI. 244
Organization of fur company
by, XL 38.
Asylum (see also Expatriation;
Impressment): Right of, VII.
42.
ATHANASIUS, dogmas of, XII.
241.
Aurora (see also Duane) : Duane' s
prosecution for publication in,
I. 207; IX. 257. A Republican
newspaper, VI. 264; VII. 143.
Publication of confidential pa
per in, VIII. 245. Change in,
299. Governmental influence
in, X. 151. Financial straits
of, XL 191. Attacks of, on
Madison, 195.
AUSTIN, BENJAMIN,
1816, 9 January, XL 500
— 9 February, — 505
AUVILLE, MADAME D',
1790, 2 April, VI. 41
BACHE, B. F. (see Aurora).
BACHE, DR. FRANKLIN (?), pro
posed purchase at Gharlottes-
ville, IX. 5.
BACON, JOHN,
1803, 30 April, IX. 463
BAIREUTH, Memoirs of the Mar
grave of, XL 360, 439.
Balloon, IV. 425.
BANCROFT, AARON, Unitarian ser
mons of, XII. 331.
BANCROFT, EDWARD,
1786, 26 February, III. 325
1789, 26 January, V. 447
Bank, National: Proposed crea
tion of, XL 355.
Bank of North America: Pennsyl
vania opposition to, V. 170.
Bank, U. S. (see also Banks) : In
fluence of, on government, I.
177. Circulating medium of,
242. Favoritism by, 265. Bill
to incorporate, 343; VI. 186,
194. Opinion on constitution
ality of, 197. Unpopular in
South, 211. Subscriptions to,
278,279,281. Dividend of, 363.
Fall in stock of, 413, 482. Plan
to establish branch in Rich
mond, VII. 132. Curtailment of
discounts, 197. Evil influence
of, VIII. 244. Ruin caused by,
268. Hostility of, to U. S. gov
ernment, X. 57. Refusal of
Congress to re-charter, XL 318.
Bankruptcy: Opinion upon bill,
VII. 193. General principles of ,
193. Law not needed by farm
ers, 196, 198. Cases of commer
cial, IX. 112, 1 20. Compromise
as to, XII. 214.
Banks: Condemnation of, I. 341.
Relations of U. S. government
with, IX. 377, 395; X. 57. Jef
ferson's desire for support from,
IX. 395. Gallatin's approval
of, XL 200. Should not be al
lowed to issue paper money,
3°3> 33 x- Inordinate issue of
notes by, 382. Suspend specie
payments, 430; XII. 145, 149,
158. Difficulties caused by
paper notes of, XL 444. Mania
for, 447, 494. Abuse of paper
issues, XII. 128, 176, 185.
Curse of, 288.
BANNEKER, BENJAMIN,
1791, 30 August, VI. 309
Almanac of, VI. 309, 311. Ca
pacity of, XL 121.
Barbary States (see also Algiers;
Morocco; Tunis) : Proposed con
cert against, I. 99; V. 149.
Squadron to cruise against, I.
365, 370. Peace with, IV. 376.
Observations on, 399. Negotia
tions with, V. 85. Measure to
be taken against, 107. News of,
113, 1 80; VI. 486. Jefferson's
view concerning, V. 345. Amer
ican captives in, 445; VI. 13,
185. Depredations of, IX. 263.
Relations with, 328; X. 314,
512. Captures of American
ships by, IX. 409. U. S. policy
towards, 454. War with, X. 38,
112, 192. Naval force to check,
XII. 267.
BARCLAY, T., position of, V. 288.
BARLOW, JOEL,
1792, 20 June, VII. 122
1802, 3 May, IX. 370
1806, 24 February, X. 232
Thomas Jefferson
489
BARLOW, JOEL — Continued.
1807, 10 December, X. 529
1809, 8 October, XI. 120
1 810, 24 January, — 131
1811, 1 6 April, — 205
Value of works of, VII. 122.
Proposed history of the Re
volution, XI. 131.
BARRETT, N., Jefferson's debt to,
VII. 360.
BARROW, DAVID,
1815, i May, XI. 470
BARRUEL, ABBE, book by, IX.
108.
BARRY, CAPT. J., refusal of Jeffer
son to regard death of, X. 31.
BARTON, BENJAMIN SMITH,
1790, 12 August, VI. 120
1801, 14 February, IX. 177
BARTON, WILLIAM,
1792, i April, VI. 457
Batture Case, XI. 140, 152. Jeffer
son's brief in, 219, 226. Ending
of, 227.
BAYARD, JAMES A., alleged offers
of, I. 362. Deposition of, 392.
BECKLEY, J., gossip of, I. 274.
Too credulous, 277. Retire
ment of, VIII. 289.
BECKWITH, G., informal negotia
tions with, I. 190; VI. 122, 361.
Conversation with Jefferson, I.
189; VI. 245. Information
from, 249. Criticism of Jeffer
son, 259.
Beer: Advantages of, XI. 494.
BERCKEL, VAN, ?
1793, 13 February, VII. 234
Berlin Decrees (see also France},
XI. 18, 107, 150, 220.
BEVERLEY, R., IV. 103.
BIDWELL, BARNABAS,
1807, ii July, X. 455
Bill of Rights, V. 387, 428. Jef
ferson's wish for, 371; VII.
141. Addition of, to Constitu-
tion.V. 384. Necessity for, 422.
Every one in France trying his
hand at, 444. Importance of,
461. Proposed French, 488.
Suggestions for, 492. Jeffer
son's opinion concerning, VI.
*59-
BINGHAM, WILLIAM, character of,
V. 259-
BINGHAM, MRS. WILLIAM,
1788, ii May, V. 390
BISHOP, ABRAHAM,
1808, 13 November, XI. 72
BISHOP, SAMUEL, appointment of,
IX. 270, 286.
BLACKDEN, COL. SAMUEL, infor
mation to be furnished by, V.
186.
BLACKWELL, JACOB,
1792, i April, VI. 456
BLAND, RICHARD, IV. 104. Char
acterization of, XI. 413. At
tempt to improve condition of
slave, 417.
BLAND, THEODORICK,
1779, 8 June, II. 376
— 18 — — 379
1781, 9 February, III. 165
BLENNERHASSETT, H., proceed
ings of flotilla under, X. 332.
Possible information from, 408.
Trial of, 408.
Blockade: Principles of, VII. 313.
What constitutes, VIII. 29.
BLOUNT, WILLIAM, impeachment
of, I. 344; VIII. 357, 359, 362,
365, 369-
BOLINGBROKE, LORD, Jefferson s
opinion of, XII. 194.
BOLLING, MRS. JOHN,
1787, 23 July, V. 305
BOLLMAN, ERIC, arrest of, X. 336.
Information concerning Burr,
394. Pardon of, 395. Course
to be taken towards, 402.
BONAPARTE, JEROME, marriage
of, to Miss Patterson, X. 48.
BONAPARTE, NAPOLEON (see
France}, military movements
of, VIII. 306; IX. 8; X. 481,
483, 493; XL 114. Seizes gov
ernment of France, IX. ipi,
106, in. Jefferson's opinion
of, 114; XI. 371, 394, 476, 505;
XII. 77. Policy of, XI. 95.
Downfall of, 450, 454. Return
from Elba, 483. The choice of
his nation, 486.
Books (see also JEFFERSON); List
of, II. 12. Purchase of, IV.
369, Evil of tariff on, XII.
209.
Boston Port Bill: Illegality of, II.
76.
490
The Writings of
Botany: Jefferson's interest in,
IX 131
BOTETOURT, LORD, character of,
XII. 391.
BOTTA, C., history of, XI. 485;
XII. 180.
Boundaries (see United States).
BOWDOIN, JAMES,
1805, 27 April, X. 140
1806, 26 July, — 276
1807, 2 April, — 379
— 10 July, — 453
Appointed U. S. Minister to
Spain, X. 276. Misunder
standing with Armstrong,
276.
BOWLES, W. A., attempt of, to
excite Creeks, VI. 344. Influ
ence of, over Creeks, VII. 427.
BRANCH, MARY, I. 4.
Brazil: News of, V. 272, 273.
Probable revolt in, 274. Infor
mation desired concerning, VI.
240.
BRECKENRIDGE, JOHN,
1800, 29 January, IX. 105
— 1 8 December, — 156
1803, 24 November, X. 51
BRECKENRIDGE, JOHN CABELL,
1803, 12 August, X. 5
— 18 — 7
1821, it December, VIII. 459
BREHAN, MADAME DE,
1789, 14 March, V. 459
Recommendation of, V. 355.
BRENT, ROBERT,
1807, 10 March, X. 371
British Debts (see Debts).
British Party in U. S. (see also
Federalists}, VI. 307; VII. 324;
VIII. 447; XI. 255.
British Posts (see Posts, Frontier).
BROWN, JAMES,
1795, 18 April, VIII. 166
1808, 27 October, XI. 52
BROWN, JOHN,
1788, 26 May, V. 397
BROWN, SAMUEL,
1798, 25 March, VIII. 390
Brutus: Fitting out of ship, X.
336, 338.
BRY, DE, voyages of, XI. 252.
BUFFON, COUNT DE,
1787, i October, V. 352
III. 319. Opinion on mam
moth, 411. On degeneracy
of animals in new world,
415,421. Honor to, 428, 455.
Theory of central heat, IV.
209. Jefferson sends book to,
467. Desires to see elk, V. 75.
Jefferson's gifts to, 352. Jef
ferson's meeting with, XII.
392. Jefferson's gift of skins
to, 393-
Bunker Hill: Battle of, II. 107,
1 08, 137. Number of troops en
gaged at, V. 184.
BURKE, ^EDANUS, pamphlet on
Cincinnati, V. 52.
BURKE, EDMUND, Toryism of, VI.
260.
BURKE, JOHN D.,
1801, 21 June, IX. 267
1805, i — X. 147
BURR, AARON,
!797. 17 June, VIII. 309
1798, 20 May, — 421
— 26 — — 422
— 16 June, — 423
— 12 November, — 424
1799, ii February, IX. 37
1800, 15 December, — 154
1 80 1, i February, — 173
— 1 8 November, — 313
(See also BLENNERHASSETT;
WILKINSON) . And election of
1800, I. 362. Van Ness' pam
phlet on, 375. Relations
with Jefferson, 376, 391;
VIII. 421; IX. 154, 155,
173, 206; X. 463. Con
spiracy of, I. 402, 403, 408;
X. 231, 268, 286, 291, 292,
311, 322, 327, 330-332, 339,
383, 410, 463, 473, 523, 478;
XI. 148,385,386. Proclama
tion against, X. 301. Ac
complices of, 336, 369, 378.
Intrigues with foreign na
tions, 335; XI. 53, 384.
Special message on, X. 346,
357. Trial of, 382, 383, 385,
394, 410, 412, 461, 499, 501,
523-
BURWELL, NATHANIEL,
1818, 14 March, XII. 90
BURWELL, REBECCA, Jefferson's
early love for, I. 435-451.
Thomas Jefferson
491
BURWELL, WILLIAM A.,
1805, 28 January, X. 126
1806, 15 — — 222
— 17 September, — 286
1808, 22 November, XL 75
BUTLER, PIERCE,
1791, 2 December, VI. 340
1800, ii August, IX. 137
1801, 26 — — 287
BUTLER, Z., report on, IV. 223.
BYRD, MRS. WILLIAM,
1781, i March, III. 188
C
CABELL, JOSEPH C.,
1814, 31 January, XI. 379
1815, 5 — 446
1818, 14 XII. 8 1
l82O, 22 • 154
— 28 November, • 169
1826, 7 February, - 450
CABELL, S. J., presented by grand
jury, VIII. 324, 339.
Cabinet: Dissensions in Washing
ton's, VII. 137; XI. 138. Mon-
archism in, VII. 337. Jeffer
son's appointments to, IX.
208. Modes of communicating
with President, 310. Rumors
of dissensions in Jefferson's, X.
241. How far a check on Presi
dent, 414. Friction in Madi
son's, XI. 124, 132.
Cabinet Councils: Jefferson's de
sire to avoid, VIII. 48. Method
of business in, XL 137.
Cabot Family: Arms of, IX. 169.
CAINE, CLEMENT,
1 8 1 1 , 1 6 September, XL 214
CALLENDER, JAMES THOMSON,
1799, 6 September, IX. 81
— 6 October, — 83
Gift of money to, VIII. 449;
IX. 82. Should be substan
tially defended, 136. Fine re
funded by private contribu-
tions% 260. Threat of, 263.
Base ingratitude of, 387-390.
History of Jefferson's rela
tions with, 387-390; X. 86.
CALONNE, C. A. DE, report to No
tables, I. 1 06. Disappoints ex
pectation, VI. 424. Proposition
concerning American debt
VII. 201.
CALVIN, dogmas of, XII. 242.
Blasphemy of, 270.
Cambrian: Proclamation concern
ing British frigate, X. 325.
"Camillus" (see HAMILTON,
ALEXANDER).
CAMPBELL, ARTHUR,
1797, i September, VIII. 336
CAMPBELL, DAVID,
1792, 27 March, VI. 454
CAMPBELL, JOHN W.,
1809, 3 September, XL 115
CAMUS, A. G., information con
cerning, XL 484.
Canada: Plan for attack on, I.
411. Viewson, 11.143, 147, 197,
232,244. Report on war in, 154,
183, 189. Offer to admit to
Confederation, V. 29. Political
condition of, VI. 267. Conduct
of British in, X. 481. Prepara
tions for conquest of, 49 8. Prob
able conquest of, XL 262, 265,
357. Acquisition of, a sine qua
non for peace, 262. Invasion of,
264. Conquest of Upper, 363,
365-
Canada, Boundary of (see Posts,
Frontier) .
Canals (see also Internal Improve
ments): Encouragement to, X.
130, 317; XL 71.
CANNING, GEORGE, despatches of,
I. 427.
Capital Laws, IV. 59.
Capital, National, IV. 174, 243,
314, 319, 321, 330. History of
location of, I. 175. Vote upon,
V. 430. Motion concerning, VI.
59. Removal of, 64, 69, 74, 76,
78, 83, 84, 88, 89, 97. Opinion
on, 156. Jefferson believes that
attempts will be made to repeal
act settling, VII. 130. Deal over
location of, 226. Plans of, 261.
Jefferson's opinion concerning,
VIII. 342.
CAREY, MATTHEW,
1816, ii November, XII. 41
"Olive Branch," XII. 41.
Caribou: Jefferson's gift of, to
Buffon, V. 352.
CARLETON, SIR GUY,
1779, 22 July, II. 454
492
The Writings of
OARMICHAEL, WILLIAM,
1786, 20 June, V. 129
— 26 December, — 238
1787, 25 September, — 345
— 15 December, — 363
1788, 3 June — 403
1789, 4 March, — 452
— 12 September, VI. 12
1790, ii April, — 43
- 2 August, — in
1791, 12 March, — 213
— 17 — — 220
- 6 November, — 318
Character of, V. 258. Break in
correspondence of, VI. 240.
Recommended to negotiate
with Spain, 348. Long silence
of, VII. 136. Conduct of,
VIII. 153.
CARMIGNIANI, GIOVANNI,
1816, 18 July, XII. 20
CARR, DABNEY, services to Revo
lution, I. 9; XI. 511. Allusions
to, I. 470; II. 38. Character of ,
XL 513-
CARR, DABNEY, JR.,
1816, 19 January, XL 511
CARR, PETER,
1787, 10 August, V. 322
1792, 22 June, VII. 125
1798, 12 April, VIII. 405
Carriage Tax, VIII. 162.
CARRINGTON, EDWARD,
1781, 3 March, III. 198
1787, 1 6 January, V. 251
— 4 August, — 318
— 21 December, — 375
1788, 27 May, — 400
Character of, V. 150.
CARTER, CHARLES,
1783, 12 October, IV. 172
CARVER, WILLIAM,
1823, 4 December, XII. 326
GARY, ARCHIBALD,
1774, 9 December, II. 94
Catherine: Case of British ship,
VII. 378, 381, 382.
Cedars: Report on, II. 183. Story
of, 222; V. 189.
Census: First U. S., VI. 297, 303,
304. Transmission of. IX. 333.
Chancery: Origin of courts of, IV.
473. Powers of courts of, 475.
CHASE, S., speech on Confedera
tion, I. 44, 49.
CHASTELLUX, FRANCOIS JEAN,
CHEVALIER DE,
1782, 26 November, III. 306
1785, 7 June, — 318
7 — — 418
Journal of, IV. 247.
CHATHAM, LORD, plan of concilia
tion, II. 105, 125.
CHEETHAM, JAMES,
1802, 17 January, IX. 347
Cherbourg: Importance of, V. 131.
Cherokee Indians: Right to lands
of, VI. 140.
Chesapeake Bay: Special despatch
concerning, I. 410. Defence of
mouth of, XL 288. Importance
of keeping open, 290.
Chesapeake Frigate: Proclamation
concerning, I. 409; X. 434.
Capture of, by Leopard, X. 432,
456, 511. Demand for satisfac
tion, 467. Reasons for pro
crastination concerning, 470,
471.
Christianity (see also JESUS
CHRIST): Part of the common
law, I. 453. Jefferson's views
upon, IX. 148.
Church: Definition of, II. 265.
CHURCH, MR.,
1793, ii December, VIII. 94
CHURCH, MRS.,
1792, October, VII. 154
1793. 7 June, — 372
— 27 November, VIII. 78
CICERO, letters of, XII. 151.
Cincinnati, Society of the: Confer
ence between Washington and
Jefferson regarding, I. 168.
References to, IV. 323, 347.
Eagle of, 370. History of,
V. 49. Criticism of, 52, 221.
European disapproval of, 222.
Letter to De Grasse concerning,
383. Compared with Demo
cratic societies, VIII. 156.
Washington's views upon, XL
122. Jefferson's opinion of, XI I.
366.
Cities: Evils of, IV. 86. Jeffer
son's dislike of, IX. 147.
Citizenship: Duties of, II. 346. A
personal or property right, V.
194. Definition of, X. 15. How
acquired, 273.
Thomas Jefferson
493
Civil Service (see also Office
holders; Removal) : In Depart
ment of State, VI. 31, 45, 52,
121, 174, 456. Necessity for,
XII. 164.
CLAIBORNE, W. C. C.,
1806, 27 April, X. 253
CLARK, GEORGE ROGERS,
1780, 25 December, III. 96
1781, 31 January, — 158
— 13 February, — 167
— 19 — — 177
Western expedition of, II. 378;
445; III. 9, 23, 58, 88, 94, 96,
167. Jefferson's opinion of,
VI. 210.
Classics, I. 79; IV. 62, 67. Jeffer
son's opinion of, XII. 140.
CLAVIERE,
1787, 6 July, V. 297
CLAY, CHARLES,
1790, 27 January, VI. 29
1792, ii September, VII. 150
1807, ii January, X. 338
1809, 15 December, XI. 94
1817, 12 July, XII. 74
CLAY, PAUL,
[1817, 12 July,] XII. 74
Clergy: Privilege of, V. 47. Jef
ferson's changed views concern
ing political exclusion of, IX.
143. Jefferson's dislike of, XI.
507. Scheme for systematic ex
tension of the, 508.
Climate: Effect of, III. 416. Im
portance of, IX. 168, 170.
CLINTON, DE WITT,
1803, 2 December, X. 54
1804, 6 October, — 104
1807, 24 May, — 401
Pamphlet by, X. 401. Fall of,
XI. 37.
CLINTON, GEORGE,
1801, 17 May, IX. 254
VII. 103, 123, 127. Dishonor
able conduct of, 128. Vote
for, 196. Estrangement from
Jefferson, XI. 10. Failing
mind of, 212.
Coast Defence: Right of East to,
X. 267. Message upon, XI. 23.
Progress of, 30, 67.
Coast Line: Limits of jurisdiction,
VIII. 52, 60, 61, 75.
Cockades: Political use of, VIII.
418. Riot caused by, 418.
Coinage: Unit of, V. 240.
Coins, Foreign: Legislation con
cerning, VIII. 349, 350.
Cold: Amount of suffering caused
by, IX. 170.
COLES, EDWARD,
1814, 25 August, XI. 416
Colonies: Granting of, II. 66.
Union of, 88. Relation to Great
Britain, IV. 5-17. Ancient
views concerning, V. 124. Par
liamentary powers over, 187.
Assumption of rights over, by
Britain, 194.
Colonization: Proposed slave, IX.
3I5»374,3.84- Article upon pro
posed African, XII. 334.
Columbia River: Fur trading-post
on the, XI. 244.
COLUMBUS, portrait of, V. 384.
COLVIN, JOHN B.,
1 8 10, 20 September, XI. 146
Commerce, Domestic, IV. 245, 267.
Western routes of, III. 354,
364,367-
Commerce, Foreign: Dangers of,
IV. 99; VI. 2 73; XI. 537. Free
dom of, IV. 99. Treaties of,
185, 187, 189, 274, 350, 352,
3675X11.467. WithWest Indies,
IV. 397, 417, 423, 497; V. 142;
VI. 293, 362; VII. 105. Nego
tiations concerning, IV. 397;
V. 96, 101; VI. 338, 341, 345.
With France, IV. 453, 481; V.
140, 165, 292 ; VI. 352, 403 ; VII.
1 1 1 ; VIII. 268. With Portugal,
IV. 453; VII. 266. Congress
should be given power over, IV.
418, 459, 469, 493; V. ii. With
Sweden, V. 124. Restrictions
upon, VI. 86, 273, 275; VII.
235; VIII. 98, 127, 135; XL 85.
With Great Britain, VI. 404,
475. 477; VIII. 4. Jefferson's
reports on, VII. 234, 243 ; VIII.
98, 127, 135. Madison's speeches
on, VIII. 137, 139. An instru
ment for coercing Europe, 293.
Depredations upon, 306, 316;
X. 187, 198, 203, 530. Armed,
VIII. 363, 366, 384; X. 152.
How to benefit American, VIII.
494
The Writings of
Commerce, Foreign — Continued.
267. French decree concerning,
381, 384, 386. Voluntary sus
pension of, X. 455. Frauds in,
531. Orders in Council con
cerning, XL 9, ii2. European
decrees concerning, 57. Pe
culiar vices of, XII. 94.
Commerce, Neutral (see also Neu
trality): Rights of, X. 223, 247,
250; XI. 97. Course of U. S.
concerning, X. 247. Right of
search of, 283.
Committee of States: Plan of, I. 84.
Experiment of, IV. 229, 235;
XI. 183.
Committees of Correspondence:
Origin of, XL 513.
CONDORCET, MARQUIS DE,
1791, 30 August, VI. 310
Pamphlets of, V. 426.
Confederation: Failure of, I. 117.
The best government that has
ever existed, V. 318.
Confederation, Articles of, I. 43.
Debates on, 44. Representa
tion under, II. 305; V. 18. De
scription of, 8. Defects of, 21.
System of requisitions under,
36. Franklin's, 199. Jealousy
of government exhibited in,
VIII. 207.
Congress: Corrupt members of, I.
175, 251; VI. 490; VII. 101,
T39» 253> Right of, to
call for papers, I. 214. Beck-
ley's list of corrupt members
of, 262. Genet's threat to ap
peal to, 284. Special sessions
of, 309, 411; VIII. 300, 307,
315; X. 456; XL 90, 95. How
shall communications from the
President be made to? VI. 38.
Right of adjournment of, 96,
97. Election of, 154. Defence
of members of, VII. 98. Neg
atives proposition for heads
of departments to attend, 179,
191. Republicanization of, 191.
War power of, 250. Convening
of, 465, 474. Question whether
the President may convene at
unusual place, VIII. 55, 57.
Possibly adjournment of, 58.
Proceedings in , 296, 299. S^ome-
what warlike, 305. Right of
constituents to correspond with
members of, 324, 339. Scan
dalous scene during debate in,
IX. 60. Proceedings in, con
cerning Presidential election of
1800, 176, 178, 182, 185. De
bate in, on Robbins' case, 241.
Inefficiency of, 415. Long and
uneasy session of, X. 252. Lack
of talent in, 371. Unfortunate
number of lawyers in, XL 226.
Qualifications for members of,
379. Public indignation at in
crease of salaries of, XII. 35, 70.
Congress, Library of: Offer of Jef
ferson's books to, XL 427, 431.
Purchase of Jefferson's books,
467.
Congress, Continental: Committee
of, at Headquarters,
1780, 2 July, III. 29
Congress, Continental: President of ,
1776, ii October, II. 251
1779, 19 June, — 447
— 25 September, — 463
— 1 6 November, — 486
— 1 6 December, — 492
— 3° — 5<>0
1780, 9 February, III. 3
— 9 June, — 15
— 15 — — 24
— 28 — — 25
— 2 July, — 28
— 27 — 34
— 3 September, — 45
— 6 — 47
_ 8 — — 48
— 14 52
— 14 October, 59
— 22 — 63
— 25 — 65
— 26 — 66
— 3 November, — 69
- 10 — 74
— 19 — 77
1781, 10 January, — 119
— 15 — 126
— 17 ~ J36
— 8 February, — 164
— 26 — 187
— 8 March, — 206
— 21 — — 226
— 3r — — 236
— 23 April, — 261
Thomas Jefferson
495
Congress , Continental — Continued .
Proposition for annual, I. 13.
Jefferson attends, 17. Declara
tion of, on taking up arms, 17;
II. no. Reply of, to Lord
North's resolution, I. 19; II.
125. Debates of, on Independ
ence, I. 20. Resolve of May 15,
1776, 22; II. 153. Association
of, II. 93, 290. Drafts of papers
for, 110-149, 154—249; IV. 189—
352. Committee of, II. 149. Elec
tion of delegates to, 220, 234.
Rotation in, 220; IV. 165. Bill
regulating appointments of dele
gates, II. 302. Journal of, 305.
Action on resolutions of, 111.34.
Seat of, IV. 174,243,314,319,
321, 330. Unfinished business
of, 181. Representation in, 203,
208, 210, 220, 242, 266, 271,
296, 321. Subjects before, 220,
333. 35 x- Committee of States
of, 230, 235. Finances of,
236,281. Civil list of, 259, 328.
Removal of, 417. Pay of mem
bers of, V. 28. Treatment of
mutineers by, 39. Powers of,
over State Legislatures, VII.
17. Unparliamentary system
of, IX. 115. Authorship of ad
dresses and petitions of, XI.
334. Proposed publication of
papers of, XII. 339. Addresses
of, 391.
Connecticut: Elections in, VIII.
420. Sweeping removals in, IX.
266, 269. Political changes in,
468. Influence of lawyers and
clergy in, 468, 469. Unjust
treatment of minority in, X.
367. Prosecutions for libel in,
XL 109, 387.
Constitution, A: Meaning of, IV.
25. Project for proposed, XI.
117. Outline of proposed, for
South American republics, 519.
Should be periodically amended,
XII. 12. Must be based on con
sent of people, 352.
Constitution, Federal (see also Bill
of Rights} : Jefferson's disap
proval of, I. 118; V. 365, 406.
Jefferson's views on, I. 118; V.
357. 365. 379. 387. 392, 400,
406, 456; VII. 141, 165; IX. 17,
381. Advice in formation of,
V. 227. Jefferson's outline of,
318, 332, 340. Powerfully at
tacked in the American papers,
365. Action of States upon,
366. Probable adoption of, 384.
Lack of a Bill of Rights in, 389,
406. Amendments proposed by
Massachusetts, 401. Ratifica
tion of, 404, 429. Opposition
to, 405. A good canvas in need
of retouching, 426. Consid
ered a model for France, 491.
Amendments to, VI. 24, 40;
VIII. 361. Anti-Federalists un
reconciled to, VI. 24. General
clauses of, 198; VII. 139; IX.
132, 133; XL 489. Influences
in composition of, VIII. 207.
Mixed character of, 281. Prin
ciples of union under, 458. Vio
lations of, 462; IX. 46. At
tack upon, intended, 65. In
roads upon, 73. Proposed
amendment concerning election
of President, 126. Jefferson's
plan for a declaration concern
ing, 139. True theory concern
ing, 139. In relation to internal
improvements, 398. Books
upon, 405. Proposed Louisiana
amendment to, X. 3. Religious
freedom under, XL 7. Clause
concerning obligation of con
tracts, 472. Question as to in
ternal improvement under, XII.
7 1 . Difficulty of amending, 303.
Limitations in, 418. Miscon
struction of general clauses of,
424.
Constitutionality: Where decision
of, vests, X. 89; XL 473. Right
of each department to decide
as to, XII. 138. Does decision
of, rest with judiciary? 162.
Consuls: Convention with France
concerning, I. 127. American,
in France, IV. 374. Rules gov
erning commissions of, VIII.
88, 89.
Consuls, French: Jurisdiction of,
VII. 167. Non-payment of , 201.
Violent conduct of, VIII. n.
Illegal proceedings of, 22, 23,
496
The \Yritiiigs of
. Circular letter to, 31.
"r : .;>: ~ '. : ' -. ~'.~ :.'.".
Case of, 75. District attorneys
- •.- _^m ~- : ^ _::".:: v. ^~.: :.. r- . :
9°
umlimmiLm Qmda, II. 47 x ; HL 15,
34, 126 501.
• - • •:-. - '.V -.- -:'.: : : r.i:f-f
II. 277. 337; III. 30. Retains
ol. II. 488.
anlfaband of War, VIII 84.
Seizure of. VII. 422. Right of
search for, IX. 298. What
constitutes, X. 270.
XL 472
iiS:V
fv.~ .r.L
.: - :: -
son s
erier
clause in. 343. Should
S. one as to foreign
r :.-.- .: iistinr: ::: i:-
irliirs. V. 226. Jeffer-
pproval of, 318.
"
. 350.
"-' '- 3 • - .'
n ;C2. Have set up a
kite 10 keep tie hen-ysjxl in
order. 562. J erersc-n's high
r. or ~em:>ers of, 379-
: ~ rr^rchy in. VI. 490.
VIII. 2-,2. Prc-ossl
iT:i:es in IX f
IX. 175. 179
rtwm Prisoners. II. 350. 486,
501; HI. 66. 73. 83, 104, 129,
156, 237.
ConvfHtums. American, IV. 28.
• • "
America, V. 32.
I : : : - -i ' -i:-~
1 5-x. 2 4 October. XII. 381
_ * \ : i ji - 1 T n v r f ' i n
XII. 3*52.
C : • •_ : : - z ! I : ; ' : : 2 : :-:
1826. 5 June. XII. 471
COOPER. THOHAS.
1802. 29 November, IX. 402
1807. 9 July. X. 450
10 Fefarary. L 454
182;. 2 November. XII. 270
1823, ii December, — 328
Settling of. VIII. 148. Pam
phlet of. IX. 1 28.
Copper Coinage: Bffl altering, I.
127.
Copying Press. V. 240. 361.
Cork TVnr.-Jefferson's endeavor to
CORNWALL is. movements of, III.
70, 73, 168. 173, 187. 192. 270,
28^.29^. Destruction of Jefier-
son's crops and barns by. V.
420. Character of. 421.
CORNY. MME. DE. misfortune of,
\ II. 154: \ III. 78-
COSJLEA DE SERRA. J.,
1820. 24 October, XII. 166
Appointment of, 3TT 036. Si
lence cf. XII. 265.
COSTER. FRZRES & Co.,
1705- 21 May VII. 558
COSWAT, MRS. MARIA,
1786, 12 October, V. 201
— i; — — 217
doom of. VTI. 155. Enters
convent. Vill. 78.
Cotton: Now a product of the
Southern States, V. 166. Man-
: :: _r^ ? ::. in .-::. :~ : _: -
Tererson plans to raise, 417.
Cotton Gin: Invention of. VIII.
"°-
CcmKctl. Orders in (see Gnat
Britain^.
Couns: BiH to establish county,
II. 286. Distinction between
common law and chancery. IV.
473. Injustice of State,* VLI.
66.
Coxz. TZXCH.
1794. i May, VUI. 147
1795. i June, — :S2
— 12 September, — 189
: : : : :
: *:- ; :
Aoint
— :: :
: \-~- — 176
^:-~ ^7 II r: :
of. VI. 287. Re
III. 351. News
les of. 381. Pro
rt newspaper for,
Thomas Jefferson
497
CRAWFORD, WILLIAM H.,
1815. ii February, XI. 450
1816.20 June, — 536 '
1818, 10 November, XII. 100
Attack on, XII. 356.
Creation: Jefferson's viu»* on, V
Credit: Jefferson MiggraU aboli
tion of all, V. 309. Rise in
American, VI 79, 81, 89, 297.
Value of public, 81.
Creek Indians: Puiyoaed expedi
tion against, I. 321. Commerce
of, VI. 109. Attempt to excite,
344.. Spanish machinations
among, VII. 133, 169, 172, 408,
426. Policy oil U. S. towards,
169, 173. Depredations of, in
Georgia, 347. War with, 408,
426. Jefferson's desire for vo
cabulary of, EX. 124.
OKBSAP, CAPT., III. 444-4? ?;
VIII. 700 ; IX. 09. Character
of, VIII. 301. How far con-
-:—.-: :-. r.-._ri--r : 1 /_r.
kin, IX. 71.
GRXVBCCZUR, HECTOR ST. JOBS.
1786. ii July, V. 138
.". • ~~.'.. --.--—.--.; —---.-.:~:
11.291. Bffl proportioning pun
ishment for, 393. Highway rob
bery unknown in ATnerira.V 297 .
.-:•••::"••:!. _~ : ".V- ._: : .-. . _. I
ern, V. 48.
CROWXIXSHIELD, JACOB.
1806, 13 May, X. 265
Cuba: Attitude of U. S. towards,
I. 424. Probable aAKtinn .to
American Union, X. 477; XII.
161. Future of, XI. 55; XII.
293. Delicate qursliim as to.
XLio6. Independence of. XII.
282. News of, 297. Should be
— ~ :: Y - :.:
T _ :- - : i _~ A ' : 1 5
-' ' - • : ~_- .:-.r- IV. 503
4 CURTIUS," letters of. VIIL 101.
CUSHIXG. WILLIAM, death of, XI.
150. 153.
CUTTING. J. B., aid to impresaed
seamen, VI. 388.
D
DALLAS, ALBXAXDEM,
1814, 7 December, XI. 440
Jeff
V::
XIL 56
X. 231
— 2 i6
DALTOV, TRJSTAM,
1817, 2 May,
L A • i ; ; : ~ . ; i > •
1806, 15 February,
— 12 September.
DA VILA (see ADAMS, JOHX,.
DAVIS, JOHX.
; • ;_ : • - . ^ XIL 331
DATTOX, JOXATHAX,
1807, 17 August, X. 478
Changed politics of, VIIL 369.
'.—.'.'.: i\-. I .-.'. ~- - — '.'. _- •
DEAXE, SILAS, poverty of. V.
494. Wish of. that the *+*****•
were an ocean of fire, YIIL 287.
DEARBOXX. HEXRT.
1 80 1, 1 8 February, IX. 154
1*02. 22 \<*embrr, —
1805. JI T^fff "'n*r. 7L 2i:
1806, 6 January, — 219
12 December,
-'-
22
— 22 Tune.
— ;J«iy,
— 9
— ;S —
: • : • " - ^_~
— 2* 1^7
— ; Aurun.
. -V - .
XL
XII 2=
one generation. VI. 6: XL 297.
~ ' - " - " . " " •: '- ' 7". '-•-.'. — " _ -
tions, VII. 102.
Debt, U. S. (see also Assumption;
HAMILTOX).V.22.486; VII. 124:
VHI.244. Purchase of French.
I. 125; V. 291. 316, 321. 376;
VI. 112. 288. Certain pay
ment of, IV. 443. Distinction
49$
The Writings of
Debt, U. S. — Continued.
between foreign and domes
tic, 443. Description of, 470.
Time to supply means for pay
ment of, V. 138. Measures taken
concerning, 170. Western lands
will pay domestic, 376. Fund
ing of foreign, 436. Solidity of,
486. Assignment of, VI. 67.
Funding of domestic, 78; XI.
374. Embarrassed by assump
tion, VI. 83 . Opinion on foreign,
131, 243. Arrangements for,
138. Situation of, 306. French,
403. Sacredness of, 479. Evils
of, 488. Comparison with debts
of other countries, VII. 124.
Jefferson accused of desiring
not to pay, 141, 142. Proposed
clause concerning, 181. Charge
that the Republicans oppose
payment of, 191. Jefferson's
opinion upon use of foreign
loans, 270, 272. Washington's
instructions concerning, 271.
Modifications of French, 359.
Genet's proposition concerning,
369>377»385- Payment of, 391 ;
IX. 336, 411; X. 39, 116, 130,
316,525. Settlement of French ,
VII. 404. Affected by embargo,
XI. 70. Extinguishment of , 7 1 ,
125. Jefferson's recommenda
tions concerning, 297. Exor
bitant rates of interest on, 301.
Importance of payment of,
XII. 207.
Debts: Bill to suspend executions
for, II, 294. Bill for speedy re
covery of, 325. ^
Debts due British Citizens by
Americans (see also Great Brit
ain, Treaty of 1783), I. 220;
IV. 185, 332; V. 96, 228. Pro
ceedings of States in relation
to, V. 17. Virginia's share of,
28. Payment of, into State
treasuries, 46. Jefferson's pri
vate views on, 103. Views of
English merchants on, 107.
Question of interest on, 242,
245. Clause in treaty of 1783
concerning, VI 1 . 4 2 . State legis
lation concerning, 47-52. Uni
formly recognized by courts,
60. Situation of, in 1792, 102.
Case of Pagan, 280.
Debts, State (see Assumption of
State Debts').
"DECIUS," letters of, X, 286.
Reply to, 290.
Declaration of Independence (see
Independence} .
Declaration on Taking up Arms,
I. 17 ; II. no.
DELAPLAINE, JOSEPH,
1816,26 July, XII. 28
Delaware: Political change in,
IX. 282, 284. Governorship of,
369. Conduct of representa
tives of, 369. Removals in, 376.
Peculiar politics of, XII. 62.
Democratic Societies: Menace of,
I. 306. Washington's disap
proval of, VIII. 156. Denun
ciation of, 176.
Denmark: Diplomatic agent from,
VI. 137. Commercial restric
tions of, 364. Status of Ameri
can commerce with, VIII. 107.
DENNIE, JOSEPH, a monarchist,
X-3.95-
Desertion: Proclamation to en
courage British, III. 163.
DESFOURNEAUX, letter of, IX.
51. Negotiations of, on behalf
of Guadaloupe, 47, 53.
DEXTER, SAMUEL,
1 80 1, 20 February, IX. 186
DICKINSON, JOHN,
1801, 6 March, IX. 201
— 23 July, — 280
1803, 9 August, X. 28
1807, 13 January, — 340
Middle course of, I. 14. Decla
ration on taking up arms,
17; II. no. Arguments on
independence, I. 21. Unsatis
factory conduct of, V. 39.
Farmers' Letters of, 188.
Attitude of, towards in
dependence, 335, 337.
DIGGES, THOMAS,
1788, 19 June, V. 408
DINWIDDIE, GOVERNOR, dispute
with, IV. 103.
Diplomatic Appointments, I. 186;
VI. 211, 324, 360, 380. In 1790,
54, 58, 145. Rotation in, 148;
IX. 307. Message on, VI. 357.
Thomas Jefferson
499
Dipl. A ppointments — Continued .
Dislike of, 360, 381, 412. Ac
tion of Senate upon, 364, 367.
Silence of Jefferson upon, VII.
163.
Direct Tax, VIII. 152. Quibble
concerning, VII. 195, 197.
Proposition concerning, VIII.
300. Repeal of, IX. 411.
Dissenters, I. 61.
Doctors: Value of, XII. 108.
Doctors' Riot, V. 407.
DONALD, ALEXANDER,
1787, 28 July, V. 307
1790, 29 August, VI. 145
Suggested as Jefferson's agent,
V. 310.
DOUGLAS, WILLIAM, I. 5.
Draft, Military: Unpopularity of,
II. 304.
Drawbacks: System of, XL 537.
Droit d'Aubaine: Discussion of,
VI. 136.
Drought: Excessive, XII. 37.
Drunkenness: Much commoner in
America than in Europe, V.
!67.
DUANE, WILLIAM (see also Au
rora),
1801, 23 May, IX. 255
24JMUly,
1803,
1806,
1807,
1810,
22 March,
20 July,
13 No
XI.
240
47°
XII.
19
195
264
267
317
November,
1811, 28 March,
— 30 April
1812, 4 August,
— i October,
1824, 31 May,
Prosecution of, IX. 256, 257.
Financial difficulties of, XI.
189. Defection from Repub
lican party, XII. 316. For
mer services of, 316. Jeffer
son requests appointment
for, 317.
DUER, WILLIAM, alleged threat of,
I. 248, 267. Check to, VI. 408.
Failure of, 472. Threats
against, 479. Jefferson's sus
picion against, VII. 251.
DUMAS, 0. W. F.,
1786, 2 February, III. 324
1790, 23 June, VI. 81
— 13 July, — 95
1792, 3 June, VII. 99
Agency of, IV. 374. Jefferson's
opinion of, V. 112. Refer
ences to, 287. U. S. position
in Holland, 321.
DUMOURIEZ, 0. F., rumors con
cerning, VII. 344, 346. Deser
tion of, 410. Apostasy of, 418.
DUNBAR, WILLIAM,
1 80 1, 12 January, IX. 170
1803, 17 July, X. 19
— 21 September, — 20
DUNMORE, LORD, movements of,
in Virginia, V. 199.
Du PLAINE, CONSUL, violent con
duct of, VIII. ii, 14.
DUPONT DE NEMOURS, P. S.,
1802, 18 January, IX. 342
1803, i February, - 436
1807, 14 July, X. 460
1811,15 April, XI. 196
1816, 24 — — 519
Friendly conduct of, V. 358.
Arrival of, IX. 94.
Duties (see Tariff).
East Indies: News from, VI. 252.
Eastern States (see New England).
EBELING, PROF., information for,
VIII. 205.
Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in Va.,
II. 17-
EDEN, WILLIAM, dislike of Amer
ica, V. 348.
EDGEWORTH, MARIA, moral tales
of, XL 208.
Education: Bill to increase, II.
414; V. 153. System of, IV.
60. Years for, 63. Political
need for, 64. Jefferson's advice
to Randolph concerning, V.
174. Approval of, VIII. 163.
Importance of, in a democracy,
IX. 143. Possible use of sur
plus revenue for, X. 317. Plan
of elementary, for Virginia, XL
448. Tax for public, 497. Bill
for XII. 23. General system of ,
for Virginia, 77.
EDWARDS, ENOCH,
1793, 8 May, VII. 321
— 30 December, VIII. 134
EDWARDS, JOHN,
1797, 22 January, VIII. 276
The Writings of
EDWARDS, PIERREPONT,
1801, 29 March, IX. 245
— 21 July, — 278
Elk, American: Buffon's desire to
obtain, V. 75. Jefferson's gift
of, to Buffon, 352.
ELLERY, CHRISTOPHER,
1803, 19 May, IX. 466
ELLICOTT, ANDREW,
1806, i November, X. 299
ELLSWORTH, OLIVER, nomination
to French mission, IX. 60, 62.
Resigns Chief -Justiceship, 159.
Embargo: Application of, I. 421.
Proclamation of 1779, II. 491.
Embargo of 1808: An alternative
of war, VII. 250; XI. 30. Prop
osition for, VIII. 148, 150.
Senate rejects bill for, 320.
Supplementary law, XI. 24.
Effect of, 31, 69. Merits of, 40.
Neglect of New England to
enforce, 40. Rules governing
vessels under, 41-44. Frauds
under, 41, 46, 74. Liking of
Napoleon for, 5 1 . Rumor of a
repeal of, 75. A weapon against
Europe, 85. Circular letter con
cerning, 87. Special session of
Congress for action on, 90, 95.
Has federalized New England,
90, 103. Revolution of opinion
concerning, 97. Sudden repeal
of, 97, 101. Evil of repeal of,
143. A preliminary to the dec
laration of war, 233. Predicted
effect of continuance of, 478.
Jefferson's consultation with J.
Q. Adams concerning, XII.
420, 426. Circumstances gov
erning abandonment of, 423.
Encyclopedic Methodique, IV. 376,
380, 424, 504; V. 80. Jeffer
son's revision of, V. 3. Article
on U. S. in, 168, 171, 180, 183,
221.
Enemy's property under law of
nations, VII. 14.
England: Jefferson's trip to, V.
86, 99.
Entail in Va., I. 58, 68, 112.
EPICURUS, Jefferson a believer in,
XII. 140. Doctrines of, 144.
Episcopacy: Fundamentals of, II.
258.
Episcopal Church (see Estab
lished Church).
EPPES, FRANCIS,
I775» 26 June, II. 107
— 4 July, — 1 08
— 10 October, — 137
— 24 — i39
— 7 November, — 141
— 21 — 142
J776» J5 July» — 221
— 23 — — 23i
— 9 August, — 235
1783, 14 January, IV. 123
- 4 March, — 141
1790, 4 July, VI. 84
— 25 — — 106
1792, 14 April, — 478
J793. l6 January, VII. 213
EPPES, FRANCIS, JR.,
1821, 19 January, XII. 194
Bequest to, XII. 478.
EPPES, JOHN WAYLES,
1793, 23 May, VII. 341
1797, 21 December, VIII. 346
1807, 28 May, X. 412
— 12 July, - 457
1 8 10, 17 January, XI. 129
1811, 5 — 159
1813, 24 June, — 297
— n September, — 306
— 6 November, — 315
1814, 9 September, — 422
EPPES, MARY JEFFERSON,
1800, 17 January, IX. 92
1 80 1, 4 January, — 166
Death of, X. 86.
Equity: System of, VII. 126.
Erie Canal: Cutting of, XII. 69.
ERSKINE, WILLIAM, Jefferson's
interview with, I. 424. Letter
of, X. 474. Desires communi
cation with British ships, 479.
Escheat: Bill concerning, II. 365,
387, 448.
Essence d 'Orient: Process a secret
one, V. 155.
Established Church, I. 61; II. 17.
ESTAING, COUNT D', gift of Geor
gia to, V. 81.
Etiquette: Rules of governmental,
X. 47.
Europe: Politics of, 1785-7, I.
113. A work-shop for America,
IV. 86. Emigrants from, 87.
Probable war in, 3 7 2 . Quiet in,
Thomas Jefferson
501
Europe — Con tinned .
391. Disrespect for America in,
400; V. 79. Internal affairs of,
IV. 416. Condition of, V. 74.
Governments of, a preying of
the rich on the poor, 253. Com
parison with America, a com
parison of hell and heaven, 332.
News of, 332, 358, 398, 402,
464; VI. 47. All going to war,
V. 339. Future of, not deci
pherable ,377. General war in ,
VII. 266. Redivision of, VIII.
378. Avoidance of political
connection with, IX. 308. Res
toration of peace to, 407. Out
break of war in, X. 41, 178,
179. Suspension of intercourse
with, XI. 30. Violation of
rights by, 214. Revolutionary
ferment in, XII. 185, 190. Can
nibals of, 239. Affairs of, 257.
Jefferson's speculations con
cerning future of, 281. Predic
tion of revolutions in, 281.
Interference in, 292. U. S.
should stand apart from, 292.
Possible republicanization of,
322.
EVERETT, EDWARD,
1826, 8 April, XII. 469
Excise: Proposed, VI. 154. Law
passed, 194. Unpopular in
South, 211. Odious to people,
489; VII. 338. Proclamation
concerning, 153, 338. Impos
sible to enforce, 338. Law com
pared with Tea Act, VIII. 155.
An infernal law, 157. An in
strument for dismembering the
Union, 158. A vexatious and
unproductive tax, XI. 202.
Jefferson's altered views con
cerning, XII. 284.
Executive (see also President} :
Evil of dual, VIII. 2 1 8. Advan
tages of singular over plural,
XI. 183.
Exercise: Necessity for, V. 178.
Expatriation: Right of, IX. 341;
X. 273; XII. 66.
Extradition: Rules governing, VI.
319. Difficulties presented by,
409. Convention with Spain
concerning, 445, 450, 460.
F
Farmers General of France, IV.
386; V. 137, 159. Negotiations
with, IV. 498. Tobacco con
tract of, V. 84. Tobacco con
tract with Morris, 102, 109.
Farming, American (see also
Agriculture}: Degrees of skill
in, VI. 76. Jefferson's pleasure
in, VIII. 134, 145.
FARRELL & JONES, Jefferson's
debts to, V. 90, 235, 241, 244,
3°9-
Fast Day: Jefferson's refusal to
appoint, XL 7.
FAUCHET, CLAUDE, pamphlet by,
VIII. 349. 35°-
FAUQUIER, GOVERNOR, I. 6.
Federal City (see Capital, Na
tional; Washington, City of).
Federal Courts (see also Judi
ciary): In relation to State
courts, V. 285.
Federal Jurisdiction: Necessity
for limiting, VI. 350. Tendency
to encroach, 350.
Federal Number, I. 47.
"Federalist, The": Jefferson's
opinion of, V. 433.
Federalists: Tricks of, I. 180; IX.
203. Monarchical tendency of,
VI. 490, 493. Composition of,
VIII. 208. Policy of, IX. 8,
114. Action of, in Presidential
election of 1800, 161, 162, 166.
Public opinion setting against,
135. Wonderful change in, 203.
Jefferson's desire to conciliate,
205. Great body of, are real
republicans, 236; XI. 34. Divi
sions among, IX. 236; XI. 276.
Principles governing, IX. 268.
To be distinguished from mon
archists, 284. Despair of, 370.
Compassing their own defeat,
397. Slanders of, 397, 400; XI.
76, 162. Endeavor of, to make
the Louisiana question a per
sonal one, IX. 442. Candidates
for the Presidency, 450. Return
of, to reason, 470. Number of
removals of, X. 26. Proposed
coalition of, with republicans,
74. Disappearance of, 421;
502
The Writings of
Federalists — Continued.
XII. 62, 323. Obiects of, XII.
254. Use of Washington as a
stalking-horse, 369
FENNO, JOHN, Toryism of Gazette
of, VI. 255, 263, 290
FENWICK, JOSEPH,
1791, 30 August, VI. 312
Fiction: Value of, II. 12. Inor
dinate passion for, XII. 91. In
jurious effect of, 91.
FIELD, MARY, I. 4.
Filibustering: Cabinet opinion
upon, VII. 257. Necessity for
laws controlling, X. 313. Burr's
scheme of, XI. 52.
Finance, U. S. (see also Debt, U .
S.; Funds, U. S.; Hamilton;
Revenue, U . S.} : Questions as
to, I. 269. In 1783, IV. 236.
Effect of speculation on, VI.
286, 308. New measures of,
VII. 262. Derangement in,
VIII. 222, 223; XL 452. Jeffer
son's recommendations con
cerning, 297. Objects of, 306.
Proposed system of, 382, 432,
437. Deficit in, XII. 185.
FINDLEY, WILLIAM,
1801, 24 March, IX. 224
Fish: Trade in, IV. 486, 499.
French arre'ts relative to, V. 133.
Fisheries: Possible loss of, XI.
395. Contest for, XII. 107.
Fish Oils, V. 294.
FITZHUGH, PEREGRINE,
1797, 4 June, VIII. 298
1798, 23 February, — 375
FLEMING, WILLIAM,
1763, — September, I. 444
1764, 20 March, — 450
1773, 19 May, II. 38
1776, i July, — 197
1779, 8 June, — 373
— 7 August, — 462
1781, 13 May, III. 279
FLORIDA, GOVERNOR OF,
1791, 10 March, VI. 212
Florida: Proposed purchase of, I.
374, 382, 386; VII. 268; IX.
418; X. 289. Rendition of fugi
tive slaves from, VI. 212, 226,
319. Invitation for American
settlement of, 239. Boundary
of, VII. 173; X. 20. Proposed
seizure of, X. 476; XL 43, 44,
50, 1 60. Delicate question as
to, 1 06. Military seizures in,
XII. 114. Certain to be part of
the Union, 160. Spanish land
grants in, 218.
Flour: Grinding of, in U. S., V.
1 66. New England frauds in
licenses for importation of, XL
40, 45, 74. Sale of, 234, 247.
Price of, XII. 158.
FLOYD, Miss, IV. 146, 171.
Fluvana: Navigation of the, XI.
493-
FONTAINE, REV. JAMES, I. 464.
Fontainebleau: Description of
VIII. 194.
FORD, WORTHINGTON 0., II. 158.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SECRETARY
FOR,
1783, 7 February, IV. 133
— 14 — 134
— 14 — 135
- '* - - 136
— 13 March, — 142
1786, 12 V. 85
— 23 April, — 95
— 23 May, — 112
— 27 — — u6
1787, 4 — — 269
1789, 30 September, VI. 16
— 23 November, — 21
Foreigners (see also Alien Law;
Asylum; Expatriation): Procla
mation concerning, III. 161.
Foreign Influence (see also Eu
rope}: Article on, IX. 34.
Foreign Missions: Principles gov
erning U. S. as to, IX. 228-
230, 307. Informal appoint
ments to, by Washington, 349.
FORONDA, DON VALENTINE DE,
1809, 4 October, XL 117
FORREST, URIAH,
1787, 31 December, V. 379
Fossil Bones, III. 304; IV. 239;
VIII. 253, 278. Discovery of,
IX. 151. Jefferson's suggestion
concerning, 373.
FOSTER, A. J., negotiations with,
XL 210.
FOSTER, THEODORE,
1801, 9 May, IX. 251
Fox, 0. J., disgust of, with Prince
of Wales, V. 443.
Thomas Jefferson
503
France (see also French; Berlin
Decrees; BONAPARTE; Debt, U.
S.; GENET; Farmers General;
Privateers, French; X. Y. Z.
Mission) : Jefferson's tour in,
I. 109, 126. Noblesse of, 134.
Constitution for, 141, 152.
Proposed congratulations to,
207,211. Pro posed commercial
treaty with, 207, 255, 317; VI.
335. 337, 402; VIII. 3. Wash
ington's desire for closer con
nection with, I. 247; VII. 204.
Military successes of, I. 248;
VII. 195, 453; VIII. 147, 306.
Advances of money to, I. 248,
259, 263; VI. 484; VII. 239,
248, 259, 302. Governmental
hostility to, I. 340. Alleged
federal caucus concerning, 349.
Commercial decrees of, 425; V.
239; VI. 292, 312, 362; VII.
246; VIII. 128, 290, 372; XI.
19, 107, 150. Fleet of, II. 482;
III. 169, 177, 181, 186, 197;
VIII. 22. Aid from, III. 247.
Condition of, IV. 381, 405, 424,
426; V. 222. Enormous change
in, 467. News of, VI. 37; VII.
206; VIII. 1 8. Jefferson's pref
erence to return to, VI. 39, 41.
Probably involved in Anglo-
Spanish difficulty, 115. U. S.
commerce with, V. 226, 292;
VII. 227. Opens her ports to
American oils, V. 239. Cabinet
changes in, 349, 357, 424. Pro
posed transfer of debt due, 376.
Sketch of a charter for, 479,
481. Misfortunes of, 487. Pro
posed constitution for, 488.
Project for a colony in America,
VI. 117. Objects to tonnage
laws of the U. S., 175. Need of
government in, 185. Tonnage
duties of, 227. Friendly con
duct of U. S. towards, in regard
to San Domingo, 331. Ques
tions in relation to, 337; VII.
227. U. S. policy towards, VI.
374; VII. 250. American debt
to, VI. 402. Duties on wines of,
484. Commercial retaliation
against, 485. Suspension of
payments to, VII. 162. What
constitutes government of, 198,
199. Famine in, 214. Notes on
application of, 228. Becomes a
republic, 247. Union of Powers
against, 250. Execution of king
of, 251. Changes in govern
ment of, 259. War declared
against, by England and Hol
land, 275. Captures by, 282,
301, 306, 312, 325, 330, 332; X.
204; XII. 51, 107. Promises of ,
VII. 305. American sympathy
with, 309. Defeat of forces of,
310, 311. Adherents of, in
U. S., 324, 410. Offers U. S.
everything and asks nothing,
337. Popular demonstration iri
favor of, 341. Offers of, de
clined, 346. Offences against
other nations, 410. Improved
condition of, 419. Probable dis
gust of, 448. Treaty rights of,
VIII. 38. Gloomy affairs of, 64.
Friendly conduct of, 80. Status
of American commerce with,
103. Agreement of , to doctrine
of "free ships, free goods," 121.
Condition of laborers in, 194.
Project to address President
concerning war with, 265.
Relations with, in 1797, 272.
Unfriendly conduct of, 303.
Refuses to declare war against
U. S., 312. Pacific intentions
of, 371. Vote on war with, 395,
404, 406. Impossible to avoid
war with, 414. Bill to permit
capture of ships of, 427. Bill to
suspend intercourse with, 434.
Just cause for war against, 437.
Conciliatory attitude of, IX. 4.
Popular feeling against, 21.
Non-intercourse bill against,
33. Anxious for reconciliation,
42. Measures of provocation
against, 48. Bonaparte over
turns Directory in, 101,106,111.
Negotiations with, 144; XI. 57.
New treaty with, IX. 157, 159,
172, 295, 301, 305. Question of
restoring prizes to, 277. Amity
with, 357. Natural friend of
U. S., 364. Government of, un
friendly to U. S., 396. Condi
tion of, not to be despaired of,
504
The Writings of
France — Continued.
402. Friendly measures of U. S.
towards, X. 230. Apocryphal
tale of U. S. making common
cause with, XI. 36. Proposed
non-intercourse with, 97. Re
vocation of Berlin decrees, 107,
150. Trial of plural executive
in, 183. A den of robbers, 220.
Folly of war with, 248. Revo
lutionary experiments in, 455.
Progress of Revolution in, 455.
Condition of, 500; XII. 103.
Change of monarchy in, XII. 44.
Progress of, 61. Militarism
in schools of, 77. Slow growth
of freedom in, 310.
Franking: Privilege of, XI. in.
"FRANKLIN," writings under sig
nature of, VII. 507; VIII. 12,32.
FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN,
1777, 13 August, II. 306
1784, 19 June, f IV. 365
Speech on Confederation, I. 50.
Anecdote by, 85. Brevity of,
90. Interview with, 159.
Proposed attack on character
of, 259. Tribute to, III. 459.
Anecdotes of, 126; XII. 108.
Enmity of Mazzei to, IV. 2 7 1 .
Letter from, 273. Wounded
at treatment of grandson,
374, 431. Allowance as Min
ister to France, 378; V. 395.
Invents cylinder lamp, IV.
380. American reception of,
431, 455. Departure from
France, 441. Quotation
from letter of, V. 130. Value
of conversations with, 156.
Title of, of Doctor, 196. Pro
posed articles of Confedera
tion of, 199. Illness of, 431.
Characterization of John
Adams by, 485. Death of,
VI. 54. Copy of Mitchell's
map sent by, 155. Resolu
tions of French Assembly on
death of, 163, 207. Remi
niscences of, 206. Govern
mental observance of death
of , X . 3 2 . Conduct in society,
XI. 81. Political enemies of,
XII. 1 06. Humane proposi
tions of, concerning war, 467.
FRANKLIN, WILLIAM TEMPLE,
1790, 16 July, VI. 105
— 27 November, — 155
Interview with, I. 160. Wish
of, for public office, IV. 374.
Character of, 430.
FRANKS, DAVID, IV. 374. Char
acter of, 137; V. 259.
FRAUNCES, A. G., case of, I. 278.
"Free Ships, Free Goods1': Gen
eral law of, VII. 457. Case of,
458. Opinion upon, 460. Ex
planation of the origin of, VIII.
120. Principle of, IX. 296.
French: Character of the, I. 157.
Charm of the, IV. 426. Misun
derstood in America, V. 224.
Light character of, 263. Volun
tarily leaving America, VIII.
415, 425, 429.
French Colonies: Probable action
of, VI. 138. American com
merce with, 139. Policy tow
ards, 299. Future of, VII. no.
U. S. guarantee of, 282, 288,
361.
French Consuls, Circular to the,
I793> 7 September, VIII. 41
French Language: Value of, XII.
91.
FRENCH MINISTER:
1779, 10 November, II. 482
1781, 12 April, III. 246
1783, 7 February, IV. 132
1791, 12 August, VI. 302
— i September, — 316
1792, 16 October, VII. 164
— 23 — 167
— 20 November, — 181
1793, 14 January, — 212
— 13 February, — 234
— 14 — 239
— 17 — 245
— 23 — — 247
— 5 Apnl, — 274
— 30 — — 302
— 3 May, — - 307
— 15 — — 328
22 340
— i June, — 352
— 5 — — 362
— ii — — 377
— 17 — — 396
— 17 — — 401
— 19 — — 403
Thomas Jefferson
505
FRENCH MINISTER — Continued.
J793. 19 June, VII. 404
-23 — — 407
— 25 — — 411
— 29 — — 422
-29 — — 423
— 30 — — 423
— 1 2 July, — 445
— 24 — — 456
— 7 August, — 468
- 9 September, VIII. 34
— 12 — 41
—li 5 — 3 — 46
— 8 November, — 60
— 22 — 73
_3o — 83
— 9 December, — 89
— 31 — J35
(See also GENET; FAUCHET):
Reception of, VII. 281, 290.
FRENCH MINISTER OF FOREIGN
RELATIONS,
1786, 15 August, V. 157
French Revolution (see also France;
BONAPARTE): History of, I. 105,
127. Assembly of, 1789, 141.
Attack on Bastille, 145. Exe
cution of Louis XVI., 149.
Opinions upon, 338; V. 393;
VII. 357; VIII. 173. Chieflyre-
markable for the number of
puns and bon-mots furnished,
V. 263. Notables assemble, 263,
434. Jefferson predicts, 317.
Progress of, 454, 467; VI. 64,
287, 309. Probable mistake of
nobility in, V. 472. Few ob
stacles encountered by, 477.
Divisions of classes respecting,
478. Jacobins the republicans
of, VII. 202. Jefferson at
tached to, 322.
French Treaty of 1778: Questions
as to, I. 267, 288; VII. 283, 301.
Guarantees in, V. 364. Discus
sion of clause in, VI. 135.
FRENEAU, PHILIP, abuse of Wash
ington in paper of, I. 274. Ap
pointment of, 274. Offer of
office to, VI. 257. Attempts of,
to establish newspaper, 264.
Appointment of, VII. 143. Es
tablishes newspaper, 143.
Newspaper of, circulating in
Massachusetts, 179. Attacks
on, 422. Gazette of, discon
tinued, VIII. 57, 64.
FREDERICK 1 1., approaching death
of, V. 131. Works of, 446.
Friction: Possible diminution of,
VI. 188.
Frontier Posts (see Posts, Fron
tier).
FRY, JOHN,
1823, 2 December, XII. 326
FRY, JOSHUA, I. 4.
FULTON, ROBERT,
1807, 1 6 August, X. 477
Marine experiments of, X. 450.
Torpedoes of, 477.
Funds, U. S. (see also Assump
tion; Debt, U. S.; Finance, U.
S.; HAMILTON; Revenue, U. S.}:
Speculation in, VI. 363, 408.
Fall in, 413; VII. 99, 261, 309.
Fur Trade, IV. 483 ; V. 117. Voy
age to develop, VI. 43. Loss of,
through British retention of
posts, VII. 45. Astor's post on
the Columbia River, XI. 244.
Gaelic Language, II. 36.
GAGE, GEN. G. T., faith broken
by, II. 121. Appointment of,
V. 195-
GAINES, EDMUND PENDLETON,
1807, 23 July, X. 472
Complaints of, 472.
GALBAUD, GOVERNOR, arrest of,
I. 322.
GALLATIN, ALBERT.
1801, 12 November, IX. 258
— 28 August, — 291
— 1 8 September, — 304
— 28 November, — 319
— 14 — 322
— 16 _ — — 322
1802, i April, — 358
— 19 June, — 379
— 13 September, — 394
— 7 October, — 395
— 13 — 398
— 3 August, — 406
1803, 10 February, — 443
— 28 March, — 455
— January, X. 3
— 1 2 July, — 15
— 25 — — 26
— 3 October, — 35
— i? — — 35
— 29 — — 45
506
The Writings of
GALLATIN, ALBERT — Continued
1803, 9 November,
— 13 December, —
1804, 30 May,
— 23 August,
i September, —
o
— 8
— 2Q October,
1805, 3 April,
— 29 May,
— 7 August,
— 23 October,
— 20 November,
— 24 —
— 26 —
— 4 December,
— 3 November,
1806, 15 June,
— 19 —
— 26 —
— 15 August
— 16
— 28 —
— 31 —
— 12 October,
— 14 November,
— 12 December,
— 18 —
1807, 4 January,
2
22 February,
— i June,
Z25! Jul^
10
— 16 —
— 21 October,
21
21
— 22 November,
— 1 8 December,
— 29 —
1808, 31 March,
— 30
— 2 April,
— 25 October,
— ii August,
— 30 —
— 30 October,
1809, II —
1810, 27 September,
1816, 8 —
1817, 16 June,
1818, 9 April,
— 24 November,
1820, 26 December,
1822, 29 October,
1823, 2 August,
XI,
XII.
46
56
81
97
99
100
105
139
146
170
178
184
184
185
200
201
208
269
270
273
28l
282
282
284
294
302
3IO
324
32|
336
338
339
346
432
432
452
466
503
509
TOP
528
530
531
24
ll
26
48
58
124
152
34
70
93
103
261
299
Wish that he shall investigate
public finances, VIII. 224.
Notes on President's
sage, Nov., 1801, 326.
Speech of, 230; IX. 46, 61.
mes-
Re-
marks on fourth annual mes
sage, X. 1 06. Endeavor to
alienate from Jefferson, 294.
Notes for sixth annual mes
sage, 306. Notes on gun-boat
message, 365. Opinion of, on
British negotiations, 484.
Amendments to seventh an
nual message, Oct. 21, 1807,
506. Draft for eighth annual
message, XI. 59. Jefferson's
praise of, 124. Possible resig
nation of, 124, 132, 137.
Aurora's attacks on, 189.
Jefferson's opinion of, 190.
Approved of banks, 200.
GALLOWAY, JOSEPH, value of tes
timony of, XII. 122.
GAMBLE, JAMES,
1807, 21 October, X. 483
GARDNER, WILLIAM P.,
1813, 19 February, XI. 280
GARDOQUI, DON DIEGO, secret-
service money spent by, I. 337.
GARNETT, ROBERT J.,
1824, 14 February, XII. 341
GARRARD, COLONEL JAMES,
III.
III.
1781, 14 April,
Gaspee Inquiry, I. 9.
GATES, HORATIO,
1780, 4 August,
— 15 October,
— 22
— 28
— 10 November,
— 19
1781, 17 February,
— 14 December,
1784, 7 May,
— 13 December,
1797, 30 May,
1798, 21 February,
1 80 1, 8 March,
1803, ii July,
GEM, DR.,
1789, 6 September,
Gene see Tract: Pamphlet
scribing, VI. 275, 277.
GENET, E. 0. (see FRENCH MINIS
TER), appointment of, I. 254.
IV.
VIII.
IX.
X.
VI.
251
40
60
64
68
72
79
294
347
389
294
205
12
II
de-
Thomas Jefferson
507
GENET, E. C. — Continued.
Question as to receiving, 2 63 ;
VII. 266. Expedition of
Michaux, I. 281, 357. Scheme
to conquer Louisiana, 281.
Anger over Little Sarah, 282.
Information from, 295. Ques
tion as to governmental con
duct towards, 297. Proposed
request for recall of, 297, 305.
Jefferson's conference with,
298; II. 113. Proposed appeal
against, I. 306. Draft of letter
concerning, 315. Letters of,
324, 331. Proposed dismissal
of, 325, 326. Arrival of, ex
pected, VII. 301, 310. Popular
reception of, 336. Address to,
336. Presents letters of cre
dence, 337, 385. Proposition
of, concerning U. S. debt to
France, 369, 377, 385. Com
missions issued by, 388. Mis
taken conduct of, 417, 449, 464,
477; VIII. 11,33,46, 73. Un
fortunate appointment of, VII.
436. Character of, 436. U. S.
requests recall of, 464 ,477. As
tonishing ignorance of interna
tional law, 464. Proceedings of,
482 ; VIII. 4. Opinion on recall
of, 5. Appeal of, to public, 7,
12. In j ury to republicans by , 1 2 .
Jefferson suspects, of treachery,
34. Statement concerning
threat and appeal, 50. Public
letter of, 59. Dislike of Presi
dent, 59. Complaints against
Gouverneur Morris, 93. Com
plaint of libellous publication,
119. Unpleasant transactions
with, 134. Informed that his
communications must be with
the President, 135. Recall of, 139.
Geneva Academy: Proposition to
remove the, to U. S., VIII. 153,
163.
Geology: Jefferson's views upon,
^ V- 343-
GEORGE III., reception of Jeffer
son, I. 97. Character of, V. 93.
Jefferson's wish that his life
should continue, 146. Tory
education of, 194. Recovering
his mind, 454.
GEORGE IV., character of, while
Prince of Wales, V. 441.
Georgetown (see Capital, Na
tional).
Georgia: Claim to lands in, IV.
487,489. Gift of, to D'Estaing,
V. 81. Validity of land grants
of, VI. 55. Spanish claim to,
415, 419. Depredations of Creek
Indians in, VII. 347. Suspen
sion of judgments in, XL 471.
Resistance to national govern
ment by force of arms, XII.
425, 429
GEORGIA, GOVERNOR OF,
1791, 26 March, VI. 226
GERRY, ELBRIDGE,
1797, 13 May, VIII. 283
— 21 June, - 313
1799, 26 January, IX. 15
1 80 1, 29 March, — 240
1802, 28 August, — 390
1804, 3 March, X. 73
1812, ir June, XL 255
Abuse of, I. 347. Named as
special envoy to France,
VIII. 313. Fear that he will
refuse, 320. Negotiations of,
in France, IX. 6, 10. Jeffer
son urges him to make full
statement concerning X. Y.
Z. mission, 24. Despatches
of, 27. Letters of, 36. Jef
ferson's first meeting with,
XL 255. Life of, XII. 274.
Wavering conduct of, 275.
GILES, WILLIAM BRANCH,
1794, 17 December, VIII. 155
1795, 27 April, - 172
— 31 December, — 201
1796, 19 March, - 227
1801, 23 — IX. 222
1802, 6 April, — 361
1807, 20 — X. 383
1823, 9 June, XII. 289
— 29 August, — 304
1825, 25 December, — • 418
— 26 — 424
Resolutions of, I. 261; VII. 253.
Jefferson's draft of resolu
tions of, 220.
GILMER, FRANCIS W.,
1816, 7 June, XL 533
GILMER, GEORGE,
1787, 12 August, V. 328
5o8
The Writings of
GILMER, GEORGE — Continued.
1790, 27 June, VI. 83
1792, 15 December, VII. 194
1793, 15 March, — 262
— 28 June, — 417
GlRARDIN, L. H.,
1815, 12 March, II. 331
History of Virginia, XI. 511.
GODFREY, T., inventor of quad
rant, III. 460.
GODWIN vs. LUNAN, case of, II.
16.
Gold and Silver: Respective value
of, IV. 411; V. 240.
GONZALEZ, BLAS, affairs of, VI.
43-
GOODMAN, REED, BOYER &
DUANE,
1817, 21 August, XII. 75
GOODRICH, ELIZUR, appointment
of, IX. 246, 286.
GORDON, WILLIAM,
1788, 16 July, V. 417
GORDON, WILLIAM F.,
1826, i January, XII. 429
GORE, CHRISTOPHER,
1793, 2 September, VIII. 14
Government: Separation of de
partments of, I. 117; IV. 19-
21 ; V. 284, 319, 349. Indian
system of, III. 494, 499. Cor
ruption of, IV. 21. Defects of,
64. Fallibility of, 79. Three
forms of, V. 255. Monarchical,
one of wolves over sheep, 255.
First principle of, 349. How
far may one generation bind
another by? VI. 3. Republi
can, the only just form of, 34.
Books on, 63; X. 416. What
constitutes, VII. 175, 199. How
far diplomatic agents should
recognize de facto, 176. Will of
the nation the sole requisite of,
198. Right of people to alter,
425. Moral principles of, 522,
528; XII. 43. Constant altera
tion of, ii. Intention in es
tablishing, 136. Relation of,
162.
Grand Jury: A part of judiciary
system, VIII. 325, 338.
Grange: Capture of ship, VII. 306,
309-
GRANGER, GIDEON (see also Post
master-General),
1800, 13 August, IX. 138
1802, 29 — — 30?
1810, 22 October, XI. 155
1814, 9 March, — 383
Recommended for Supreme
Court judge, XI. 151. Ac
cused of being a partisan of
Burr, 385, 390.
GRASSE, COUNT DE,
1788, 19 January, V. 383
GRAYSON, WILLIAM, character of,
V. 150.^
Great Britain (see also British;
Canada; Commerce; Impress
ment; Jay Treaty; Neutrality) :
Dependence on, I. 7. Relations
of Colonies to, 14; II. 42, 63 ; V.
187; VII. 9. Mediation of, with
Indians not to be accepted, I.
20 1. Instructions concerning
armed ships of, 345. Appoint
ment of Pinkney to, 389.
Treaty of 1806 with, 395, 407;
X. 375, 380; XI. 12, 207. Out
rages by armed ships of, I. 396.
Negotiations with, 406; VI. 167,
iQ5. 343i x- 32o; XI. 20, 57.
Preparation for war with, I.
412, 415. Military preparations
of, 425; VII. 263. Probable de
claration of war with, I. 429.
Illegal acts of Parliament of, II.
71, 101, 115, 160, 203. Taxa
tion of America by, 102, 126.
Property of, in America, 365,
375» 387» 448- Cruelties of,
373, 447, 455; III. 251; V. 68,
195; XI. 355. Degeneracy of,
III. 461. Colonial system of,
IV. 5. Legislature of, 19. Cor
ruption of government of, 65.
Dislike of, for America, 265,
273. 372; V. 92, 95. American
commerce with, IV. 296; VII.
237; VIII. 104. How to force a
treaty from, IV. 373. Injustice
of, 373. Affairs of, 396, 402,
464; V. 100. Relations of U. S.
with, IV. 409; V. 88. Disagree-
ableness of people of, IV. 426.
Abuse of America in press of,
Thomas Jefferson
509
Great Britain — Continued.
467. Conciliatory proposition
of,V. 197. Ill conduct of , toward
U. S., 348. Natural enemy of
the U. S., 364. Possible war
with Spain, VI. 84, 89, 90, in.
Commercial policy of, 86, 242,
246, 339; VII. 240, 243; XL 40,
106, 136, 143, 210, 240. Design
of, on Louisiana and Florida,
VI. 90. Negotiations with,
for exchanging ministers, 122.
Course of the U. S. towards, in
1790,141. How far she shall be
informed of St. Clair expedi
tion, 143. Conduct of, in Revo
lution, 152. Impressments by,
170, 172, 388, 389. Navigation
act of, 220, 292. Warlike pro
ceedings of, 248. American
prejudices in favor of, 307.
Questions concerning, 338.
Disavows aid to Indians, 403.
Policy towards, 404; VII. 140;
VIII. ii. Commercial law of,
VI. 475, 477. Understand
ing with Spain, VII. 136.
Anxiety lest she should seize
Spanish- American possessions,
268. Declares war against
France, 275. Bankruptcies in,
309. Conduct of, concerning
neutrality, 310. Silence and re
serve of, 361. Intentions of,
415. Probable bankruptcy of,
416; VIII. 290; XI. 215. Ad
ditional instructions of, VIII.
11,24,45,82. Friendly conduct
of U. S. toward, 126. War feel
ing against, 143. Special mis
sion to, 143. Insults to U. S.
from, 145. Jefferson's opinion
of government of, 150. Mari
time aggressions of, 236, 277;
X. 256, 266, 434, 448, 454, 483,
500, 502, 508, 514; XL 369.
Countervailing act of, VIII.
368, 372. Rumor of an alliance
with, 392. Jefferson's desire for
friendship with, X. 77. Design
of, as to western hemisphere,
138. Jefferson's outline of pro
posed treaty with, 172, 176.
Settlement of differences with,
262, 272. Application of ships
of, for stores, 270. Congratula
tions from, on Louisiana pur
chase, 280. Relations of U. S.
with, 296. Interdiction of war
ships of, from U. S. ports, 326.
Histories of, 416. Chesapeake
proclamation of, 434. Warlike
conduct of armed ships of, 449,
459, 467, 495. Critical state of
relations with, 454. Probable
war with, 457, 489. Deserters
from, should not be enlisted,
482. Conduct to be observed
towards armed ships of, 484.
Will probably not make repara
tion for Chesapeake, 492. Mo
tives for conduct of, 493. Com
plaint against Capt. Porter, 494.
Relations with, 503; XL 258.
Reply of, relative to frigate
Chesapeake, X. 529. Orders in
Council of, XL 9, 51, 112, 210,
265, 364. Proposed non-inter
course with, 97. Folly and
faithlessness of ministry of, 112.
Jefferson's prophecies concern
ing, 156. Course of, towards
U. S., 162. A den of pirates,
220. Declaration of war with,
240,258. Motives for declaring
war against, 338. Terms of
peace with, 340. Government
of, totally without morality,
476. Necessity of reducing
maritime power of, 476. Nego
tiations with, to end impress
ment, 482. Hopeless financial
condition of, XII. 50. Selfish
principles of, 64. Walsh's
"Appeal from judgment of,"
156, 384. Double conduct of,
293. U. S. should cherish
cordial friendship with, 319.
Equivocal conduct of, 373.
Great Britain, Treaty of 1783, I.
81, 85; IV. 135, 143; VII. 13.
Discussion with Hammond con
cerning, I. 219. Receipt of, IV.
1 80. Report on, 183. Ratifica
tion of, 184, 203, 212, 215, 216,
219, 221, 240, 257. Resolution
concerning, 189. Arrangements
to completely execute, V.
88. Negotiations concerning,
VI. 123. Infringements of,
The Writings of
Great Britain — Continued.
1 66. Negotiations concerning,
167. Letter to minister concern
ing. 338- Ratification of, VII.
14. Negotiation of, 14, 90.
Loyalist clause of, 16. Inexecu-
tion of, 405; VIII. 24, 95.
Slave clause of, 95.
GREENE, NATHANAEL,
1781, 1 6 January, III. 134
— 10 February, — 166
— 17 — — 172
— i April, — 241
1785, 12 January, IV. 391
Opinion of militia, I. 276. Char
acter of, XII. 247.
GREGOIRE, HENRI,
1809, 25 February, XI. 99
Work of, on the negro, 120.
GRISWOLD, ROGER, dirty affair of,
n VIII. 395-
GROTJAN, THOMAS JEFFERSON,
1824, 10 January, XII. 331
Guadaloupe: Massacre in, VII.
345-
Guilford: Battle of, I. 276. Use of
militia in, 277.
Gun Boats: Disposition of, I. 421.
Building of, X. 41, 115; XI. 67.
Progress in building of, X. 312,
520. Special message on, 359.
Model for an improvement in,
492. Jefferson's belief in, 493;
XL 288.
H
Habeas Corpus: Importance of, V.
427.
HACKLEY, (?) , claim of, to
lands in Florida, XII. 217.
Halifax Expedition: Intentions of,
I. 426, 429.
HALL, GOVERNOR,
1802, 6 July, IX. 377
HAMILTON, ALEXANDER,
VI. 175
1791, i January,
1792, 5 March,
— 24 June,
1793, 27 March,
— i May,
— 8 —
— 3 June,
— 3 —
— 19 —
317
— 270
— 3°4
— 3*9
— 353
— 389
— 404
Conduct of, in Federal Conven
tion, I. 170. Financial sys
tem of, 171; VI. 37, 70, 186,
244; VII. 152; IX. 358. A
monarchist, I. 178, 243, 339.
Admiration for British Con
stitution, 180; VIII. 176-
XL 167, 168; XII. 370. Con
demns Adams' writings, I.
184; VI. 281. Discontent at
financial policy of , I. 196,229.
Direct reference of questions
to, 198. Influence of, totter
ing, 199. Trick of, 207. Close
relations of, with Hammond,
209. Injury done by financial
system of, 232. An advocate
for peace, 238. Alleged au
thor of "Plain Truth," 243.
Scandal with Reynolds, 247.
Favors to merchants by, 265.
Letter of, to Collectors of
customs, 268; VII. 315, 323.
Alleged monarchical plot of,
I. 277. Genet's charge of cor
ruption against, 295. Pro
posed resignation of, 310.
Opinion on French Revolu
tion, 328. Terms Constitu
tion a "federal monarchy,"
343. Prediction concerning
France, 349. Alleged con
duct at St. Andrew's dinner,
351. Notes on report of, VI.
133. Proposed duties on
French imports, 335. Notes
of , on Jefferson's report, 391.
Notes of, on letter to British
minister, VII. 3. Notes of , on
Jefferson's letter, 98. Writes
in defence of bank, 130.
Terms the republican party a
faction, 130. Dupes Jeffer
son, 137. Criticism of his
measures, 138. Interference
of, in foreign affairs, 139—141.
Charges of, against Jefferson,
141. Newspaper attacks of,
on Jefferson, 151. Resolution
to remove, 222. Secures in
fluence of Jefferson in carry
ing assumption, 224. Reports
of, to Congress, 252. Wil
liam Short warned against,
269. Anglomania of, 309.
Opinion of, on employing In
dians, 356. Notes of, 404,
Thomas Jefferson
HAMILTON, ALEX. — Continued.
475. Letters of "Pacificus,"
420, 436. Urges appeal to
people against Genet, 449.
Opinion of, on calling Con
gress, 465, 474. Letters of
"No Jacobin," 474. Outline
of letter of, on Genet, 475-
478. A victim of the fever,
VIII. 33. Cowardice of, 33.
Illness of, 59. Share of, in
Smith's speech, 141. Effort
to save from disgrace, 144.
Policy of, beyond under
standing of President, 144.
Servile copyist of Pitt, 176.
Letters of "Camillus," 183,
188, 190. Attack on, 184.
Colossus of federalism, 192.
Leaves public finances de
ranged, 222, 223. Treaty-
foundered, 253. Adams' de
tachment from, 267. Reply
of, to Callender, 321. Un
popularity of, 413. Writings
of, 415. The real general of
the provisional army, IX. 65.
Political opinions of, XI. 131.
Against secession, 277. A
favorer of monarchy, XII.
392-
HAMILTON, Gov. HENRY, case of,
II. 376, 378, 380, 446, 452, 454,
465-467, 490; III. 57, 165.
HAMILTON, WILLIAM,
1800, 22 April, IX. 129
HAMMOND, GEORGE,
1791, 29 November, VI. 338
— 5 December, — 341
— 12 — 344
— 13 — 344
1792, 2 February, — 383
— 12 April, - 474
— 29 May, VII. 3
1793, 13 February, — 234
- 16 — 243
— 1 8 April, — 279
— 3 May, — 306
— 15 — — 325
— 5 June, — 367
— 13 — — 382
— 19 — — 405
— 26 — — 412
- 4M
— 5 September, VIII. 18
J793> 9 September, VIII. 37
— 22 — 48
— 8 November, — 62
— 14 — 64
— 15 December, — 95
— 26 — 125
Arrival of, I. 191. Evidence of
his close relations with Ham
ilton ,210. Conversation with ,
219, 244; VI. 361; VII. 100.
Revision of letter to, VI. 487.
Angered by Jefferson's report
on commerce, VII. 240, 243.
"Hampden," papers of, XII. 135.
Hampden Sidney Academy: Re
ligious frenzy in, VI. 23.
Hampshire, Va., County Lieuten
ant of,
1779, 17 August, II. 463
HANCOCK, JOHN, constitutional
proposition of, VII. 142.
HANNIBAL, Jefferson's investiga
tion of passage of, over the
Alps, V. 338.
Harbors: Bill for preserving peace
in, X. 118.
HARMER, GEORGE, Jefferson's
opinion on wills of, V.
HARRISON, BENJAMIN,
1774, 9 December,
1781, 29 January,
— 7 February,
— 22 April, - 258
Speech on Confederation, I. 47.
Courtship of, 440. Defeat of,
II. 198.
HARRISON, RICHARD,
1793, 12 June, VII. 380
Hartford Convention: Motives of,
XI. 461. Ridiculous issue of,
491.
HARTLEY, DAVID,
1785, 5 September, IV. 455
HARVEY, JOHN,
1760, 14 January, I. 433
1790, 25 July, VI. 107
HASTINGS, W,
385-
HATCH, REV. MR.,
1821, 8 December, XII. 212
HATFIELD, J. S., case of, VII. 64
HAWKINS, BENJAMIN,
1787, 4 August, V. 320
1800, 14 March, IX. 123
1803, 1 8 February, — 445
329-
II. 94
III. 154
— 16?
'ARREN, trial of, V.
512
The Writings of
HAY, GEORGE,
1807, 20 May,
— 26 —
— 28 —
— 2 June,
— 5 —
12
— — 17
19
— 20
23 —
— 7 August,
— 20 —
— 7 September,
X. 394
— 394
— 395
— 396
— 397
— 398
— 400
— 402
— 403
— 405
— 406
— 407
— 408
— 409
— 20 — 499
1823, 17 August, XII. 302
U. S. counsel against Burr, X.
337.-
"Helvetius" (see also MADISON),
letters of, VIII. 12, 32.
HENFIELD, GIDEON, case of, VII.
352» 489-
HENING, WILLIAM WALLER,
1807, 14 January, X. 342
— 28 February, — 342
HENLEY, SAMUEL,
1778, 9 June, II. 343
HENNIN (?), character of, V. 261.
HENRY, Gov. JOHN,
1797, 3i December, III. 446
Mission of, IX. 347.
HENRY, PATRICK (see Virginia,
Governor of): Resolution on
Stamp Act, I. 8; XI. 400, 401.
On Gas pee inquiry, I. 10.
Speech on Philips, II. 331.
Opinion of, III. 306. Attitude
on impost, IV. 147, 166. Fa
vors Virginia Constitution,
383; VII. 149, 164. Character
of, IV. 401. Omnipotence of, in
Virginia, V. 451. Proposed
measure of, VI 23. Avowed
enemy of Constitution, 24, 154.
Interested in Yazoo specula
tion, 250. Against a new Con
stitution for Virginia, 350.
Jefferson's feeling towards,
VIII. 1 68. Jefferson's engage
ment with, 171. Offered Sec
retaryship of State, 222. As-
sidious court paid to, 253. In
fluence of, 296; IX. 70. Nomi
nated to French mission, IX.
60, 62. Apostasy of, 67. Jef
ferson's recollections of, XI.
228, 401; XII. 388. Wirt's life
of, XII. 32, 87. Education of,
33- Promoter of Revolution,
87, 95, 119.
Heretic: Definition of, II. 257.
Hessians: Resolution to encourage
desertions of, II. 248.
HIGGINSON, STEPHEN, informa
tion concerning, I. 361.
HOGENDORP, COUNT GYSBERT-
CHARLES VAN,
1785, 13 October,
III.
IV.
V.
316
466
168
1786, 25 August,
Character of, IV. 296.
Holland: Parties in, I. no. Do
mestic affairs of, IV. 390, 402,
406; V. 287. Distractions of, V.
305. Critical state of , 3 1 7 . In
vasion of, 346. Lesson of, 350.
HOLMES, JOHN,
1820, 22 April, XII. 158
HOOMES, JOHN,
1 80 1, 24 January, IX. 172
Hopewell: Treaty of, VI. 139.
HOPKINS, S., speech on confedera
tion, I. 55.
HOPKINSON, FRANCIS,
1785, 25 September, III. 323
1786, 6 July, — 320
— 14 August, V. 155
1789, 13 March, — 456
Character of, IV. 361.
Horses: Tax upon, VII. 195, 197.
HOUDETOT, COMTESSE D', visit to,
IV. 428. Salon of, XII. 394.
HOUDON, employed to make
statue of Washington, IV. 392,
414,506; V. 81. Introduction of ,
IV. 437. Agreement with, 439.
Illness of, 440. Proposed in
scription for statue by, V. 81.
HOWE, WILLIAM, case of, VI. 327.
Report on, 329.
Howell vs. Netherland: Case of, I.
470.
HUBBARD,
HORST).
(see STAP-
1790, 28 February, VI. 32
HULL, WILLIAM, surrender of, XL
268. Cowardice of, 271.
HUMBOLDT, BARON F. H. ALEX
ANDER VON,
1813, 6 December, XL 350
1815, 13 June, XII. 68
HUMPHREYS, DAVID,
1789, 18 March, V. 467
Thomas Jefferson
HUMPHREYS, DAVID — Continued.
1790, ii August, VI. 118
1791, 15 March, — 218
— ii April, — 240
— 23 June, — 272
— 23 August, — 304
1792, 9 April, — 47 l
1793, 22 March, VII. 266
1809, 20 January, XI. 73
Master of ceremonies at levees,
I. 252. Arranges ceremo
nial for Presidential ball,
277. Recommendation of, V.
iii;VI. in. Attacks on, V.
451. Nomination of, as Min
ister to Portugal, VI. 218.
Appointment of, 290. Manu
factory of, XI. 72.
HUMPHREYS, THOMAS,
1817, 8 February, XII. 53
HURT, JOHN, I. 15; II. 51.
Illuminati: Absurd outcry con
cerning, IX. 1 08.
Immigration, V. 6, 32. Undesira-
bility of, III. 487; IV. 87.
Impeachment: Endeavor to intro
duce juries into, VIII. 359, 361,
Imports: Excessive American,
XII. 50.
Impost (see also Duties; Tariff),
IV. 144, 351; V. 129. Granted
by New York, V. 137. New
York and the, 169.
Impressment, British, I. 407, 409;
VI. 170, 173, 388;VII. 157,315;
VIII. 31; IX. 4, 408. Position
of U. S. towards, VII. 106.
Great Britain will not forego,
359. Endeavor to save seamen
from, VIII. 228. Jefferson's
opinion upon, 228. Plea of
Great Britain concerning, X.
1 5 . Number of foreign seamen
in American ships, 388. British
orders concerning, 457. Want
of regulation of, in Monroe
treaty, XI. 13. Eternal war, or
abandonment of, 451. Negoti
ations of convention concern
ing, 482.
Indentured Servants: Description
of, V. 33.
Independence, American: Resolu
tion for, I. 20. Debates on, 21;
XI. 486. Vote on, I. 32. Effect
of, on property rights, IV. 490.
Galloway's statement concern
ing, XII. 122. Never suggested
before outbreak of Revolution,
200. Opponents of, 311. Vir
ginian instructions concerning,
408.
Independence, Declaration of: Con
gressional proceedings on, V.
190. History of, 334. Living
signers of, XI. 221; XII. 205.
Proposed picture of, XI. 280.
Franklin's comments upon,
XII. 109. Signing of, 123, 311.
Pickering's statements con
cerning, 306. Adams' recollec
tions of , 3 o 6 . O rigin of ideas in ,
307. Where written, 392, 413.
Indictment in, 408. Purposes
of, 409. Draft of, 412. Copies
of, 412.
Indian Antiquities, V. 342; VI.
209. Remains of, III. 499.
Fortifications of, V. 182.
Indian Department: Head of,
should reside at Washington,
X. 482.
Indian Lands: Right of pre
emption to, I. 257. Intrusions
upon, 423. Rights to, VI. 55,
140, 302, 368. Attempts to
seize, 224. Report on, 322.
Encroachments upon, 455.
Right of grants in, VII. 241.
Cession of, X. 37, 114.
Indian Languages, III. 495, 508-
511; V. 182, 444. Vocabularies
of, V. 320. Comparison be
tween, 422. Jefferson's desire
for vocabularies of, IX. 125,
171.
Indian Trade: Right to regulate,
I. 225. Opinion on, VI. 109.
Question arising under, X. 91.
Formation of company to carry
on, XI. 38.
Indian Treaties, IV. 118; VII. 386.
Indian War: Conduct of, I. 322.
Statement concerning, VI. 376.
Troops for, 407. Campaigns of,
VII. 157, 428. Cabinet opinion
on, 248. Policy of employing
The Writings of
Indian War — Continued.
Indians in, 354. Failure of cam
paign in, VIII. 134- Prepara
tions for, X. 486.
Indians, American, I. 249; III.
513. Cabinet consult action
over, I. 199, 383. Refusal to
admit mediation of Great Brit
ain, 243. Condition of, 11.484;
III. 418. Nature of, III. 438.
Social organization of, 441.
Virginian, 494. Government of,
495; V. 227, 253, 255; XI. 535.
Numbers of, III. 496. Burials
of, 499-507. Origin of, 509; V.
422. Compared with negro, IV.
52. Mission among, 67. Nego
tiations with, 262; IX. 410.
Commissioners, IV. 331. Pro
portion of warriors among, V.
68. Iron unknown to, 182. As
regards treaty rights, VI. 56.
Method of keeping at peace
with, 242. Message upon, 346;
VII. 192. Disavowal of British
machinations among, VI. 383.
Spanish agent among, VII. 136,
158. Spanish incitement of, to
war, 159, 349. Theft of slaves
by, 342. Peace with, 342. Se
cret agent to, 353. Proceedings
respecting, 406. Neutral atti
tude of Great Britain toward,
414. Rules of conduct toward,
425. Jefferson's interest in, IX.
124. U. S. relations with, 326;
X. 314, 518; XI. 66. Policy
toward, IX. 446; X. 131. Civi
lization of, IX. 447; X. 194.
Treatment of, X. 114. How far
subject to U. S. laws, 219; XII.
104. Excitement among, X.
485. Traditions of, XL 250.
Order of priesthood among, 252.
Future of, 254. Endeavor to
civilize, 353. Society for civi
lizing, XII. 222. Interference
with governmental policy to
ward, 222.
INGERSOLL, CHARLES JARED,
1824, 27 October, XII. 384
INGLIS (see LONG),
1771, ii May, II. 9
1772, ii June, — 35
INNES, HARRY,
1791, 7 March, VI. 209
— 13 — — 216
1793, 23 May, VII. 342
1799, 20 June, IX. 71
1800, 23 January, — 99
INNES, JAMES,
1781, 22 February, III. 182
— 21 April, — 257
- 2 May, — 266
Interest: Claim of British debtors
to, VII. 82-89.
Internal Improvements: Entering
wedge of, VIII. 226. Public
roads, X. 284. Use of surplus
revenue for, 317; XL 71, 204.
Popularity of, X. 530. Constitu
tionality of, XII. 58, 71. Mania
for, 69. Bill for, vetoed by
President, 71. Livingston's
speech on, 349. Proposed
amendment of Constitution
concerning, 350, 426, 430. Pub
lic opinion strongly in favor of,
416. Declaration and protest
of Virginia against, 418. Pro
tests against, 430.
Iron: Unknown to the American
Indians, V. 182.
IRVINE, WILLIAM, alleged author
ship of "Veritas," I. 279, 293.
IVERNOIS, FRANCOIS D',
1795, 6 February, VIII. 163
IZARD, RALPH,
1789, 1 8 September, VI. 14
JACKSON, ANDREW,
1823, 18 December, XII. 329
Not concerned in Burr's pro
jects, X. 333. Conduct of, in
Florida, XII. 116. Invita
tion to Monticellp, 330. Can
didacy for Presidency, 355.
Jefferson's dislike of, 392.
Jacobins: Jefferson's approval of,
VII. 202,
JAMIESON, DAVID,
1781, 16 April, III. 253
JARVIS, WILLIAM CHARLES,
1820, 28 September, XII. 161
JAUDENES, JOSEPH, arrival of, VI.
271. Verbal communication of,
342. Conversation with Jeffer
son, 356, 378, 379.
Thomas Jefferson
JAY, JOHN,
1783, ii April, IV. 142
1785, 23 August, — 449
1786, 2 January, — 481
-25 V. 72
1787, 3 November, — 357
1789, January, — 441
1790, 14 February, VI. 31
Littlepage controversy with,
IV. 503, 507 ; V. 72. Diplomatic
expenses of, V. 394. Genet's
charge against, VIII. 119.
Mission to Great Britain,
143. Treaty-foundered, 253.
Nominated Chief Justice, IX.
159. Reason for not signing
Declaration, XII. 311.
Jay Treaty: Hamilton's opinion
of, I. 336; VIII. 183. Not yet
received, VIII. 177. Jefferson's
disapproval of , 185, 191. Divi
sions in Virginia over, 187, 189.
Publication of, 189. Publica
tions on, 192. A bold party
stroke, 193. Debate in Vir
ginia Assembly on, 197. Oppo
sition of back regions to, 198.
"An execrable thing," 200. Ac
tion of House of Representa
tives upon, 20 1. Universal
feeling against, 221. Laid be
fore Congress, 230. Adopted,
252. Proceedings at Charleston
upon, 297. Proceedings of com
missioners under, IX. 7. Social
schism caused by, 445.
JEFFERSON, ANNA SCOTT RAN
DOLPH,
1786, 22 April, V. 94
I. 5. Debt'to, V. 310.
JEFFERSON, FIELD, I. 4.
JEFFERSON, GEORGE,
1801, 27 March, IX. 238
JEFFERSON, JANE, I. 5.
JEFFERSON, JANE (RANDOLPH), I.
4-
JEFFERSON, JOHN, of Virginia
Company, I. 3.
JEFFERSON, JOHN GARLAND,
1790, ii June, VI. 70
1810, 25 January, XI. 133
JEFFERSON, LUCY, I. 5.
JEFFERSON, LUCY ELIZABETH,
III, 302.
302,
461
234
253
JEFFERSON, MARTHA (see RAN
DOLPH, MARTHA JEFFERSON).
JEFFERSON, MARTHA (CARR), I. 5;
II. 38.
JEFFERSON, MARTHA (WAYLES),
I. 8, 80; II. 15, 137, 153, 221,
231, 234, 373, 452; III.
306.
JEFFERSON, MARY,
1785, 20 September, IV.
1791, 31 March, VI.
— 8 May,
I. 5. Attachments of, V. 306.
JEFFERSON, "PATSY" (see RAN
DOLPH, MARTHA JEFFERSON).
JEFFERSON, "PATTY" (see JEF
FERSON, MARTHA WAYLES).
EFFERSON, PETER, I. 4.
EFFERSON, PETER FlELD, I. 5.
EFFERSON, THOMAS (ist), I. 4.
EFFERSON, CAPT. THOMAS (2(1),
1-4.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS,
Letters to, ?
1776, 13 August, II.
1778, 8 June,
1780, 1 8 February, III.
— 21 December,
1781, 31 January,
237
338
10
93
158
Miscellaneous Papers
Autobiography, I. 3.
The Anas, 163.
Whether Christianity is part of
the common law, 453.
Argument of the case of Howell
vs. Nether land, 470.
Inscription for an African slave,
II. 8.
Agreement \vith John Ran
dolph, 8.
Argument in Godwin et al. vs.
Lunan, 16.
Advertisement in Virginia Ga
zette, 38.
Advertisement of land of John
Wayles, 39.
Notice of fast, 41.
Resolutions of Albemarle
County, 42.
Proposed arms for the United
States, 45.
A Summary View of the Rights
of British America, 49.
The Writings of
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued.
Defects in the Association, 93.
Notes on Virginia- Pennsylvania
boundary, 224.
Notes on religion, 252.
Extracts from diary, III. 105.
Advertisement, 309.
Notes on Virginia, 313.
Proposed constitution for Vir
ginia, IV. 147.
Answers to questions pro
pounded by Meusnier, V. 3.
Observations on the article
"Etats Unis" prepared for
the Encyclopedic, 32.
Answers to the queries of M.
Soules, 184.
Dialogue between the Head and
Heart, 201.
To the Editor of the Journal de
Paris, 333.
Proposed Charter for France,
481.
Notes on Arthur Young's let
ter, VII. 113.
Instructions to Michaux for ex
ploring Western boundary,
208.
Notes for a constitution for Vir
ginia, VIII. 159.
Notes on Prof. Ebeling's letter,
205.
Contract concerning slaves, 242.
Petition to Virginia House of
Delegates concerning juries,
322.
Petition on election of jurors,
451-
Drafts of Kentucky Resolu
tions of 1798, 458.
Services of Jefferson, IX. 163.
Speech to the Senate, 189.
Notes on Jefferson's conduct
during the invasion of Vir
ginia, X. 154.
Reply to Nicholas' criticisms,
J57-
Circular letter concerning ap
pointments, XI. 102.
Address to the inhabitants of
Albemarle County, 104.
Recollections of Patrick Henry,
228.
Biographical sketch of Peyton
Randolph, XII. 29.
Anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, 108.
Syllabus of the doctrines of
Epicurus, 144.
Plan for reducing the circulat
ing medium, 150.
Decalogue of canons for ob
servation in private life, 406
A solemn declaration and pro
test of Virginia on the Con
stitution, 418.
Thoughts on lotteries, 435.
Will, 478
Inscription for tombstone, 483.
Official Papers
Virginia Assembly, 1769—75:
Resolution of the Virginia
House of Burgesses, I. 465.
Address to Governor Dunmore
from the House of Burgesses,
II. 101.
Virginia Convention, 1775-76:
Motion in Convention of Vir
ginia, II. 96.
Draft of the resolution of the
Virginia Convention, 97.
Proposed constitution for Vir
ginia, 158.
Continental Congress, 1775-76:
Declaration of Independence,
I. 35; II. 199.
Notes of debate on Indepen
dence, I. 20.
Notes of debate on Confedera
tion, 43.
Draft of Declaration on taking
up arms, II. no.
Draft of report on Lord North's
motion, 125.
Declaration concerning Ethan
Allen, 145.
Report to Congress on Congress
Committee, 149.
Report of Committee on Cana
dian affairs, 154.
Report on Cedars Cartel, 183.
Report on Canadian affairs,
190.
Notes of rules for Continental
Congress, 219.
Thomas Jefferson
JEFFERSON THOMAS — Continued.
Resolution for rotation of mem
bers of Continental Congress,
220.
Resolution to encourage deser
tions of Hessian officers, 248.
Resolutions on peace proposi
tions, 249.
Virginia Assembly, 1776-79:
Draft of a bill to abolish entails,
II. 268.
Draft of a bill to remove seat of
government, 271.
Draft of a bill for raising Conti
nental troops, 277.
Draft of a bill establishing
county courts, 286.
Draft of a bill for altering rates
of copper coinage, 289.
Report on Arthur Upshur, 289.
A bill for the trial of offences
committed out of this com
monwealth, 291.
Draft of a bill for suspending
executions for debt, 294.
Draft of a bill for providing
against invasions and insur
rections, 295.
Draft of a bill for regulating the
appointment of delegates to
Congress, 302.
First report on Conference Com
mittee, 310.
Second report on Conference
Committee, 313.
Draft of a bill giving certain
powers to the Executive, 321.
Draft of a bill designating
places for holding courts of
chancery and general court,
323-
A bill granting free pardon to
certain offenders, 324.
A bill for the speedy recovery
of debts due the United
States, 325.
Draft of a bill for providing a
supply for public exigencies,
326.
Bill to amend an act entitled
"An act for raising a supply
of money for public exigen
cies," 328.
Draft of a bill of attainder
against Josiah Philips, 330.
Resolutions concerning peace
with England, 342.
A bill for giving the members
of the Assembly an adequate
allowance, 347.
A bill concerning escheats and
forfeitures from British sub
jects, 365.
Speech to General Assembly,
371-
Report of the Revisers, 383.
A bill for withholding British
property, 387.
A bill concerning slaves, 390.
A bill for proportioning crimes
and punishments, 393.
A bill for the more general
diffusion of knowledge, 414.
A bill for amending the constitu
tion of the College of William
and Mary, 426.
A bill for establishing a public
library, 436.
A bill for establishing religious
freedom, 438.
Resolutions for the legislatures
of Maryland and Virginia,
IV. 3 19-
Governor of Virginia, 1779-81:
Proclamation concerning es
cheats, II. 448.
Proclamation laying embargo,
491.
Circular letters to county lieu
tenants, III. 94, 111-113,
140, 168, 170, 233, 249, 270.
Proclamation concerning pa
roles, 144.
Circular letter to county magis
trates, 146.
Proclamation convening As
sembly, 148.
Circular letters to members of
General Assembly, 149, 265.
Proclamation concerning for
eigners, 161.
Circular letter concerning re
moval of horses, 282.
Continental Congress, 1783-84:
Resolution relating to British
treaty, IV. 189.
The Writings of
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued,.
Report on letters from minis
ters in Paris, 189.
Report on ceremonial for Wash
ington, 20 1.
Report on ratification of treaty,
204.
Motion on ratification of treaty,
212.
Resolution on Definitive treaty,
215.
Ratification of Definitive
treaty, 215.
Draft for proclamation an
nouncing ratification of De
finitive treaty, 216.
Draft of a report on the me
morial of Zebulon Butler and
others, 223.
Report on letter from John
Allan, 228.
Draft of report on a Committee
of the States, 229.
Report on Committee of the
States, 235.
Draft of deed of cession of
Northwest Territory, 249.
Report on government for
Western Territory, 251.
Report on reduction of Civil
List, 259.
Instructions for negotiating
with Indians, 262.
Resolves on European treaties,
274.
Report on government for
Western Territory, 275.
Report on cession of Western
Territory, 280.
Report on arrears of interest,
281.
Notes on the establishment of a
money unit and of a coinage
for the U. S., 297.
Motion on Steuben, 313.
Notes on the permanent seat of
Congress, 314.
Resolve on Continental Con
gress, 321.
Report on Mercer, 334.
Draft of "An ordinance estab
lishing a land office for the
U. S.," 334.
Report on Continental bills of
credit, 348.
Instructions to the Ministers
Plenipotentiary appointed to
negotiate treaties of com
merce with European na
tions, 353.
Minister to France,
Proposals for concerted action
against the Barbary States,
I. 100.
Conference with the Count de
Vergennes, IV. 481.
Observations on the letter of
M. de Calonnes, V. 292.
Secretary of State, 1790-93:
Conversation with the Presi
dent, I. 192.
Conversation with Mr. Ham
mond, 219.
Opinion on Little Sarah, 282.
Note given to the President,
298.
Opinion on communications to
Congress, VI. 38.
Opinion on the powers of the
Seriate, 49.
Opinion on Georgian land
grants, 55.
Opinion on soldiers accounts,
6.5-.
Opinion on war between Great
Britain and Spain, 90.
Opinion on Residence bill, 97.
Opinion on Indian trade, 109.
Heads of consideration on the
navigation of the Mississippi,
123.
Opinion on foreign debt, 131.
Opinion on course of U. S.
towards Great Britain and
Spain, 141.
Opinion on St. Glair's expedi
tion, 143.
Opinion on national capital,
156.
Draft of paragraph for Presi
dent's message, 161.
Report on Western lands, 163.
Opinion on territorial author
ity, 166.
Report on British negotiations,
167.
Report on tonnage law, 175.
Draft of Senate resolution, 185.
Thomas Jefferson
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued.
Draft of a bill to promote the
progress of the useful arts,
189.
Draft of President's message
concerning negotiations with
Great Britain, 195.
Opinion on the constitutional
ity of a national bank, 197.
Report on admission of Ver
mont, 204.
Draft of President's message
transmitting Vermont ap
pointments, 208.
Report on Mangnall, 325.
Report on William Howe, 329.
Clauses for treaty of commerce
with France, 335.
Questions to be considered of,
337-
Resolutions concerning Algiers,
340-
Note on Spanish negotiations,
342.
Notes on British negotiations,
343-
Draft for President's message
on Indian war, 346.
Opinion relative to certain
lands on Lake Erie, 347.
Report on negotiation with
Spain, 348.
Report on Spanish negotiations,
356.
Draft of President's message on
diplomatic nominations, 357.
Report on commercial restric
tions of Denmark, 364.
Report on Charles Russell, 368.
Draft of a letter from the Presi
dent to the Secretary of War,
376.
Plan of posts, 382.
Report on negotiation with
Spain, 391.
Notes on commercial policy
towards Great Britain, 404.
Report on negotiation with
Spain, 414.
Report on convention with
Spain, 445.
Project of a convention with
the Spanish province, 450.
Opinion on bill apportioning
representation, 460.
Draft of President's message
vetoing Apportionment bill,
471.
Questions to Senate Committee,
473-
Paragraphs for President's
message, VII. 160.
Draft of an act entitled "An
act making provision for re
demption of the public debt,"
181.
Report on John de Neufville,
184.
Amendments to Foreign Inter
course bill, 187; VIII. 304.
Opinion on fugitive slaves, VII.
188.
Draft of message on southern
Indians, 192.
Extemporary thoughts and
doubts on Bankrupt bill,
J93-
Maladministration of the Treas
ury, 216.
Giles' Treasury resolutions,
220.
Notes on party policy, 223.
The Assumption, 224.
Questions as to France, 227.
Notes on application of France,
228.
Circular letter to foreign min
isters, 234.
Report on petition of John
Rogers, 240.
Cabinet opinion on French ap
plication, 248.
Cabinet opinion on Indian war,
248.
Cabinet opinion on French
debt, 252.
Report on boundaries of Indian
lands, 254.
Cabinet opinion on filibusters,
257-
Draft of letter for Washington,
264-
Cabinet opinion on proclama
tion and French minister,
280.
Opinion on French treaties,
283.
Opinion on Little Sarah, 332.
Cabinet opinion on Creek In
dians, 347.
520
The Writings of
JEFFERSON THOMAS, — Continued.
Opinion in case of Henfield,
Cabinet opinion on secret In
dian agent, 353.
Opinion on new loan, 364.
Cabinet opinion on Polly and
Catherine, 378.
Second opinion on new loan,
39°-
Cabinet opinion on French
privateers, 395.
Cabinet opinion on Spanish
affairs, 406.
Cabinet opinion on Little Sarah,
437-
Dissent from Cabinet opinion
on Little Sarah, 438.
Cabinet opinion on privateers
and prizes, 444.
Questions as to belligerents,
460.
Opinion on calling Congress,
465-
Cabinet opinion on privateers
and prizes, 466.
Cabinet opinion on prizes, 474.
Cabinet opinion on privateers
and prizes, VIII. 8.
Cabinet decisions, 22.
Circular to French consuls, 31.
A statement concerning Genet,
So-
Cabinet decisions, 74.
Draftof President's message, 79.
Cabinet decisions, 88.
Report on the privileges and
restrictions on the commerce
of the United States in for
eign countries, 98.
Opinion on neutral trade, 120.
Supplementary report on com
merce, 127.
President of the United States,
1801-1809:
Inaugural address, IX. 193.
Draft of message concerning
Duane, 258.
Letter to New Haven mer
chants, 270.
Circular to the heads of depart
ments, 310.
First annual message, 321.
Second annual message, 406.
Instructions to Meriweather
Lewis, 423.
Estimate of the merit of the
doctrines of Jesus compared
with those of others, 457.
Newspaper article signed "Fair
Play," 470.
Answer to Gabriel Jones, 471.
Drafts of an Amendment to
the Constitution, X. 3.
Queries as to Louisiana, 17.
Third annual message, 33.
Rules of conduct, 47.
Fourth annual message, 105.
An act for the more effectual
preservation of peace in
waters of United States, 118.
Second inaugural address, 127.
Notes on armed vessels, 152.
Resolution concerning armed
vessels, 152.
Cabinet decision on Spain, 180.
Draft of fifth annual message,
181.
Confidential message on Spain,
198.
Considerations on Spain, 199.
A bill for establishing a naval
militia, 206.
An act for classing the militia,
213.
Special message on neutral
commerce, 223.
Circular to Cabinet on defence
of New Orleans, 233.
Draft of a bill for encouraging
settlers in the territory of
Orleans, 233.
Notes on the bill for the de
fence of Orleans, 235.
Resolutions concerning Spain,
238.
Special message on Spanish
boundaries, 238.
Draft of proclamation concern
ing Leander, 256.
Proclamation against Burr, 301
Sixth annual message, 302.
Special message on Great Brit
ain, 320.
Proclamation concerning Cam
brian, etc., 325.
Special message on Burr, 346,
356.
Thomas Jefferson
521
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued,
Special message on gunboats,
359-
Defence of gunboats, 361.
Chesapeake proclamation, 434.
Seventh annual message, 503.
Confidential message on Chesa
peake, 528.
Special message on commercial
depredations, 530.
Special message on neutrals.
XL 9.
Special message on commercial
decrees, 18.
Special message on British ne
gotiation, 20.
Message on public defence, 23.
Draft of supplementary Em
bargo act, 25.
Eighth annual message, 56.
Circular letter to governors, 87.
(See Independence, Declaration
of; Virginia, Notes on; Vir
ginia, Report of Revisors}.
Ancestry, I. 4; II. 4. Birth,
I. 5. Education, 5, 6, 433,
436, 455, 467; II. 339. 453-
Admitted to Bar, 1.6. Social
life, 6, 435-451, 469. Mar
riage, 7. Elected to House of
Burgesses, 7, 9. Attends
Stamp Act debate, 8. Ill
nesses and injuries to, 15,
109, 451; II. 49, 151; III. 290,
293; IV. 270, 407; V. 218,
224, 225, 231, 330; VI. 20, 58,
61, 69, 78; VII. 152; VIII.
170; IX. 346, 453; XI. 213,
221, 267, 499', XII. 89, 139,
234,283,321,429. Servicein
Continental Congress, I. 16,
57, 81 ; II. 198, 230, 234. Ser
vice as Governor of Virginia,
I. 78, 79; II. 371; III. 285,
291. Offers of foreign mis
sions to, I. 79,93 ;III. 290,292,
503; V. 286. Minister to
1-79,
419, 428; V.
220. Death of wife, I. 80.
Travels of, 93, 97, 109, 126,
158, 171, 440, 441, 447; III.
290; IV. 371; V. 86, 99, 260,
264, 269, 280, 289, 389, 494;
VI. 20,36, 254, 257,262—264,
3°
France, 1. 79, 97; ^.377,388,
' 288, 396; VIII.
266, 268. Dislike of political
life, I. 158, 160, 193, 233; II.
i34;III.298;IV.249;VI.365,
495; VII. 147, 372; VIII. 163,
169; X. 342. Secretaryship
of State, I. 158, 193, 234, 250,
310; VI. 26, 27, 30, 36, 39, 58,
382, 412; VII. 147, 149, 171,
177, 215, 462, 471; VIII. 124,
134, 136. Relations with
Hamilton, I. 176, 184, 241;
VI. 259; VII. 137, 151, 220,
224. Washington's aliena
tion from, I. 318; XII. 360,
369. Accused of writing let
ters of "Veritas," I. 279.
Relations with John Adams,
334, 340; VI. 281-284; VIII.
271, 284; X. 85; XI. 167.
Vice- Presidency, 1. 33 4; VIII.
257, 269, 270. Never writes
for press, I. 353; VII. 144;
VIII. 446. Relations with
Burr, I. 378; VIII. 421; IX.
155, 173. Love for Rebecca
Burwell, I. 435-451. Fond
ness of, for music, I. 440; II.
5, 8, 340. Love of violin, I.
440; II. 8. Burning of Shad-
well, I. 467 ; II. 6. Library of,
I. 467; II. 6; X. 225; XL 427,
431, 467, 469; XII. 127. Ar
gument in Howell vs. Nether-
land, I. 470. Lack of Epis
copal influence, 486. Pur
chase of books for, II. 4, 36,
343; IV. 124. Family arms
of, II. 4. Agreement con
cerning books for, 8. Debts
of, 364; V. 90, 235, 241, 244,
309, 412; VI. 33; VII. 278,
360; VIII. 71, 242; IX. 471;
XI. 91, 113, 5i8;XII. 18, 23,
65, 134, 245, 276, 449,^453,
457, 464. Dislike of writing,
III. 337; XL 499; XII. 47,
95, 240. Religious views of,
III.334;V.324; IX. 148,320,
457; XI. 293, 498; XII. 52.
Charge of Western land- job
bing against, IV. 368. Sends
designs for Virginia Capitol,
505; V. 82. Revises Ency-
clopedie, 3; XL 123. Desire
for local news, V. 73. Advice
522
The Writings of
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued.
of, 174-179, 298, 322; XI. 79,
420; XII. 405. Charity of,
V. 213. Writes article on
Cincinnati, 221. Property
of, 234, 238, 311, 410; VI. 33,
193, 262; VII. 252; VIII. 44;
XL 92. Slaves of, V. 236,
311, 419, 447; VII. 278. Es
tates of, ravaged by British,
V. 247, 419. Approval of re
bellion by, V. 263. Sends
rice to Southern States, 271,
302. Dislike of financial bar
gaining, 287. Relations of,
to Congress, 288. Experience
of, in Virginia courts, 297.
Views of, on languages, 299,
322; IX. 102. Desires to hear
criticism of himself, V. 369.
Portrait of, 384. Views on
slavery, 388; X. 141; XI.
1 80. Desires permission to re
turn to America, V. 435, 440,
476. Dished up as an Anti-
federalist, 456. Hires house,
VI. 36, 47. Preference of,
for France, 39, 41. Meteoro
logical observations of, 48,
61. Plan of, to hire houses
in Philadelphia, 105. Per
sonal views on assumption,
109. Wines ordered by, 146.
Slight influence of, in foreign
affairs, 147. Claim against,
for Paris house, 149. Draft
of President's message, 161.
Endorses Paine' s Rights of
Man, 255, 258. Republican
ism of, 256, 290. Interest of,
in botany, 272. Lodgings of,
in Philadelphia, 280. Love
of agriculture, 359; VII. 177;
VIII. 248. Pamphlet against,
VI. 478. Refusal of, to inter
meddle with elections, VII.
150. Approval of Jacobins,
202. Opinion of, on employ
ing Indians, 353. Long pub
lic service of, 373. New over
seer of, 409. Offer of office to,
VIII. 152. Manufacturing of
nails, 167, 174, 212; IX. 66,
77. Presidency, VIII. 169,
257; IX. 155, 182, 185; X.
69
VJ
), 393. Letter of , to Mazzei,
235, 332; XII. 360.
Denial of breach of confi
dence, VIII. 245. Invention
of mould-board by, 251. Po
litical dislike of Europe, 287.
Abused in newspapers, 375.
Alleged conference of, with
Republican leaders, 443 .
Conference with Logan, IX.
1 6, 29. Views of, on foreign
policy, 66. Parliamentary
manual of, 119. Social os
tracism of, 130. Charges of
Federalists against, 136. Pub
lic services of, 163; XII. 431,
444. Forgery of letters of,
IX. 174. Refuses appoint
ment to relative, 238. Loss
of liking for poetry, 267. Sug
gests prosecution of news
papers, 451. Writes a news
paper article, 469. Avoids
influencing legislative depart
ment, X. 53. European cor
respondence of, 59. Prin
ciples of first inaugural, 127.
Defence of conduct of, during
invasion of Virginia, 164; XI.
445. Cordial relations of ad
ministration of, X. 241. In
fluence of, over Congress,
289. Relations with Gallatin,
294. Opinion of Monroe's
treaty with Great Britain,
374. Subpoenaed in Burrtrial,
400,403,406-408. Conscious
ness of old age, XI. 6. Pur
chase of American cloth, 72,
73. Charged with using in
side information, 76. Prin
ciples governing early life of,
79. Letter of, to Emperor of
Russia, 114. Proposed edition
of writings of, 115. Public
papers of, 115, 116. Refuses
to ask appointments of Madi
son, 133. Sued by Edward
Livingston, 140, 154. Daily
life of, 1 66, 177. Proposed
financial aid to Duane, 191.
Has no ill-feeling towards
Great Britain, 242. Letters
to Logan printed, 368. Fab
ricated letter of, XII. 75.
Thomas Jefferson
523
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — Continued.
Physical habits of, 117. An
epicurean, 140. Gift to cler
gyman, 212. Accused of
peculation, 229. Request for
appointment of B. Peyton,
343. Arraignment of, by
Pickering, 358. Gift of skins
to Buffon, 393. Lottery for
benefit of, 442, 449, 453, 458,
460, 463, 466. Invitation to
take part in fiftieth anniver
sary of American Independ
ence, 476. Epitaph of, 483.
JESUS CHRIST, how to be viewed,
V. 325. Doctrines of, IX. 457;
XI. 498; XII. 141, 242. Life
and morals of, IX. 460.
Jefferson's digest of his moral
doctrines, X. 70; XI. 325. Syl
labus of doctrines of, XII. 55.
Threatened publication of syl
labus of doctrines of, 54, 55.
Doctrines foisted upon, 141.
Jews: Religion of, IX. 460.
JOHNSON, JOSHUA,
1790, 17 December, VI. 170
-23 — i73
JOHNSON, J. S.,
1825, 13 February, XII. 402
JOHNSON, T., on Stamp Act, I. 8.
JOHNSON, WILLIAM,
1822, 27 October, XII. 246
1823, 4 March, — 277
— 12 June, — 252
Life of General Greene, XII.
246. Review of Life of Gen
eral Greene, 277.
JOHNSON, ZACHARIAH,
1790, 7 October, VI. 151
JONES, GABRIEL,
1779, 29 April, II. 364
JONES, JOHN PAUL, advancement
of, V. 403. Russian service of,
JONES, JOSEPH,
1787, 14 August, V. 331
JONES, MERRIWETHER,
1804, 19 October, II. 52
JONES, WALTER,
1810, 5 March, XI. 137
1814, 2 January, — 373
JONES, WILLIAM,
1787, 5 January, V. 244
JONES & WALKER, case of, I. 222.
Journal de Paris, Editor of the,
1787, 29 August, V. 333
Suppression of, IV. 428, 433.
Judiciary: Control of, I. 121.
Creed of, 122. A "corps of
sappers and miners," 122. In
dependence of, II. 218. Un
reliability of, IV. 37. Great
value of Bill of Rights to, V.
461. Permanence of, 484.
Judiciary, Federal: Republican-
ization of, XI. 140. Powers of,
488. Transfer of cases to, 488.
Usurpations of, XII. 136. Effect
of making it last resort, 136.
Right to decide constitution
ality, 162. Subtle corps of sap
pers and miners, 177. Steadily
breaking down constitutional
barriers, 186, 196, 201, 203,
207. Proposed protest against,
207. Necessity of curbing, 214.
Commissions of, should be for
limited terms, 214. Reform in
practice of rendering decisions
of, 216. Each judge of, should
give his individual opinion, 216,
247, 279, 296. Encroachments
of, 255.
Juries: Defects of, I. 207. Bill to
regulate, 354. Benefit of, IV.
38. Books upon, V. 483. Ob
servations upon, 484. Proposal
to elect, VIII. 451, 482. Peti
tion concerning, 451, 456. Re
commendation in changes of
system of, IX. 89. Extension
of, recommended, 340. How
far valuable, XI. 522.
K
KEAN, JOHN,
1793, 1 6 November, VIII. 71
KEMP, VAN DER, FRANCIS A.,
1817, 16 March, XII. 54
i May, — 55
1825, ii January, — 399
KENTUCKY, ATTORNEY OF THE
DISTRICT OF,
1791, 22 March, VI. 223
KENTUCKY, GOVERNOR OF,
1803, 1 8 January, IX. 434
Kentucky: Petition of, IV. 244.
Desires statehood, V. 7, 38, 74,
524
The Writings of
Kentucky — Continued.
43 1 . Declared independent,
129. Jefferson's wishes con
cerning, 398. Should be made
a State, 404. Necessity of con
certed action with Virginia,
IX. 77, 81.
Kentucky Resolutions of 1798:
VIII. 449, 457. Drafts of, 458.
History of, 459. Phrasing of,
483-
Kentucky Resolutions of 1799: IX.
77. Jefferson's outline of, 79.
Jefferson's approval of, 105.
KERCHEVAL, SAMUEL,
1816, 12 July, XII. 3
— 5 September, — 15
— 8 October, — 17
1824, 5 September, — 377
KING, RUFUS,
1802, 13 July, IX. 393
Inconsistent votes of, I. 184.
Toast to, 346. Genet's charge
against, VIII. 119. Recom
mends pacific conduct, 306,
310.
Kings: Natural History of, XI.
361.
KINLOCH, FRANCIS,
1790, 26 November, VI. 152
KIRBY, EPHRAIM,
1803, 15 July, X. 1 6
KNOX, HENRY,
1790, 26 August, VI. 139
1791, 10 — 301
1793, 19 June, VII. 404
1801, 27 March, IX. 236
Opinion of, on employing In
dians, VII. 353. Bankruptcy
of, IX. 4, 6. Share of, in
founding navy, XII. 267.
KNOX, MRS. HENRY, forwardness
of, I. 278.
KOSCIUSKO, THADDEUS,
1812, 28 June, XI. 258
Character of, VIII. 371. Death
of, XII. 79. Property of, 79,
129.
LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE,
1781, 2 March, III. 197
— 8 — — 204
— 10 — — 213
— 12 — — 216
1781, 12 March III. 217
— 14 — — 219
— 19 — — 222
— 24 — — 228
— 14 May, — 279
— 31 May, — 287
- 4 August, — 290
1786, 10 February, V. 84
- 17 July, — 140
1789, 6 May, — 472
— 3 June — 479
1790, 2 Apnl, VI. 39
1792, 16 June, VII. 109
1806, 14 February, X. 229
1807, 26 May, — 406
— 14 July, — 462
18 1 1, 20 January, XI. 174
1813, 30 November, — 356
1815, 14 February, — 454
1817, 14 May, XII. 61
1820, 26 December, — 189
1822, 28 October, — 253
1823, 4 November, — 321
1824, 3 September, — 376
- 9 October, — 378
Brings patriots to dine at Jef
ferson's, I. 154. Campaign in
Virginia, III. 203, 213, 216,
265, 273, 283. Security for
Littlepage, IV. 507. Proposed
gift to, V. 82. Aids Jefferson
in tobacco negotiations, no.
Aid afforded to Jefferson by,
226; VI. 115. Made a Nota
ble, V. 251. Character of,
259. Disgrace of, 424. Out of
favor with court, 440. No
need of fear concerning, 444.
Jefferson's advice to, 472,
476. Influence of, VI. 223.
To be consulted relative to
commerce with France, 294.
Desire for liberation of, VII.
263, 264. Imprudence of,
311. Endeavors to aid, VIII.
78. Washington's concern
over, 94. Jefferson's desire
for, at New Orleans, X. 229.
Gift of lands to, 229, 255,
269, 410. Lands of, in New
Orleans, XI. 176. Journal of
campaign in Virginia, 462.
Jefferson's welcome to, XII.
376, 378. Delirium caused by
visit of, 380, 383.
Thomas Jefferson
525
LAFAYETTE, MARQUISE DE,
1793, 16 March, VII. 264
Washington's desire to serve,
VII. 265.
LAFITAU, JOSEPH FRANCIS, views
of, on Indians, XI. 250.
LA HARPE, B. DE, history of, XI.
516.
LA MORLIENE,
1786, 3 June, V. 123
Land: Right of alien to hold, V.
45. Values of American and
British, VII. 117. Right of
ownership in, VIII. 195.
Land Office: Plan of, IV. 334, 345-
Land, Public: IV. 418. In colonial
times, II. 83. Allodial nature
of, 237. Value of, 239. Con
gress' right to, 239. Squatting
on, III. 4. Disputes over, 4, 58,
294; IV. 1 66, 223. Acquisitions
from Indians, III. 497; IV. 45.
Conveyance of, 44. Granting
of, 45. Ordinance concerning,
454. Sale of, 470. Purchase of,
V. 43. Future States to be
formed from, 131. Policy to be
pursued concerning, 227. Im
portance of, to U. S., 256. De
lay in sale of, 285. Ordinance
dividing, 346. Successful sale
of, 367, 370. Jefferson's report
on, VI. 1 66. Clause in Presi
dent's speech concerning, 317.
Sale of, to Pennsylvania, 347-
Situation of North Carolina,
VII. 102. Report on, 254.
Boundary of southwestern, 258.
Great demand for, XII. 104.
Land Tax: Postponement of,
VIII. 348, 356. Proposed, 405,
407, 410, 413, 423, 428, 434,
438. Assessor of, XL 440.
LANGDON, JOHN,
1797, 22 January, VIII. 275
1802, 29 June, IX. 382
1808, 2 August, XI. 39
Languages: Value for ethnology,
III. 510. Foreign, IV. 62, 67.
Jefferson's views on, V. 299,
322; IX. 102. Jefferson out
lines studies in, V. 322.
Law: Value of study of, VI. 62, 71.
How far binding on public
officials, XL 146.
Law, Common: IX. 139. How far
in force in U. S., I. 353, 3^5,
358, 362; XII. 67. Christianity
part of, I. 453. Description of,
IV. 473. Assumption that it is
in force in U. S., IX., 73, 87.
LAW, THOMAS,
1811, 15 January, XL 162
1813, 6 November, - 355
LAWSON, ROBERT,
1781, 25 February, III. 185
Lawyers: Excessive number of, in
legislative bodies, XL 226,
500.
"Leander": Outrage of the Brit
ish ship, X. 256, 266.
LEAR, TOBIAS, political opinions
of, I. 261, 265.
LE COULTEUX, project of, of fur
company, V. 220.
LEDYARD, JOHN, L 104. Proposed
journey of, V. 183. Account of
343. Travels of, 445.
LEE, ARTHUR, incapacity of, IV.
419. Monitor's letters of, XL
LEE, F. L., L 10, 12.
LEE, HENRY,
1790, 26 April, VI. 52
Political information of, con
cerning Virginia, VI. 272.
Jefferson' s accusation against ,
VIII. 246. Falsehoods of, re
specting invasion of Virginia,
X. 1 60. Inaccuracy of history
of, XL 446. History of, XII.
246. Jefferson's criticism of
history of, 470.
LEE, HENRY, JR.,
1824, 10 August, XII. 374
1825, 8 May, — 408
1826, 15 - 470
— 30 — — 47°
LEE, RICHARD HENRY,
1776, 8 July, II. 217
1778, 5 June, — 337
1779, 21 April, — 363
— 17 June, — 377
1785, 12 July, IV. 434
1786, 22 April, V. 92
Will be dropped as Senator, VI.
148. Style of, XL 334. Life
of, XII. 415.
LEE, THOMAS L., share in Revisal,
L 67; II. 383.
526
The Writings of
LEIB, THOMAS,
1805, 12 August, X. 143
1808, 23 June, XI. 33
Speech of, VIII. 227.
LEIPER, THOMAS,
1804, ii June, X. 82
1806, 22 December, — 329
1807, 21 August, — 482
1809, 21 January, XL 89
1814, i — — 368
1815, 12 June, — 475
1823, 31 May, XII. 286
1824, 3 April, — 347
[—27 October,] — 345
— 6 December, — 385
Jefferson's opinion of, XI. 189.
LE MAIRE, claim of lands of, IV.
70.
"L'Embuscade": Infringements of
neutrality by, VII. 306, 309.
' ' Leopard ' ' : Captures frigate
Chesapeake, X. 432. Proclama
tion concerning, 434.
LEROY AND BAYARD,
1816, 7 April, XI. 518
— 15 August, — 519
1822, 5 July, XII. 244
1823, 8 — — 245
LESLIE, GEN. ALEXANDER, inva
sion of Virginia by, III. 69, 70,
77, 81.
Levees: History of introduction
of, I. 252.
LEWIS, ANDREW,
1781, 13 May, III. 279
LEWIS, FIELDING,
1776, 16 July, II. 228
LEWIS, JAMES, JR.,
1798, 9 May, VIII. 416
LEWIS, MERIWETHER,
1803, 27 April, IX. 422
— is July, — 430
1806, 20 October, X. 295
1808, 17 July, XI. 37
Instructions to, IX. 423. News
from expedition of, X. 227.
Return of expedition of, 295.
Expedition of, 314. Suicide
of, XL 126.
Lewis and Clark Expedition: IX.
452. Message on, 421. Pur
poses of, 421. Volumes upon,
XI. 355. Discoveries by, 362.
LEWIS, NICHOLAS,
1786, 19 December, V. 234
1787, 29 July, — 309
1788, ii — — 410
IX.
1791, 9 February, VI. 193
1792, 12 April, — 475
Lexington: English began hostili
ties at, V. 195.
Lex talionis: I. 69, 234; V. 228.
Libel: Law of, IX. 257.
Library, Public: Bill to establish,
n. 436.
LINCOLN, LEVI,
1 80 1, ii July,
— 26 August,
1802, i January,
— 24 March,
— 25 October,
1803, 26 April,
— i June,
— 30 August,
1804, 1 6 September,
1806, 25 June,
1807, 25 March,
1808, 13 November,
XI.
268
289
346
357
400
459
469
9
103
271
377
Jefferson urges appointment of,
to Supreme Court, XI. 151,
i54, 155-
LlTHGOW, J.,
1805, 4 January, III. 336
4 IV. 86
LITTLEPAGE, LEWIS, controversy
with Jay, IV. 503, 506; V. 72.
Debt of, 367. Has overreached
himself, 425.
"Little Sarah," The: Case of ship,
I. 280, 282, 291. Opinion on,
VII. 332, 437; VIII. 247-
LIVINGSTON, EDWARD,
1800, 30 April, IX. 131
1 80 1, i November, — 259
1824, 4 April, XII. 348
Suit of, against Jefferson, XI.
140, 154. Jefferson's feelings
towards, XII. 346.
LIVINGSTON, ROBERT R.,
1782, 26 November,
1791, 4 February,
1799, 23
1800, 30 April,
— 14 December,
1 80 1, 1 6 February,
— 24
— 24 March,
— 8 May,
— 31 —
— 28 August,
— 9 September,
1802, 1 6 March,
— 1 8 April,
— 10 October,
III.
VI.
IX.
303
i87
57
133
150
180
227
228
257
294
295
356
363
396
Thomas Jefferson
527
LIVINGSTON, ROBT. R. — Cont'd.
1803, 3 February, IX. 441
— 4 November, X. 48
1807, 24 March, — 377
1808, 15 October, XI. 51
Declines offer of the Secretary
ship of the Navy, IX. 173.
Tender of French mission to,
187. Appointment of, to
French mission, 309. Jeffer
son's dissatisfaction with,
395. Share of, in Louisiana
purchase, X. 13.
LIVINGSTON, W., I. 18.
Loan, U. S. (See also Debt, U. S.) :
Proposition for new, VII. 364,
375. Second opinion on new,
39°
LOGAN, or TAH GAH JUTE, III.
342, 343, 444-455; VIII. 301,
352» 353. 39°. 4i6; IX. 71, 100,
377. Murder of, IX. 71.
LOGAN, GEORGE,
1 80 1, 21 March, IX. 219
1805, ii May, X. 141
1813, 3 October, XI. 338
1816, 19 May, — 525
— 20 June, — 527
— 12 November, XII. 42
Mission of, VIII. 440; IX. 3,
23. Election of, 4, 6. For
gery of memorial, 6. Jeffer
son's relations to mission of,
1 6, 29. Bill against similar
missions, 29, 30. European
negotiations of, XI. 338. In
fidelity of, 368, 525.
LOMAX, THOMAS,
1799, 12 March, IX. 62
1 80 1, 25 February, • 188
London: Jefferson's proposition to
burn, XI. 259.
LONG, INGLIS &,
1771, ii May, II. 9
1772, ii Tune, — 35
Long Island: Observations on bat
tle of, V. 192.
Lotteries: Thoughts on, XII. 435.
Louis XVI., French affection for,
V., 147. Well disposed towards
Lafayette, 252. Character of,
286. Passion of, for drink, 317.
Sketch of a charter for, 480.
Flight of, from Paris, VI. 309,
LOUISIANA, GOVERNOR OP,
1806, 20 December, X. 327
1807, 3 February, 34*6
1808, 29 October, XI. 55
Louisiana: Possible acquisition
by Great Britain, I. 372. Ces
sion of, 374. Boundaries of,
381; X. 5, 20, 28, 63, 88, in,
138, 168, 174, 180, 238, 246,
430; XI. 33, 43, 159, 516; XII.
114, 402. Consideration of
affairs in, I. 384. Measures for
the defence of, 395, 399. Guar
antee to France of, VII. 268.
Cession by Spain to France, IX.
263, 364, 405, 409. Possessor
of, a natural enemy of U. S.,
364. Extraordinary mission for
negotiations concerning, 416.
Jefferson's desires concerning
negotiation for, 418. Purchase
of, 438; X- 5, 8, I2» 36, 44-
Constitutional clause concern
ing acquisition of , X. 3, 10. Que
ries as to, 17. Possible resist
ance of Spain to cession of, 30.
Steps to be taken regarding,
should Spain refuse to make
over, 45, 51. Proposed regula
tions for, 46. General approba
tion of treaty, 49. Draft of a
constitution for, 51. Degree of
self-government that should be
accorded to, 55. Government
for, 62, 69, 93, 113. Fortunate
acquisition of, 70, 131. Mon
roe's fears concerning, 94.
Officials for, 97, 98. Materials
relating to, XII. 402.
LOWELL, JOHN, character of, I.
360.
Loyalists: Treatment of, I. 219.
Safety of, in America, IV. 432.
Numbers of, V. 7. Sufferings
of, VII. 9. Debate in Parlia
ment over, 20. Indemnified by
Great Britain, 39.
LOYALL, GEORGE,
1826, 22 February, XII. 461
LUNAN, GODWIN vs., II. 16.
LUZERNE, MARQUIS DE LA, news
concerning, V. 257. Personal
news concerning, 425.
LYLE, JAMES,
1793, 15 April, VII. 278
528
The Writings of
LYNCH, JOHN,
1783. i? June,
IV. 148
1 8 1 r , 2 1 January , XL 178
LYON, M., case of, VIII. 369, 392.
— 31 August,
— n December,
— 170
— 180
Dirty affairs of, 395. Re-elec
tion of, IX. 4. Fine of, 5.
1784, i January,
— 20 February,
— 209
— 239
— 1 6 March,
— 270
M
— 25 April,
~ 329
— 25 May,
— 365
McCAUL, ALEXANDER,
— i July,
— n November,
— 366
— 368
1786, 19 April, V. 88
— 8 December,
O ww
— 381
I787» 4 January, — 241
Jefferson's debts to, 90, 235,
1785, 1 8 March,
— n May,
o
— 400
— 412
241, 244, 309.
— 15 November,
III. 321
McDoNOUGH, COMMODORE, vic
1786, 22 January,
I. 72
tory of, XI. 430.
— 8 February,
Q
III. 322
V *S
Mace: Design for, VII. 413.
MCGILLIVRAY, ALEXANDER, ne
o — •
— 12 May,
— 1 6 December,
v . 7°
/// 329
V 22"?
gotiations with, VI. no. Letter
J787. 30 January,
••*3
— 254
of, 114.
— 15 February,
/- 73
McKEAN, THOMAS,
— 20 June,
V. 283
1 80 1, 2 February, IX. 174
— 2 August,
— 314
— 9 March, — 206
— 8 October,
— 355
— 24 July, — 282
— 20 December,
— 368
1803, 19 February, — 449
1788, 6 February,
— 387
1804, 17 January, X. 68
— 25 May,
— 394
Election of, IX. 86, 87. Recol
— 31 July,
— 424
lections concerning Declara
— 1 8 November,
— 433
tion of Independence, XII.
1789, 12 January,
— 444
123.
— 15 March,
— 461
McLANE, ALLAN, removal of, IX.
— 29 July,
— 485
376.
— 28 August,
— 487
MACON, NATHANIEL,
— 6 September,
VI. 3
1801, 14 May, IX. 253
1791, January,
— 175
1806, 26 March, X. 248
— 9 May,
— 257
1819, 12 January, XII. 109
— 2 1 June,
28
— 271
1821, 19 August, — 206
- 20 October, — 208
- 6 July,
— 274
— 277
1826, 21 February, — 459
— 10 —
— 279
McPHERSON, CHARLES,
— 24 —
— 285
1773, 25 February, II. 36
MACPHERSON, CHRISTOPHER, a re
— 27 —
— 1 8 August,
— 287
— 303
ligious enthusiast, XI. 236.
— n November,
— 327
MACPHERSON, JAMES, II. 36.
1792, 1 6 March,
— 409
Madeira: Climate of, IX. 168.
— 13 May,
VII. 8
MADISON, JAMES,
— i June,
— 98
1780, 26 July, III. 31
— 4 —
IOO
1782, 24 March, — 295
10
— 103
— 26 November, — 308
21
— 123
I7^3> 31 January, IV. 125
— 7 February, — 127
— 14 — 136
29
- 3 July,
— 17 September,
— 129
— J31
— 152
— 7 May, — 144
— i October,
— 154
— 7 — — 147
1793, March,
— 250
— i June, — 146
— 31 —
— 272
— 17 — — 166
— 7 April,
— 276
Thomas Jefferson
529
MADISON, JAMES — Continued.
1798, 21 March, VIII.
386
1793, 28 April,
301
— 29 —
391
- 5 May,
307
— 5 April,
397
323
— 6 —
401
— 19 —
336
12
404
— 27 —
346
— 19 —
409
— 2 June,
357
— 26 —
411
— 9 —
373
— 3 May,
413
— 23 — —
407
— 10 —
417
— 29 —
418
- 17 —
419
— 7 July,
436
— 31 —
427
21
453
— 7 June,
433
— 3 August,
463
21
439
— ii —
471
— 26 October,
456
— 18 —
5°7
— 17 November, —
456
— 25 VIII.
7
1799. 3 January, IX.
3
— i September, —
ii
— 16
6
0
32
— 30 —
29
— I5
48
— 5 February,
32
— 2 November, —
58
12
39
— 17 —
72
— 19
5°
1794, 15 February,
— 26 —
59
- 3 April,
141
— 23 August,
77
— 15 May,
150
— 22 November, —
89
— 28 December,
156
1800, 4 March,
118
1795, 5 February,
162
— 25 — —
126
— 27 April,
169
[ — ] 12 May,
J35
— 3 August,
183
— 17 September, —
144
— 21 September,
191
— 19 December, —
157
— 26 November, —
197
— 26 — —
161
1796, 6 March,
223
1 80 1, i February,
172
— 27 — —
230
_ J Q - — .
182
— 17 April,
232
— 12 March,
208
— 17 December, —
254
— 26 —
234
X797» J January,
262
-15 July,
277
j.
264
— 12 August, —
285
— 8 — —
268
— 12 September,
302
— 16
269
— 12 November,
321
22
271
1802, 13 September, —
395
30
279
1803, 22 March,
454
— 1 8 May,
288
- 1 8 August, X.
8
— i June,
o
295
— 25 — —
— 3 1 July,
8
27
,06
— 14 September, —
30
— 22 — —
300
1804, 23 April,
K
— 29 —
320
— 5 July,
— 6 — —
s?
gr
— 24 July,
321
— 14 —
91
— 3 August,
1798, 3 January,
355
— 7 August,
92
94
— 25 — —
358
— 1 8 November, —
— 8 February,
362
1805, April
138
— 15 —
368
— 4 August,
168
2 2 — —
373
— 7 —
169
— 2 March,
378
— 25 —
170
— 15 —
383
— 27 —
172
530
The Writings of
MADISON, JAMES — Continued.
1805, 1 6 September, X.
174
— ii October,
176
— 23
176
— • 24 November,
181
1806, 5 March,
236
— 23 May,
267
— 8 August,
279
— 23 September, —
293
— 19 December,
325
1807, i February,
374
— 14 April,
383
21
388
— 25 —
39°
— i May,
391
, K .._.
392
— 9 August,
474
— 16 —
476
— 18 —
479
- i?
479
— 19 —
480
— 20 — —
481
-25 —
484
— i September, —
489
— 18
495
20
497
1808, ii March, XI.
12
— 24 May,
32
— 12 August,
44
— 6 September, —
49
— X3
5°
1809, 22 May,
92
— 19 April,
1 06
— 1 6 June,
— 12 July,
— 30 November, —
112
114
126
1810, 25 May,
X39
— 15 October,
150
1811, 24 April,
201
— 3 July,
1812, 19 February,
208
226
— 17 April,
232
— 25 May,
246
— 3o _
247
— 6 June,
249
— 29 — —
262
— 6 November, —
270
1813, 21 February,
28l
— 21 May,
286
1814, 1 6 February,
382
— 10 March,
39°
— 15 October,
432
1815, 23 March,
464
1816, 2 August, XII.
3°
1819, 3 March,
116
1820, 29 November, —
*74
1821, 13 January,
192
1821, 1 6 September, XII. 209
1822, 25 February, — 227
1823, 6 January, — 274
— 13 June, — 295
— 30 August, — 306
— 1 8 October, — 315
— 15 November, — 325
1825, 24 December, — 416
1826, 2 January, — 431
— 17 February, — 455
Notes on President's message,
Oct. i, 1803, X. 33.
Memoranda for second inaug
ural address, 128.
Memoranda for fifth annual
message, 181.
Memoranda for sixth annual
message, 303, 310.
Notes on special message on
Great Britain, 320.
Draft of Chesapeake proclama
tion, 447.
Paragraph for message on pub
lic defence, XI. 23.
Draft for eighth annual mes
sage, 56.
Character of, I. 65. Adams' de
sire to join in French mis
sion, 335. Invited by Jeffer
son to Paris, IV. 384. Cypher
with, 412. Lost election of,
V. 451. Commercial propo-
Report of, IX. 113. Case of
Marbury vs., X. 396. Fric
tion with Monroe, XI. 10.
Friction in Cabinet of, 132.
Dignified message of, 211.
Difficulties of, 444. Gift to,
XII. 481.
MADISON, REV. JAMES,
1781, 31 March, III. 235
— 8 April, — 244
J795 t1?8.^ 28 Oct., VIII. 194
1799, 27 February, IX. 61
1800, 31 January, — 108
MADISON, ROWLAND,
1780, 24 December, III. 95
MAGELLAN, portrait of, V. 384
Mail: Complaints concerning
stoppage of, IV. 388.
Maine: Desires statehood, V.
7-
Thomas Jefferson
Majority: Sacred principle of gov
ernment by, IX. 195. Right of,
341-
MALTHUS, Jefferson's praise of,
X. 72.
Mammoth (see Fossil Bones').
Man: Degeneracy of, in new
world, III. 418. "The only ani
mal which devours his own
kind," V. 253. Can be gov
erned other than by force, 255.
Right of, to bind future genera
tions, VI. 3. Jefferson's faith in,
VIII. 185. Natural right of ex
patriation of, IX. 341. Slow
progress of, X. 530. Natural
rights of, XI. 534. Destruction
of, XII. 239. Origin of parties
in, 375-
MANGNALL, JOHN, case of, VI. 318.
Report on, 325.
MANNERS, JOHN,
1817, 12 June, XII. 65
Manslaughter: Law concerning,
V. 48.
Manufactures: Privileges to, IV.
45. Evil effects of, 85. Un-Amer
ican character of, 85. Condi
tion of American, 87 . Jefferson's
dislike of, 449, 469; XI. 501.
Dear labor makes American,
impossible, V. 408. Hamilton's
report on, VII. 139. Stimula
tion of, by embargo, XI. 70, 90.
Growth of domestic, 199, 219,
260; XII. 61. Development of
household, XI. 272, 274. Ques
tion as to advantage of , XII. 62.
Development of domestic, 62.
Proposition to encourage, by
taxing other interests, 328.
M.\RBOIS, BARBE DE,
1781, 4 March, III. 314
I- 93-
MARBURY vs. MADISON, case of,
X. 396; XI. 141; XII. 256.
MARIE ANTOINETTE, dissipations
of, I. 1 06. Responsibilities of,
149. Character of, V. 286. De
testation of, 317.
Maritime Jurisdiction: Limits of,
VIII. 52, 60, 61, 75. As affected
by coast-line, X. 101.
MARSHALL, JOHN, appointment
to X Y Z mission, I. 355. Ham
ilton desires election of, VII.
130. Injury to republicanism
by, VIII. 197. Amendments to
Constitution proposed by, 360,
364. Reception of, at New
York, 439. Effect of despatches
of, IX. 21, 27. Course of, in
Burr trial, X. 382, 385. Issues
subpoena against Jefferson, 400,
404, 406, 408. Cunning and
sophistry of, XI. 140. Extra-
judicial opinions of, XII. 256.
MARSHALL'S Life of Washington:
A party diatribe, I. 164; XI.
485. Criticism of, IX. 372; XI.
121. Notes upon, 122. Misre
presentations in, 205. Libels
in, 296. A five- volume libel,
XII. 278.
MARTIN, JAMES,
1813, 20 September, XI.
335
MARTIN, LUTHER, attack of, on
Notes on Virginia, VIII. 301,
352. 353. 390- Motive of, 416.
Implicated with Burr, X.
402.
MARYLAND, GOVERNOR OF,
1781, 15 January, III. 129
— i February, — 159
— 6 March, — 201
Maryland: Motion for, on national
capital, IV. 319. Delegates of,
did not retire from Congress,
V. 190. Claim of, to part of
Virginia, VIII. 273.
Maryland Bank Case, VII. 67.
MARX, JOSEPH,
1819, 24 August, XI. 134
MASON, GEORGE,
1790, 13 June, VI. 74
1791, 4 February, — 185
Character of, I. 65. Share in
Revisal, 67; II. 383. Anec
dotes concerning Federal
convention, I. 231. Conver
sation with, VII. 154. Com
mercial proposition of, in
convention, IX. 121. Drafts
Virginia Bill of Rights and
constitution, XII. 407.
MASON, JOHN M., a red-hot Fed
eralist, XI. 131.
MASON, JOHN THOMPSON,
1814, 18 August, XI. 410
532
The Writings of
MASON, STEPHENS THOMPSON,
1798, ii October, VIII. 449
1799, 27 IX. 85
MASON, T., IV. 145.
MASSACHUSETTS, GOVERNOR OF,
1808, 12 August, XI. 45
Massachusetts: Excessive taxa
tion in, V. 239. Malcontents in,
263. Favored by assumption,
VI. 1 08. Change in vote of, IX.
65. Political fixity of, 463.
Traitorous conduct of, XI. 336.
Relation of, to Union, 336.
Probable attitude as regards
fisheries, 395. Republicaniza-
tion of, XII. 127. Revision of
constitution of, 198.
MATHEWS, GEORGE,
1779, 8 October, II. 467
MAURY, JAMES, I. 5; II. 6.
MAURY, JAMES, JR.,
1812, 25 April, XI. 239
MAZZEI, PHILIP,
1785, ? November, IV. 473
1796, 24 April, VIII. 235
1 80 1, 17 March, IX. 210
1813, 29 December, XI. 364
1815, 9 August, — 480
Jefferson's fear of, IV. 270.
Book on the U. S., V. 171.
Appointment of, 425. Jeffer
son's letter to, VIII. 235,
332; XII. 360. Private
affairs of, XI. 367, 481.
Jefferson's debt to, 481 ; XII.
1 8. Death of, 16.
MEADE, RICHARD,
1781, 4 January, III. 114
MEASE, JAMES,
1825, 26 September, XII. 413
MEASE, MRS. SARAH,
1801, 26 March, IX. 234
Mecklenburg Declaration: Alleged,
XII. 132.
Medicine: Blows of Moliere at,
IV. 504. Jefferson's views upon,
X. 425-
MEIGS, JOSIAH,
1813, 18 September, XI. 334
MELISH, JOHN,
1813, 13 January, XI. 274
1814, 10 December, III. 36
Map by, XI. 274.
MERCER, HUGH, JR., motion con
cerning, IV. 334.
MERCER, JOHN FRANCIS,
1792, 19 December, VII. 195
I797\ 5 September, VIII. 338
Opinion of, IV. 331.
MERRY, A., arrival of, X. 66. So
cial clash with, 66.
MESMER, Franklin's report on, VI.
206.
Message, Presidential: Substitu
tion of, for speech, IX. 345.
Meteorological Observations: Jef
ferson's method of making, VI.
47, 61.
MEUNIER, M. DE,
1786, 22 June, V. 68
1795, 29 April, VIII. 173
Article in Encyclopaedia, I.
169; V. 168, 171, 180, 183.
Reference to, 180.
Mexico: Attitude of U. S. towards,
I. 423. News of, V. 277. Com
ing revolution in, XI. 351.
Affairs in, XII. 274.
MEZIERES, CHEVALIER DE, claim
of, to Georgian lands, IV. 487-
492.
MICHAUX, ANDRE, instructions to,
I. 281; VII. 208. Proposed ex
pedition of, I. 350.
Midnight Appointments: IX. 222,
225, 231, 237; X. 85.
MIFFLIN, THOMAS, application of,
for guns, I. 291.
Military Academy: Proposition to
establish, I. 330.
Militia: Pickering's opinion of, I.
347. Number in Virginia, III.
490-493. System, 492. Propo
sition for a graded, X. 192.
Bill to establish naval, 207.
Estimate of, in U. S., 209. Bill
creating a classified, 213. Classi
fication of, 223. Division con
cerning classification of, 253.
Payment of Ohio, 357. Circular
letter concerning, 372. Neces
sity for classified, 392. Readi
ness of, 522. System of classi
fied, XI. 31. Arrangements
concerning, 68.
MILLER, REV. SAMUEL,
1808, 23 January, XI. 7
MILLIGAN, JOSEPH,
1814, 17 October, XI. 439
Thomas Jefferson
533
Mind: Experiments upon, XII.
401.
MINOR, JOHN,
1814, 30 August, XI. 420
Mint: Establishment of, VII. 161.
MlRABEAU, HONORE GABRIEL R£-
QUETTI, COMTE DE,
1786, 20 August, V. 167
Miranda Expedition, X. 242.
Prosecutions for participation
in, I. 398. Jefferson's know
ledge concerning, XI. 119.
Mississippi River: Navigation, of
I. 239; III. 137; IV. 368, 374;
V. 444; VI. 112, 115, 123, 213,
236, 342, 349. 378> 392. 4io,
416, 421; VII. 101, 136. Im
portance of, V. 75, 256, 398.
Negotiations concerning, 147.
Evil effects of closing, 227.
Closing of, will result in sepa
ration between the eastern and
western country, 256. Will
probably lead to a war with
Spain, 257. Unfortunate ques
tion in regard to, 285. Western
country in a flame over, 346;
IX. 436. Difficulties over, V.
404. 'Spain disposed to grant
right of deposit, VI. 318, 342;
IX. 436.
MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, GOVER
NOR OF THE,
1801, 13 July, IX. 274
1807, i November, X. 527
Mississippi Territory: Wretched
appointments for, VIII. 415.
Missouri Compromise, XII. 151,
157, 158, 191. A party trick,
165, 260, 323. Dissension pro
duced by, 179. Political changes
wrought by, 186. Difficulties
of, 193, 198.
Mobile: Disagreement over, X.
IO2, IO4, III.
Mohegans: Language of, V. 444.
MOLIERE, almost destroyed the
science of medicine, IV. 504.
Monarchy (see also Federalist):
Party of, in U. S., I. 169, 337,
338; VI. 290; VII. 121, 322.
Suspicion of, in U. S., I.
316. A government of wolves
over sheep, V. 255. Growth of
sentiment in America in favor
of, 320; VII. 109. Party of, in
Federal convention, VI. 490.
Smallness of party of, in U. S.,
VII. 204. Waning power of, in
U. S., 207. Jefferson's "Book
of Kings," XI. 439. Favored
by leading Federalists, XII.
392.
Money (see also Gold; Paper
Money) : Metallic, the only true,
XII. 165.
Money Bills: Right to originate,
II. 311.
Money Unit: Jefferson's notes on,
I. 82; III. 233, 297.
MONROE, JAMES,
1782, 20 May, III. 298
1783, 1 8 November, IV. 177
1784, 21 May, — 358
— ii November, — 370
— 10 December, — 385
1785, February, — 395
— 1 8 March, — 404
— 15 April, — 408
— 1 7 June, — 415
— 5 July, - 429
— 28 August, — 452
1786, 10 May, V. 105
— 9 July, — 13 r
— ii August, — 147
1790, 20 June, VI. 78
— 1 1 July, — 88
1791, 1 8 January, — 174
— 17 April, — 241
— 10 July, — 280
1792, ii April, - 474
— 23 June, VII. 127
1793, 14 January, — 207
— 5 May, — 308
— 4 June, — 360
— 28 — — 415
— 14 July, — 446
1794, ii March, VIII. 139
— 24 April, — 143
1795, 26 May, — 176
- 6 September, — 186
1796, 2 March, — 220
— 21 — — 229
— 12 June, — 243
— 10 July, — 251
1797, 7 September, — 339
— 25 October, — 344
— 27 December, — 349
[1798, 8 February,] — 364
— 8 March, — 380
534
The Writings of
MONROE, JAMES — Continued.
1798, 21 March, VIII.
— 5 April,
— 19 —
— 21 May,
J799> 3 January, IX.
— ii February,
1800, 12 January,
— 6 February,
— 26 May,
— 20 September, —
— 8 November, —
1 80 1, 15 February,
— 7 — [*.*., Mar.] —
— 26 May,
— 29 — —
— 14 November, —
1802, 15 July,
— 17 —
1803, 10 January,
1804, 8 January, X.
1806, 1 8 March,
— 4 May,
— 26 October,
1807, 21 March,
1808, 1 8 February, XI.
— 10 March,
— ii April,
— 12 October,
1809, 28 January,
1811, 5 May,
1812, ii January,
1814, 24 September, —
— 1 6 October,
1815, i January,
1816, 4 February,
— 1 6 October, XII.
1819, 1 8 January,
1820, 14 May,
1822, 19 March,
— i December, —
1823, 21 February,
— 29 March,
— ii June,
— 23 —
— 19 October,
1824, 2 July,
— 5 February,
— 27 March,
— 1 8 July,
— 15 December, —
388
399
407
423
5
9
35
55
9°
H3
145
149
178
202
259
260
262
312
387
390
416
418
59
237
259
296
374
9
ii
14
19
93
206
217
43°
43 6
442
39
J43
1 60
228
273
276
281
291
296
317
339
343
346
372
387
1826, 22 February, XII. 460
— 8 March, — 466
Recall of, I. 340. Cypher with,
IV. 395, 408. Jefferson's de
sire that he should settle
near him, V. 105; VIII. 178.
Will be elected Senator, VI.
148. Jefferson's regard for,
VIII. 171. Book in defence
of, 276. Reason for appoint
ment of, 276. Return of,
from France, 338. Suggested
title of book by, 344. Publi
cation of book by, 347, 350,
362, 364. Removal of, to
Richmond, 383. Attacks
upon, 399. Jefferson's desire
to see, in Senate, IX. 13.
Named special plenipoten
tiary to negotiate concerning
Louisiana, 416. Instructions
to, concerning Louisiana,
418. Special mission of, 435,
436, 441. Attempts to be
little services of, X. 13;
Offered governorship of
Louisiana, 65. Alarmist let
ter from, 94. Appointed
special minister to Spain,
202. Unfortunate connec
tion with Randolph, 261.
Offer to, of governorship of
Western Territory, 262. Bad
management of estate^ of,
298. Offer of governorship of
New Orleans, 376. Friction
with Madison, XI. 10. Causes
for ill-feeling of, 1 1 . History
of English mission of, n.
Personal views of, 127. En
deavor to placate, 127. ^ Ac
ceptance of Secretaryship of
War, 445. Elected President,
XII. 63. Request for per
mission to publish letters of
Jefferson, 387. Financial
difficulties of, 460.
Monroe Doctrine: Jefferson's ap
proval of, XII. 318.
MONTESQUIEU'S Spirit of Laws,
VI. 63. False doctrine of, that
a republic must be small, IX.
221. Jefferson's opinion of, XI.
1 8 1 . Jefferson translates Tracy's
reply to, 182.
Thomas Jefferson
535
Monticello: Building of, II. 7, 94.
Jefferson's wish to form select
society about, IV. 383. Tarle-
ton's raid on, V. 419. Climate
of, VI. 62. Jefferson's pleasure
in, IX. 94.
MONTMORIN, ARMAND MARC,
COMTE DE, character of, V. 286,
424. Jefferson's conversations
with, VI. 17.
MOODY, JOHN,
J797> J3 June, VIII. 305
MOOR, JEREMIAH,
1800, 14 August, IX. 142
MOORE, BERNARD,
XI. 420
Moose: Jefferson's gift of, to
Buffon, V. 352; XII. 393.
MORELLET, ABBE,
1787, 2 July, III. 332
Editor of French edition of
Notes, III. 322, 324; V. 77,
79. Advertisement of, III.
327-
MORGAN, GEORGE,
1806, 19 September, X. 291
MORGAN, MRS. KATHARINE
DUANE,
1822, 26 June, X. 291
Morocco: Depredations of, on
American commerce, IV. 390,
397, 407-
MORRIS, COMMODORE CHARLES,
conduct of, IX. 456. Court-
martial of, X. 77.
MORRIS, GOUVERNEUR,
1790, 12 August,
— 26 November,
1792, 23 January,
— 10 March,
— 28 April,
— 1 6 June,
— 15 October,
— 7 November,
— 30 December,
1793, 12 March,
— 15 —
— 20 April,
— 24 May,
— 13 June,
— 1 6 August,
1 80 1, 8 May,
Informal appointment of, "I.
189. Attitude towards French
VII.
VI. 122
— 373
— 401
484
in
— 162
— 198
— 258
— 263
— 281
— 343
— 384
VIII. 4?4
IX. 250
Revolution, 212. Trick in Fed
eral convention, 232. Quar
rel with French ministers,
253. The French government
complains of conduct of,
253; VIII. 92. Indiscreet
conduct of, I. 255. Senatorial
party against, VI. 360. Foot
ing of, in England, 361. Ap
pointed Minister to France,
3 73 1 381. Revision of letter
to, 380. Objection to, 381.
Grounds for opposition to,
407. Letter to Washington
from, VII. 124. Unpopu
larity of, in France, 131.
Appointment of, 163. Per
sonal danger of, 175. Diffi
cult position of, 198. Letter
of, 208, 269.
MORRIS, ROBERT,
1784, i February, IV. 236
V. 120, 137. Influence of, I.
295. Promised support of
Washington, 307. Dislike of,
by Arthur Lee, IV. 419. Se
cures tobacco contract, 508.
Contract with Farmers Gen
eral, V. 1 02. Deranged
affairs of, 452. Land pur
chases of, VI. 275, 278. Sub
scription of, to U. S. Bank,
278. Share of, in locating
capital, VII. 227. Notes of,
VIII. 422. Claim on, IX. 38.
Decline of, 209.
MORSE, JEDEDIAH,
1822, 6 March, XII. 222
Outcry of, against Illumina-
tism, IX. 1 08. Proposed In
dian Society of, XII. 202.
Mould-board: Jefferson's experi
ments with, VIII. 251; IX. 133.
Mountains: Observations upon,
VIII. 249.
MOUSTIER, COUNT DE,
1788, 17 May, V. 392
1789, _2o - 477
Appointed French Minister to
America, V. 352, 355. Char
acter of, 357. Offended at
American etiquette, 392, 404.
Project for a French colony
in America, VI. 117.
536
The Writings of
MURRAY, W. VANS, nomination to
negotiate with France, IX. 59,
61.
Muskets: Improvements in, IV.
508.
N
Nails: Jefferson's manufactory of,
VIII. 167, 175, 212; IX. 67, 77.
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE (see Bo
naparte) .
National Intelligencer: Govern
mental influence in, X. 151.
''Native Virginian" (a). 'Charge of
peculation against Jefferson,
XII. 229.
Natural Bridge: Jefferson's owner
ship of, V. 238. Jefferson's de
sire to visit, VI. 29.
Naturalization, IV. 43, 48. Re-
visal of laws of, recommended,
IX. 340.
Natural Rights, II. 200.
Natural Selection: Application of,
to mankind, XI. 341.
Naval Militia: Bill to establish,
X. 206.
Navigation, Internal: Necessity
for improving, IV. 383; VI. 210.
Navigation Law: Jefferson's views
on, V. 439-
Navy, VIII. 289, 299, 303, 317.
Cabinet council concerning, I.
418. Value of, IV. 400. Amer
ican, a bridle on Europe, 451.
U. S. without a, V. 14. Neces
sity of, 439. Increase of, VIII.
393; IX. 4. Bill for additional
ships for, VIII. 411. How far
necessary, IX. 338. Threatened
decay of, 416. Peace estab
lishment of, X. 193. Need of
ships-of-the-line for, 267. Bril
liant conduct of, XI. 288. Vic
tories of, 358, 365. Ineffective
ness of, 445. Beginning of, XII.
266. Expense of, 269.
Navy, Department of: Bill to es
tablish, VIII. 411. Secretary
ship of, offered to Samuel
Smith, IX. 207. Secretaryship
of, 226, 234. Necessity of ad
vertising for a secretary of, 251.
Navy Yards: Location of, X. 124.
NECKER, JACQUES, recall of, I.
129. Financial plans of, V. 488.
Proposed loan of, 495.
NECKER, MADAME, Jefferson's re
collections of, XII. 394.
Negro (see also Slave): Albinos,
III. 466. Ethnology of, IV. 50.
Physical difference, 50, 56. In
tellect of, 51; XI. 99, 121.
NELSON, HUGH,
1820, 7 February, XII. 157
— 12 March, — 157
NELSON, THOMAS,
1776, 16 May, II. 151
— 16 - IV. 23
1781, 2 January, III. 109
— 12 — - 123
— 15 — 130
— 15 — 131
20 147
— 25 — 151
— 1 6 February, — 169
— 21 — 181
Revolutionary services of, XII.
211.
NETHERLAND, case of HOWELLVS.,
I. 470.
Netherlands: U.S. commerce with,
VII. 235. Status of American
commerce with, VIII. 106.
NEUFVILLE, JOHN DE, report upon,
VII. 184.
Neutrality: Proclamation of, I.
269, 328; VII. 281, 336, 407,
421, 481. Advantages of, to
America, V. 351. Of U. S. be
tween Great Britain and Spain
in 1790, VI. 142. Powers to
punish citizens infringing, VII.
161. U.S. should maintain, 2 75.
U. S. will preserve, 281. In
fringements of, 282, 302, 312.
How far French treaties in
fringe, 289. French infringe
ments of, 307, 325. Difficulty
of restraining American people
to, 309. President's influence
in, 309. Objections to circular
letter concerning, 316, 323.
Enforcement of, should be left
to local juries and courts, 317.
Cabinet discussions of, 323.
Enforcement of, 324, 357.
Offences against, by American
citizens, 327, 328, 352. Case of
the Little Sarah, 3 3 2 , 43 7 . Duty
Thomas Jefferson
537
Ne u trality — Continued .
of, 363. Difficulty of maintain
ing, 385; X. 109. Principles
governing U. S., VII. 387, 446.
Letters of "Paciftcus" in de
fence of, 420. Proposition to
submit questions of, to Su-
freme Court, 451, 460, 465.
sfferson's opinion on, 472.
abinet opinion on restora
tion of prizes, 474. Addresses
in support of, 508. Orders con
cerning American, VIII. 20.
Rights of Great Britain and
France under, 38. Jefferson's
desire for, 285. Fraudulent use
of flags, X. 531. Rules govern
ing fitting out of vessels, XI.
50.
Neutral Trade (see also Berlin
Decrees; France; Great Brit
ain): Opinion on, VIII. 120.
Schlegel's pamphlet on, IX.
287. Depends on France and
Russia, X. 381. Orders in
Council concerning, XI. 6, 112.
Letter to Emperor of Russia
concerning, 47.
New England: Paper money of, V.
123. Turbulence in, 238, 254.
Checks on commerce of, 239.
Revolution of opinion in, VIII.
395. Political domination by,
430. Juries in, 482. Political
changes in, IX. 249. Popular
songs in, 383. Proposed seces
sion of, XL 87, 238, 277; XII.
422. Federalism of , XI. 91, 104.
System of jurisprudence of, 151.
Aristocracy in, 345. Impudent
attempt to extend religion of,
over U. S., 508, 509. Conduct
of, in War of 1812, XII. 62.
New Hampshire: Proposed change
in office-holders of, I. 360.
Temporary constitution of, V.
4. Appointments in, IX. 383.
New Haven: Remonstrance of
committee of, IX. 270, 279,
283, 289.
New Haven Letter: Explanation
of, X. 22.
NEW ORLEANS, GOVERNOR OF,
1807, 3 January, X. 332
— 3 February, — 335
1807, 21 June, X. 336
— 20 September, — 499
New Orleans (see also Orleans'):
Defence of, I. 399, 402. Prob
able attack upon, 429. Secret
agent at, VII. 346. Proposed
cession of, to U. S., IX. 367.
Excitement of western country
over, 416. Proposed purchase
of, 418. Right of deposit sus
pended at, 435, 436; X. 35.
Jefferson's desire to acquire, IX.
442. Defence of, X. 233. Views
of Cabinet concerning, 253.
Scheme of defence for, 253.
Defence of, as regards Burr,
332. Victory at, XI. 463. For
tunate success at, 466.
Newspapers: Lying British, V.
361. Character of press in 1795,
VIII. 206. Details concerning
American, 206, 308. Abuse of
Jefferson in, 375. Project of
Adams to start, IX. 68. Meth
od of conducting, X. 417. Un-
truthfulness of, XII. no. Jef
ferson's dislike of, 291. Lee's
prospectus of, 374.
NEWTON, THOMAS,
1804, 5 March, X. 74
New York City: Panic at, VI. 478,
480, 481. Fortification of, X.
458; XI. 67.
New York State: Politics in, I. 377.
Motion concerning conduct of,
II. 96. Charter of, III. 295.
Overawing of, V. 196. Elections
in, VII. 103, 123, 127; VIII.
420. Case of convassers in, VII.
123. Political change in, VIII.
311. Political battle in, 357.
Republicans certain of carry
ing election in, IX. 122. Al
leged intolerance in, XII. 59,
73. Expenditures of, for educa
tion, 170, 172. Instructions
concerning independence, 312.
NICHOLAS, GEORGE, pamphlet of,
against alien and sedition laws,
IX. 36, 40, 44.
NICHOLAS, JOHN,
1781, 10 January, III. 123
1819, 10 November, XII. 146
Revolutionary services of, XII.
147-
538
The Writings of
NICHOLAS, PHILIP NORBORNE,
1800, 7 April, IX. 127
NICHOLAS, R. 0., I. 466. Moves
a fast, 12. Supports Estab
lished Church, 62.
NICHOLAS, WILSON GARY,
1794, 22 November, VIII. 153
1798, 5 October, — 449
— 29 November, — 483
1799, 26 August, IX. 78
— 5 September, — 79
1801, ii June, — 264
1802, 26 January, — 348
1803, 7 September, X. 10
1804, 6 December, — 123
1805, 26 March, — 137
— 25 October, — 179
1806, 24 March, — 243
— 13 April, — 244
1807, 28 February, — 370
1809, 25 May, XI. 107
— 13 June, — 108
1817, 10 — XII. 64
Charge of speculation against,
VIII. 162. Speech of, on Se
dition Law, IX. 61. Offer of
mission to Spain to, X. 243.
Relations with Madison, XI.
282. Proposed appointment
of son of, 282, 286. Bank
ruptcy of, XII. 276. Pro
posed vindication of, 304.
NICHOLSON, JOHN,
1806, 19 September, X. 292
Impeachment of, VII. 276.
NICHOLSON, JOSEPH HOPPER,
1807, 20 February, X. 369
Nightingales: Jefferson's delight
in, V. 282.
NILES, NATHANIEL,
1 80 1, 22 March, IX. 220
Non-Importation Law (see also
Embargo}: Proposed, VIII. 150.
People favor, 151. Probable
continuance of, X. 297.
Norfolk, Va.: Advantage of cen
tring commerce at, IV. 382.
Burning of, X. 74. Intercourse
with British ships off, 475.
NORTH, LORD, conciliatory propo
sition of, I. 16; II. 101, 125; V.
198.
NORTH CAROLINA, GOVERNOR OF,
1779, ii November, II. 484
1781, 16 January, III. 135
1792, 6 June, VII. 102
NORTH CAROLINA, SPEAKERS OF
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF,
1781, 3 March, III. 200
North Carolina: Payments to sol
diers of, VI. 65. Claim of, to
Cherokee lands, 140. Discon
tent ^of, at assumption, 154.
Political conditions in, IX. 129.
History of, XII. 459.
Northwest Boundary, I. 222.
NORVELL, JOHN,
1807, 14 June,
X. 415
O
O'FALLON, JAMES, attempt of, to
raise an army, VI. 223.
Office: Rotation in, V. 372; VI.
148. Duty of public, VII. 373.
Office-Holders ^ (see also Civil Ser
vice; Public Office; Removal):
Honesty of, V. 15. Should be
neutral, IX. 393. Right of
Congress to documents relating
to, X. 218. Removal of, in
duces intrigue and corruption,
XII. 174.
OGILVIE, JAMES,
1771, 20 February, II. 5
1806, 31 January, X. 225
I. 482, 483; II. 4.
OGLETHORPE, Gov., heir of, IV.
487, 490.
OHIO, GOVERNOR OF,
1807, 2 February, X. 357
Ohio: Movement of Burr's expe
dition in, X. 332. Fidelity of,
in Burr's schemes, 357.
Oil, American: In France, VI. 247.
Olive Trees: Value of, V. 338; VI.
15. Cargo of, 253. Importation
of, 487. Jefferson's importation
of, XI. 272.
Orders in Council (see Great
Britain).
Ordinance of 1784, IV. 276. In re
lation to new States, V. 29.
Slave clause in, 65.
Ordinance of 1787: Passage of, V.
346.
ORLEANS, DUKE OF, caballing of,
V. 490.
Orleans, Territory of (see also New
Orleans}: Subdivision of, X.
146. Discontent in, 340. De
fence of, 528.
Thomas Jefferson
539
Osbornes, Va.: The Jeffersons own
land at, I. 4.
OSGOOD, SAMUEL, appointment of,
IX. 470.
OSSIAN, II. 36.
OTIS, GEORGE A.,
1821, 15 February, XII. 200
OTTO, L. W.,
1791, 29 March, VI. 227
OUTACITE, Jefferson's meeting
with, XI. 254.
Pacific, The: Project for an ex
ploration to, VII. 208. Message
on expedition to, IX. 421.
Purposes of expedition to, 422.
"Pacificus" (see HAMILTON, AL
EXANDER), articles of, VII. 420,
436. President uneasy concern
ing, 464.
Packets: Project for international,
IV. 434-
PAGAN, , case of, VII. 279.
PAGE, MRS. ELIZABETH,
1821, 8 December, XII. 211
PAGE, JOHN,
1762, 25 December, I. 434
1763, 20 January, — 439
— 15 July, — 441
— 7 October, — 446
1764, 19 January, — 447
— 23 — — 449
— 9 April, — 452
1770, 21 February, — 467
1 775. 3 1 October, II. 140
— 10 (?) December, — 147
1776, 20 July, — 229
— 5 August, - 233
— 20 — — 242
1779, June, — 372
1786, 4 May, V. 98
1798, i January, VIII. 352
1799,24 IX. 13
1802, 20 February, — 350
— 2 April, — 352
— 7 May, — 353
1804, 16 August, X. 96
1806, 3 July, IX. 353
1807, 10 June, — 355
— 17 July, X. 468
1808, 6 September, IX. 355
Jefferson's friendship for, IX.
292. Jefferson's desire to
create place for, 292, 350.
PAGE, MANN,
I79S» 3° August, VIII. 184
1798, 2 January, — 353
Financial embarrassment of , 2 3 6 .
PAINE, THOMAS,
1791, 29 July, VI. 297
1792, 19 June, VII. 121
1801, 18 March, IX. 212
1803, 13 January, — 417
— 1 8 August, X. 8
1805, 5 June, — 150
1806, 25 March, — 246
1807, 6 September, — 492
— 9 October, — 493
Help for, IV. 364. Reward of,
383. Rights of Man, VI. 255,
258, 261, 280, 282, 290, 298,
314. Jefferson seeks appoint
ment for, 280. Observations
of, on coinage, 298. Value of
pamphlet of, VII. 121. Pass
age in public ship, IX. 213.
Suspects Jefferson of cold
ness, 417. Jefferson's opinion
of, XII. 194.
Panama Canal: Project for, V.
368, 403.
Paper Money: High prices pro
duced by, I. 342. Depreciation
of, II. 364. Bill to call in, III.
31. Purchase of, IV. 332, 348.
Rate of redemption, V. 12.
Account of, 24, 40. Has ceased
to circulate, 123. yalue of , 139.
Jefferson's experience with,
248. A cheat, VI. 106; XI. 494.
French assignats, VI. 316.
Drives out metallic, 490. Brit
ish complaints concerning, VII.
54. Issue of, by Great Britain,
416, 418, 419. Rests on the
credit of a nation, 416. Peril of,
VIII. 481. Effect of, on debts,
IX. 475. Jefferson's disapproval
of, XI. 301. Experience of Vir
ginia in, 302. ^ Continental, 322.
Not intrinsic money, 328.
Should bear interest, 355. In
ordinate quantity of, 383. Has
destroyed measure of value,
XII. 112. Collapse of , 144, 149,
158. Plan for reducing, 150.
PARADISE, JOHN,
1791, 26 August, VI. 305
Affairs of, V. 448.
540
The Writings of
PARADISE, MRS. JOHN,
1786, 27 August, V. 172
Pardon: Jefferson's rule concern
ing, X. 282.
Paris: Gaiety of, V. 146. Changes
in, 264, 460. Picture of man
ners of, 315. News of, 390. Po
litically mad, 391. Talks no
thing but politics, 467. Condi
tion of, 485. Rioting in, 487.
Characterization of shops and
people at, VIII. 179.
Parliamentary Manual, XI. 116.
Parliamentary Rules: Request to
Wythe for aid in, VIII. 274.
PARMA, PRINCE OF, letter from,
VIII. 291.
Paroles: Proclamation concern
ing, III. 144. Force of, 152,
232.
Parties, Political: Northern
against southern, VI. 492. Ani
mosities engendered by, VII.
156. Composition of French
and English, in U. S., 324, 361.
Division of, in U. S., VIII. 337.
Changes in, in U. S., 351, 392,
396, 403 ; IX. 30, 44, 62, 63, 127,
265, 279, 370, 398, 400, 449;
X. 61, 73, 299; XII. 93, 250.
Changes among States, IX. 112.
Importance of Middle States to,
122. Amalgamation of , in U. S. ,
241. Change of individuals in,
X . 259. Disappearance of , XII.
62.
Passport: For American ships,
VII. 312. Forms of, 319, 320,
386.
Passy: Veneration of Franklin in,
VI. 207.
Patents: Draft of bill to allow, VI.
189. Discussion of clause for
bill granting, 328. Bill con
cerning, 458.
PATTERSON, WILLIAM, social sta
tion of, X. 49.
PEALE, CHARLES WILLSON,
1802, 5 May, IX. 373
Pele Mele: Rules of, X. 48, 66.
PENDLETON, EDMUND,
? 22 July,
1776, 10 August,
— July,
— 13 August,
/. 34
n. 2/94
— 237
1779, a May, II. 383
1791, 24 July, VI. 286
1798, 2 April, VIII. 394
1799, 29 January, IX. 27
— 1 4 February, — 45
— J9 — 53
— 22 Apnl, — 64
1800, 19 — us
I. 466, 470. Supports entail, 59,
69. Supports Established
Church, 62. Share in Revisal,
67; II. 383. Newspaper ar
ticle by, VIII. 64.
PENN, ABRAHAM,
1781, 4 May, III. 268
PENNSYLVANIA, PRESIDENT OF,
1781, 17 April, III. 254
— 18 . — — 255
Pennsylvania: Boundary of, II.
224-226; III. 4, 235, 244, 254.
Political divisions in, V. 15.
Conduct of mutineers in, 39.
Sale of public lands to, VI. 347.
Election in, VII. 171. Vir
ginia's duty to cultivate friend
ship with, VIII. 273. Import
ance of election in, IX. 86, 87.
Political schism in, 456; X. 83,
142, 143. Removals in, 21, 23.
Fabricated letter of Jefferson
on election in, XII. 75. Out
break of fanaticism in, 270.
Political labyrinth of, 287.
Pennsylvania Bank: Difficulties
of, IX. 379.
Pennsylvania Convention:
*776, 15 July» II- 224
Pensacola: Seizure of, XII. 104.
People: Safe to rely on the good
sense of, V. 252. The opinion of
the, the basis of American gov
ernments, 253. Share of, in
government, 483. How far can
they exercise government? 483.
Right of, to bind future genera
tions, VI. 3. Soundness of, VII.
122. Blind to a degree, 203.
Source of all authority, 284.
Sympathy for France by Amer
ican, 309. Hamilton's proposi
tion to appeal to, against
Genet, 449, 464. Proposed ap
peal to, 508.
PETERS, RICHARD,
1791, 30 June, VI. 276
Thomas Jefferson
-, employment of, VI.
PETIT,
150.
PEYROUSE,
1803, 3 July, , IX- 429
PEYTON, B., Jefferson s request
for appointment of, XII. 343-
Philadelphia (see Capital, Na
tional): Rise in values in, VI.
105. Malignant fever in, VIII.
12, 17, 33, 46, 63. Abatement
of fever at, 57, 58. Blacks not
susceptible to fever at, 57. Un
comfortable condition at, 57,
"Philadelphia," Frigate: Loss of,
X. 78.
PHILIPS, JOSIAH, bill to attaint,
II. 330. Case of, XI. 407, 410.
PHILLIPS, GEN. WILLIAM,
1781, 31 March, III. 237
Request of, II. 376. Invasion
of Virginia, III. 236-238,
270, 282.
PICKERING, JUDGE J., I. 121.
PICKERING, TIMOTHY, Fourth of
July address, XII. 306, 357.
Quarrel with Hamiltonians,
315. Enmities of, 357.
PIKE, LIEUT. ALBERT, expedition
of, X. 431; XII. 98. Piracy of,
XL 354. n
PINCKNEY, CHARLES,
1799, 29 October, IX. 86
1801, 6 March, — 200
1820, 30 September, XII. 164
Political ambition of, X. 64.
PINCKNEY, THOMAS,
1792, 17 January, VI. 366
— ii June, VII. 104
— 12 October, — 156
— 8 November, — 177
— 3 December, — 191
1793, 12 April, — 277
— 7 May, — 312
— 2 June, — 359
— 14 — — 388
— 7 September, VIII. 24
1797, 29 May, — 291
Offered Ministry to London, VI.
324. Appointed Minister to
England, 367, 380. Testi
monial to, VII. 122. Jay
mission will amount to recall
of, VIII. 143. Scheme to
elect, 255. Effect of des
patches of, 288. Approval
of, of Jay Treaty, 297.
Pirates: Proposed action against,
I. 100.
Pitch, V. 296.
PITT, WILLIAM, on American
commerce, IV. 373. Bill of,
against democratic societies,
VIII. 227.
"Plain Truth": Authorship of,
VII. 308.
PLATO, Jefferson's opinion of Re
public of, XL 396. Character
ization of, XII. 141-
PLEASANTS, JAMES,
1821, 26 December, XII. 213
PLEASANTS, JOHN HAMBDEN,
1824, 19 April, XII. 351
Politics (see also Parties) : Jeffer
son's dislike of party, VI. 454.
Bigotry in, VIII. 318; IX. 217.
POLLOCK, OLIVER,
1784, 23 January, IV. 222.
POMPADOUR, MADAME DE, verses
on, V. 216.
Portugal: Negotiations with, V.
1 06. W. S. Smith's mission to,
345. Status of American com
merce with, VIII. 102. Loss
of South American colonies of,
XII. 64. Justice of govern
ment of, 1 68.
POSTMASTER-GENERAL,
1801, 29 March, IX. 244
— 3 May, — 249
1803, 8 — — 465
— 20 — — 468
1804, 16 April, X. 74
Post Office: Southern routes of,
VI. 358. Plan of mails, 382,
409. Infidelities of, VIII. 480;
IX. 40, 58. Federalist device
concerning, XL 392.
Post Roads: Bottomless abyss for
public money, VIII. 226.
Posts, Frontier, V. 96, 114; VI.
i55- Question as to, I. 225.
Demand for delivery of, 323;
V. 87; VII. 101. Northeast
boundary, VI. 155. Informa
tion concerning, 266. Agree
ment to surrender, VII. 42.
Retention of, by British, 44;
VIII. 96. Northwest boundary,
VII. 101. Cause Indian wars, 4 14.
542
The Writings of
Potash, V. 295.
Potomac: Importance of develop
ing, V. 230. Improvement in
navigation of, 389. Connection
of, with western country, 474.
POTTER, "SUKEY," I. 445, 449.
Presbyterian Spirit: Congenial to
liberty, II. 260.
President: Term of, I. 118, 334,
35°; v- 372» 384, 389> 4oi, 406,
423,428; VII. 142; X. 134; XL
336. Method of electing, I. 350;
VIII. 360 ; IX. 305; X. 68, 73;
XII. 303. Presidential election
of 1800, I. 378; IX. 154, 157,
158, 162, 166, 175, 176, 178.
Title of, V. 485 ; VI. 12. Method
of communication to Congress,
VI. 38. Right of , to settle diplo
matic grades, 49. Right of, to
convene Congress at unusual
place, VIII. 55, 56. Election
of, in 1796, 257, 260, 262.
Method of notifying, of election,
270. Jefferson charged with de
sire to be, 283. Republican de
termination to elect, IX. 206.
Method of communicating
with State executives, 261.
Modes of communicating with
heads of departments, 310.
Jefferson's dislike of addresses
to, 346. Subpoena of, X. 400,
403, 406. Election of successor
to Jefferson, XI. 39. Right of,
to judge as to constitutionality,
XII. 138. Endeavor to commit
Jefferson concerning election of,
221. Contest between Adams
and Crawford, 260, 261, 286,
322, 347, 380. Enforced enter
taining of, 276. Qualifications
necessary for, 300.
Presidential Electors: Method of
choosing, IX. 84, 90, 305. Sys
tem of electing, in Virginia, 92.
Press, Newspaper: In France, IV.
427, 433. Liberty of, 428; V.
73, 428; IX. 39, 258, 451;
XL 109. Importance of, IX.
34. ^ Libels of, 358. Jefferson's
desire for prosecution of, 451.
Experiment of free, X. 368.
Method of conducting, 417.
Putrid state of, XL 373. De
praved influence of, on public
opinion, 373.
PRESTON, WILLIAM,
1768, 18 August, I. 464
PRICE, RICHARD,
1785, 7 August, IV. 447
Importance of the American
Revolution, IV. 447.
PRICE, REV. THOMAS, I. 465.
Priesthood: No necessity for, XL
329-
PRIESTLEY, JOSEPH,
1800, 1 8 January, IX. 95
— 27 — 102
1801, 21 March, — 216
1802, 19 June, — 380
— 29 November, — 404
1803, 9 April, — 458
1804, 29 January, X. 69
Settling of, VIII. 148. Attacks
upon, IX. 95. Memoirs of,
X. 450, 451. Doctrines of,
I 1 . 3 3 1 . Philadelphia church
of, XII. 244.
Printing: Improvement in, V.
83-
Prisoners of War: Treatment of,
II. 452, 455-
Privateers: Questions as to, I. 271,
302; VII. 460. Fitting out of,
in U. S. ports, I. 298; VII. 328,
333, 379. 484'» VIII. 66. Rules
concerning, I. 301, 304, 307;
VII. 395. Spoliations of , I. 385.
French proposition to abolish,
VII. 164. Position under U. S.
treaties with European powers,
289. Case of Little Sarah, 333,
437. Questions as to prizes of,
338, 357. 362, 367, 378, 379,
388, 402, 411, 444, 466, 469,
474;^ VIII. 8, 19, 23, 34, 64.
British complaints concerning,
VII. 367. Commissions for,
388. Cabinet opinion on, 395.
Note concerning, 404. Orders
to, 507. Exclusion of, from
American ports, VIII. 19. Ad
mission of, to American ports,
39. Attempts to arm in Amer
ican ports, 66. Conduct of war
by, XL 259.
Prizes (see Neutrality; Privateers} :
Rules governing, IX. 293; X.
118.
Thomas Jefferson
543
Property Representation, IV. 19.
Protestants: French edict concern
ing, V. 386.
Prussia: Commercial treaty with,
I. 96. Future of, V. 131. Treaty
with, 136. Defeat of, VII. 195,
345, 346. Treaty with, 314.
Public Improvement (see Internal
Improvement).
Public Office: Attacks upon men
in, VIII. 400. Social tax upon
incumbents of, IX. 153. Ex
clusion of Republicans from,
177. Geographical equilibrium
in, 205, 207. Principles which
should govern removal from,
222, 225, 230. Principles con
trolling appointment to, 235.
Relatives should not be ap
pointed to, 238. System gov
erning appointments to, 267.
Right of Republicans to share
of, 288. System in regard to
applications for, 313; X. 122.
Constitutional power to fill va
cancies in, IX. 349. Virginia's
undue proportion in, 351. Pa
pers recommending persons to,
443. Number of Republicans
appointed to, by Jefferson, X.
26. Non-approval of women in,
339. Appointments to, 468.
Circular letter in relation to ap
pointments to, XI. 102.
Public Officers: Abuse of, X. 144.
Direct responsibility of, XI.
521-
PUR DIE, HUGH, impressment of,
VI. 172.
Q
Quakerism: Peculiarities of, IX.
243-
Quakers: Petition for peace from,
VIII. 393.
Quebec: Retreat of Americans be
fore, V. 186.
QUINCY, JOSIAH, address to, XI.
Quorum: Misuse of, IV. 29.
R
Raleigh Tavern, I. 9, 13, 447.
RAMSAY, DAVID,
1790, 27 June, VI. 82
RANDOLPH, CORNELIA JEFFERSON,
1808, 3 April, XI. 27
— 26 December, — 28
i8n,3june, — 208
RANDOLPH, D., appointment of,
VI. 37, 49-
RANDOLPH, EDMUND,
1781, 16 September, III. 291
1792, 17 VII. 151
1793, 8 May, — 315
— 4 August, — 478
— 1 8 December, VIII. 119
1794, 3 February, — 137
— 7 September, — 152
1797, 27 J^e, — 319
1799, 18 August, IX. 73
Speech on Philips, II. 330.
Makes proposition for a Vir
ginia convention, VI. 24.
Variable conduct of, VII.
323, 324; VIII. 202. Drafts
proclamation of neutrality,
VII. 336, 408, 446. Opinion of ,
on employing Indians, 356.
Journey of, 357. Question of
loan submitted to, 455. Con
duct of, 464. On proclama
tion of neutrality, 472. Let
ter of, on Genet, 478. Inten
tion of, to resign, VIII. 73.
Resignation of, 189. Ex
tract from letter of, 197.
Vindication of, 199, 201, 221.
Political opinions of, 201. A
bankrupt, 236; IX. 211.
RANDOLPH, ISHAM, I. 4.
RANDOLPH, JANE, I. 4.
RANDOLPH, JOHN (loyalist),
1775, 25 August, ' II. 133
- 29 November, — 143
Agreement with, II. 8.
RANDOLPH, JOHN (of Roanoke),
1803, i December, X. 53
1804, 19 November, — 118
Speeches of, in Congress, IX.
93. Attack on the adminis
tration by, X. 241. Schism
of, 245, 260. Broken confi
dences of, 272. T. M. Ran
dolph's quarrel with, 274.
Writes letters of "Decius,"
286. Reply to, 290. Example
of, XL 197.
RANDOLPH, MARTHA JEFFERSON,
1783, 28 November, IV. 178
544
The Writings of
RANDOLPH, MARTHA JEFF. — Con.
1784(1783), 15 January, IV. 218
1787, 28 March, V. 264
— 7 April, — 268
— 5 May, — 280
— 21 — — 281
1791, 24 March, VI. 224
— 31 May, — 264
1792, 15 January, — 365
— 22 March, — 453
1793, 26 January, VII. 214
— 26 May — 344
— 10 November, VIII. 63
— 22 December, — 124
1800, 21 January, IX. 99
I. 159; IV. 172, 218. Illness of ,
XII. 31. Bequest to, 479.
RANDOLPH, PETER, I. 433.
RANDOLPH, PEYTON,
1770, 23 July, I. 483
Lays Summary View before
convention, I. 15; II. 49.
Death of, 143. Remark con
cerning Henry's resolutions,
XI. 404. Sketch of, XII. 28,
29.
RANDOLPH, THOMAS, I. 451.
RANDOLPH, THOMAS JEFFERSON,
1808, 24 November, XI. 78
1826, 8 February, XII. 453
Letter concerning, X. 423. Be
quest to, XII. 479.
RANDOLPH, THOMAS MANN, JR.,
1786, 27 August, V. 174
1787, 6 July, — 298
1790, 28 March, VI. 36
— 18 April, — 46
— 30 May, — 61
— 20 June, — 75
1791, i May, — 250
— 15 — — 262
— 5 June, — 268
1792, i January, — 358
— 1 6 March, — 408
— 19 April, — 479
— 2 November, VII. 171
— 16 — 178
— 21 December, — 197
J793> 7 January, — 206
— 3 March, — 252
— 6 May, — 311
— 2 4 June, — 409
— 2 September, VIII. 16
— 2 November, — 56
1800, 2 February, IX. no
1 80 1, 19 February, IX. 185
1806, 13 July, X. 274
1808, 28 June, XL 36
1809, 7 February, — 96
— 28 — 100
1821, 31 December, XII. 217
1826, 8 January, — 433
Marriage with Martha Jeffer
son, I. 158. Proposed duel of,
X. 275. Proposes plan of
general emancipation and de
portation, XII. 181. Finan
cial difficulties of, 382, 432.
Jefferson's appeal to, 433.
Insolvent condition of, 479.
Rattlesnake: Inappropriate as an
emblem, VII. 413.
RAYNAL, ABBE, theory of degen
eracy of Americans, XII. no.
RAYNEVAL, GERARD DE, land
grants of, IX. 214.
RAYNEVAL, JOSEPH MATHIAS GE
RARD DE,
1801, 20 March, IX. 214
Present at conference with
Vergennes, IV. 485, 497.
Character of, V. 261.
Reading: Jefferson's advice con
cerning, V. 176.
Rebellion: Jefferson's approval of,
V. 256, 263, 362, 374. Should
be punished mildly, 256. A
necessary medicine, 256.
Redemptioners: Description of, V.
Red River: Exploration of, X. 3 15.
REIBELT, J. P.,
1805, 21 December, X. 205
Religion: Christian, not part of
common law, I. 456. Notes on,
II. 252. Locke's system of, 253.
Fundamentals of, 254. Shaftes-
bury system of, 256. Exemp
tions from, IV. 43, 80. Laws
concerning, 76. Slavery of, 77.
Protest against assessments
for, V. 78. Jefferson's advice
concerning, 324. Bigotry in,
IX. 217. Systems of , 460. Na
tional government debarred
from interfering in, XL 7.
Quarrels over, XII. 42. True
creed of, 48. Never should em
ploy invective, 327.
Thomas Jefferson
545
Religious Freedom: I. 62, 71; II.
438; IV. 48; X. 131. Necessity
of, II. 262. Persecution, 264.
Letter upon, IX. 346. Proposed
amendment of bill for, XII. 60.
Removals (see also Civil Service;
Office-H older s; Public Office) :
Memoranda concerning, I. 358,
363, 367. Principles which
should govern, IX. 222, 225,
230, 244. Political changes
caused by, 241. Reasons for,
254. Pressure upon Jefferson
for, 265. Principles governing,
272, 393; X. 81, 299. Painful
necessity of, IX. 281. Political
influence of, 289. Number of
Jeffersonian, 344; X. 394. Pe
titions concerning, IX. 376.
Letter upon, X. 20. Horrible
drudgery of, 394.
Representation: Unfair, II. 80.
Method of, 305.
Representation Bill: Veto of, I.
217. Defeat of, VI. 359. Oppo
sition to, 405. Fate of, unde
cided, 408. Opinion upon, 460.
Message vetoed, 471.
Representatives, House of: Long
speeches in, XI. 129. Suggested
remedy, 129. Adoption of pre
vious rule, 130.
REPRESENTATIVES, SPEAKER OF
THE HOUSE OF,
[1793, 1 6 December], VIII. 98
Republicanism: Principle of, I.
249. Disapproval of, in Amer
ica, V. 320, 332. Dangerto, VI.
1 86. American need of lessons
in, VII. 121. U. S. suspected of
swerving from, 321. Conver
sion of American people to,
VIII. 206. Elements of, XI.
528-530.
Republican Party (see also Polit
ical Parties): Purposes of, I.
178, 311 ; IX. 138. Composition
of, VIII. 210. An agricultural
party, 210. Change in majority
of, in Congress, 299. Prospects
of, 311. Majority of, 356.
Change in, through X Y Z de
spatches, 403. Gains of, IX. 1 2 7.
Exclusion of, from office under
Federalist regime, 177. Plan a
convention should Jefferson
not be elected, 179, 182. First
changes made by, 253. Begin
ning of division in, 280. Growth
of, 393. Social ostracism of,
445. Number appointed to
office by Jefferson, X. 26.
Divisions among, 137, 142.
Passing schism in, 252. Schism
in, 451, 483. Essentially the
nation, XI. 193. Union of,
194. Characterization of, 278.
Ascendancy of, XII. 93. Re
tirement of, from Congress, 445.
Republics: Turbulence the evil of,
V. 255. Objections to, more
than offset by the oppressions
of monarchy, 255. Fallacy of
idea that they must be small,
IX. 221; X. 527. What con
stitutes, XI. 533. Principles of,
XII. 68.
"Retaliation": Capture of, IX.
37. 42.
Revenues, U. 5., X. 116, 130, 195;
XI. 70; XII. 176. Growth
of, IX. 333. Effect of peace
upon, 394. For 1801-2, 411.
Account of, X. 39. Increase in,
146. Use of surplus, 317; XI.
204. State of, X. 524.
Revolution, American: Effect on
France, I. 105. British atroci
ties in, V. 68. Question at root
of, 193. Possible history of, XI.
485. Union of Virginia and
New England in, XII. 390.
Revolutionary Soldiers: Payments
to, VI. 65.
REYNOLDS, MRS., scandal of Ham
ilton with, I. 247.
Rhode Island: A little vautrien,
VI. 40. Political regeneration
of, IX. 249.
Rice, V. 295, 369, 439. Discussion
of, IV. 482. Use of American,
in Europe, V. 122. Jefferson's
opinion concerning, 270. Jef
ferson sends different varieties
of, to Southern States, 271, 302 ;
XI. 272. Information concern
ing, V. 290. Jefferson secures
Piedmont, 302. French de
mand for, VI. 14. African,
278.
546
The Writings of
Richmond, Va.: Bill to remove
capital to, II. 271, 375. Fire at,
V. 309. Description of, VI. 24.
Law practice in, VIII. 365.
Burning of, XII. 471.
Richmond Association, IX. 82.
RIEDESEL, BARON DE,
1779, 4 July, II. 451
1780, 13 May, III. 13
RIEUX, PLUMARD DE,
1792, 6 January, VI. 363
Right of Deposit (see also Missis
sippi; New Orleans; Spain*), XL
217. Suspension of, IX.
416, 418, 434, 436, 441. Re
newal of, 464.
Right of Search: Schlegel's pam
phlet on, IX. 287.
Rights, Bill of (see Bill of Rights').
Riparian Rights: Rules control
ling, XL 493.
RITCHIE, THOMAS,
1816, 21 January, XL 510
1820, 25 December, XII. 175
1822, 7 January, — 221
— 13 May, — 228
— 10 June, — 233
1826, 28 February, — 463
- 13 March, — 465
RlTTENHOUSE, DAVID,
1778, 19 July, II. 344
Questions for, V. 156. Eulo-
gium on, VIII. 277.
R.IVES, WILLIAM C.,
1819, 28 November, XII. 149
Roads, National (see also Internal
Improvements'), X. 284.
R.OANE, SPENCER,
1815, 12 October, XL 488
1819, 6 September, XII. 135
1821, 9 March, — 201
— 27 June, — 202
Papers of "Harnpden," XII.
135. Articles by, 255.
ROBBINS, JONATHAN, surrender
of, IX. 112. Debate in Congress
on case of, 121.
ROCHAMBEAU, suggested gift to,
V. 82.
ROCHON, ABBE, V. 183. Inven
tion of, IV. 505.
RODNEY, CAESAR A.,
1800, 21 December, IX. 160
1802, 24 April, — 368
— 14 June, — 376
1802, 31 December, IX. 415
1804, 24 February, X. 72
1806, 24 March, — 245
— 5 December, — 322
1807, 17 January, — 344
— 8 October, — 502
1808, 24 April, XI. 29
1810, 10 February, — 134
Resignation of, X. 72. Nomi
nation of, as Attorney-Gen
eral, 344. Notes on seventh
annual message, Oct. 23,
1807, 510.
" Roehampton " .* Case of ship,
VIII. 64, 75.
ROGERS, JOHN, report on petition
of, VII. 240.
ROGERS, JOHN, removal of, IX.
470.
RONALDSON, JAMES,
1813, 12 January, XI. 271
ROSE, G. H., arrival of, XL 7.
Ross, JAMES,
1786, 8 May, V. 101
Ross, JOHN,
1793, 13 September, VIII. 44
Rotation ^n Office (see also Office-
Holders), I. 465; IV. 166; V.
372, 428.
ROWAN, ARCHIBALD HAMILTON,
1798, 26 September, VIII. 447
RUMSEY, JAMES,
1789, 14 October, VI. 19
Experiments with steamboats,
VI. 19, 54. Recommendation
of, VII. 344-
RUSH, DR. BENJAMIN,
1797, 22 January, VIII. 277
1800, 23 September, IX. 146
1801, 24 March, — 229
— 20 December, — 343
1803, 28 February, — 452
— 21 April, — 457
— • 4 October, X. 31
1811, 16 January, XL 165
5 December, — 173
— 17 AugUSt, 21 T
1812, 21 January, — 218
Speech on Confederation, I. 54.
Death of, XL 291. Jeffer
son's correspondence with,
291.
RUSH, RICHARD,
1813, 31 May, XL 291
1819, 22 June, XII. 126
? ? ? — 344
Thomas Jefferson
547
RUSH, RICHARD — Continued.
1824, 5 June, XII. 355
— 13 October, — 380
RUSSIA, EMPEROR ALEXANDER OF,
1806, 19 April, X. 249
1808, 29 August, XI. 47
Information concerning, IX.
402, 404. Desires outline of
American Constitution, 404.
Importance of, as regards
neutral commerce, X. 247.
Jefferson's letter to, 249; XI.
114. Jefferson's praise of, X.
471. Jefferson's respect for,
XI. 103. Character of, 157.
Russia: U. S. mission to, nega
tived, XL 102.
Rutgers vs. Waddington: Case of,
VII. 62.
RUTLEDGE, EDWARD,
1787, 14 July, V. 302
1788, 18 — — 422
1790, 4 — VI. 86
1791, 29 August, — 307
1795, 30 November, VIII. 199
1796, 27 December, — 256
1797, 24 June, — 316
RUTLEDGE, JOHN, I. 17. Rejec
tion of, by Senate, VIII. 204,
221.
RUTLEDGE, WILLIAM,
1788, 2 February, V. 385
5*. Bartholomew's: How to be
made instrumental in promo
ting commerce, V. 124.
ST. CLAIR, ARTHUR, committee
to inquire into failure of, I. 214.
Letter to, VI. 390.
St. Clair Expedition: How far
England should be informed of,
VI. 143. Failure of, 210, 472.
ST. ETIENNE, M. DE,
1789, 3 June, V. 479
ST. LAMBERT, MARQUIS DE,
1786, 8 August, V. 144
SAMPSON, WILLIAM,
1817, 26 January, XII. 49
San Domingo: Question as to fur
nishing supplies to, I. 241. Pro
ceedings in, VI. 331. Standing
of American commerce with,
362. Money advanced for re
lief of, 484. U. S. aids to, VII.
162, 181, 200, 213, 260, 407.
Interference in American snip
ping in, 274. Improvement in
condition of, 345. Situation of
fugitives from, 449. Thanks to
U. S. for services to, VIII. 3.
Emigrants from, 84. Bill to
open commerce with, IX. n,
J3» 38» 39- French jealousy of
U. S. attitude towards, X.
150.
"Sans Culottes," Privateer, VII.
395. Complaint concerning,
423-
Schools: Expense of, XII. 82.
SCHUYLER, PHILIP, Jefferson's
controversy with, VII. 104.
"Scipio": Reply to Monroe by,
VIII. 357, 362, 364.
SCOTT, ANNE QEFFERSON), main
tenance of, XII. 481.
SCOTT, GEN. CHARLES, Indian ex
pedition of, VI. 285, 286, 297.
SCOTT, JOSEPH,
1804, 9 March, X. 83
Seamen (see also Impressment) :
Number of foreign, in American
ships, X. 389.
Secession: Principle of, VIII. 430.
A delusive remedy, 43 1 . Project
of, in New England, XL 87,
238, 277. Probable attempts
for, 1 88. Would probably be
merely local, 188.
Second Term: A political vindica
tion, X. 69.
Secret Societies: Washington's dis
approval of, VIII. 156. How
far justifiable, X. 21.
Sedition Law, VIII. 412, 416, 434,
450, 462, 481 ; IX. 28. Petitions
against, 44, 46. Discussion of,
in Congress, 61. Vote for con
tinuance of, 172. Prosecutions
under, 256. Discharge of pris
oners under, X. 87. With whom
rests decision on constitution
ality of? 89. Prosecutions in
Connecticut under, XI. 387,
390. Jefferson's conduct in re
lation to, XII. 138.
SENATE, PRESIDENT OF,
[1801], IX. 25?
— 8 December — 321
548
The Writings of
Senate: Conference regarding dip
lomatic nominations, I. 185.
John Adams' opinion upon,
341. Right of, to negative
diplomatic grades, VI. 49. A
check on the will of the people,
VIII. 150. Slow alteration of
opinion in, 208. Proceedings in,
on President's speech, 289.
Political divisions in, 309.
Adams' declaration concerning,
375. Parliamentary proceed
ings in, IX. 115. Jefferson's
farewell speech to, 189. An
aristocratic body, XI. 345.
Sequestration Laws, IV. 72.
SEYMOUR, THOMAS,
1807, ii February, X. 366
Shadwell: Home of Peter Jeffer
son, I. 4.
SHEE, GEN. JOHN, appointment
of, X. 483-
Sheep: Difficulties of raising, in
Virginia, VII. 118. Improve
ment of, XI. 356. Gift of
merino, XII. 97.
SHIPMAN, ELIAS, and others,
1801, 12 July, IX. 270
Shipping: Duties upon American,
V. 293. Peculiarity of Ameri
can, 293. Duties upon, should
be simplified as far as possible,
293. System of passports for,
VII. 313, 319. Extension of,
American, 416. Right to pur
chase foreign, 416.
SHORT, WILLIAM,
1788, 20 September, V. 429
1789, 9 February, — 450
— 21 November, VI. 20
— 14 December, — 22
1790, 12 March, — 35
— 27 April, — 53
— 27 May, — 58
— 6 June, — 69
— i o August, — 114
— 26 — — 135
— 6 September, — 145
— 30 — — 147
1791, 8 March, — 211
12 215
19 222
— 28 July, — 288
— 28 — — 299
— 9 November, — 324
1791, 24 November, VI. 329
1792, 3 January, — 360
— 10 — — - 364
— 23 — 369
— 28 — 380
— 1 8 March, — 410
— 18 — — 411
— 24 April, — 481
— 16 October, VII. 163
I793» 3 January, — 202
— 23 March, — 268
1 80 1, 3 October, IX. 306
1807, 19 May, X. 393
— 12 June, — 414
1809, 8 March, XI. 102
1819, 31 October, XII. 140
1823, 28 March, — 281
1825, 8 January, — 388
1826, 18 — 434
Character of, IV. 145, 246. Em
ployment of, as secretary,
454. Illegible handwriting
of, VI. 35. Possible election
of, as Senator, 148. Ap
pointed Minister to the
Netherlands, 360, 369, 381.
Diplomatic allowance to, 370.
Temporary commissioner to
Spain, 372. Mistaken atti
tude of, towards French
Revolution, VII. 202—205.
Letters of, used against,
269. Treasury account with,
VIII. 394. Suspects aliena
tion of Jefferson, X. 415.
Senate negatives appoint
ment of, XI. 102.
Sierra Leone: Colony of, XI. 179.
Silver (see also Gold}: White
House service of, IX. 250.
Sinking Fund: Report on, IX.
„ 358.
SKINNER, OOL.,
1781, 14 April, III. 251
SKIPWITH, H., II. 40.
SKIPWITH, ROBERT,
1771, 3 August, II. 12
SKIPWITH, , affair of, VIII.
399-
Slavery (see also Federal Number;
Missouri Compromise) : Desire
of colonies to abolish, II. 79.
In western territory, IV. 253,
278, 330; V. 65. Reference to,
in Notes on Virginia, IV.
Thomas Jefferson
549
Slavery — Continued.
419. Opinion in America con
cerning, 447. Proposed aboli
tion of, in Virginia, V. 70. Un-
justitiableness of, 71. Abolition
of, 447. Moral effect of, 447.
St. George Tucker's disserta
tion upon, VIII. 335. Jeffer
son's views on, 335; X. 126.
Jefferson's refusal to subscribe
to a poem against, X. 141.
Jefferson despairs of abolition
of, 205. In Virginia, XL 416.
Inevitable abolition of, 417.
Jefferson's proposition concern
ing, 470. Possibility of gradual
emancipation, XII. 53. Ques
tion as to, in Missouri, 151.
Danger from, if made a geo
graphical question, 158. Reme
dies for, 158. Jefferson's atti
tude towards, 410. Progress of
colonization, 411. Lawfulness
of, 469.
Slave Trade: Bill to end, I. 59.
Bargain in reference to, 231.
Stoppage of, II. 79, 210. So
ciety for the abolition of, V.
388. Seizure of ship engaged in,
IX. 319. Punishment of master
engaged in, 466. Interdiction
of, X. 316.
Slaves: Jefferson's attempt to
emancipate, I. 7. Property
quality of, 44. Treatment in
apportionment, 44. History of,
in Virginia, 59. Virginia bill of
1779 concerning, 76, 231. In
evitable emancipation of, 76.
Deportation of , 76; IX. 3 16,3 74,
384. Argument upon, I. 470.
Inscription for, II. 7. Encour
aged to rebel, 163, 211. As
soldiers, III. 277. Number of
Virginian, 489, 490. Increase
of, 491. Under the law, IV.
38. Descent of, 44, 48. Eman
cipation of, 48. Colonization
of, 49; XL 178; XII. 53.
Roman treatment of, IV. 54.
Evidence of, 55. Morality of,
£7. Difficulties of emancipat
ing, 58. Effect on whites, 82.
Numbers of, in U. S., V. 14.
Jefferson's desire to hire out
his, 236. Jefferson does not
wish to sell his, 311, 313. Car
rying off of Jefferson's, 420.
Lack of property sense in, 448.
Rendition of fugitive, from
Florida, VI. 212, 226, 319.
Undesirable as citizens, 270.
Capability of, 310, 311. Insur
rection of, in San Domingo,
331. U. S. aid in suppressing
insurrection of, 332. Carrying
away of American, by British,
VII. 41, 46; VIII. 95. Largesup-
ply of labor of, VII. 113. Cost of,
115. Opinion on recapture of
fugitive, 1 88. Sale of , by Jeffer
son, 278. Theft of, by Indians,
342. Future revolt of, 449 ; VIII.
333; IX. 383 ;X. 126. Will gain
possession of West India Isl
ands, VII. 449. Probable tax
on, VIII. 434, 438. How far
should revolt of, be punished?
IX. 145. Lands to form colony
for, 316,373. Possible substitu
tion of German emigrants for,
X. 205. Duties to, XL 214.
Claim of representation for,
XII. 1 6. Proposition for U. S.
to purchase, 53. Kosciusko's
project of purchasing, 130.
Possible emancipation and de
portation of, 189. Objects to be
kept in view concerning, 334.
Proposed deportation of, 334-
Jefferson's suggestion concern
ing, 336. Proposition to con
vert into serfs, 434. Jefferson's
gift of freedom to certain, 482.
SMALL, WILLIAM,
1775, 7 May, II. 99
Jefferson's debt to, I. 6.
SMITH, BENJAMIN,
1808, 20 May, XL 31
SMITH, DANIEL,
1791, 24 December, VI. 356
SMITH, LARKIN,
1804, 26 November, X. 122
SMITH, ROBERT,
1803, Q July, X. 3
1804, 27 April, 77
— 28 August, 97
1805, 24 October, 177
1806, 23 December, — 330
1807, 3 September, — 490
550
The Writings of
SMITH, ROBERT — Continued.
1807, 8 September, X. 494
— 18 — 496
Address of, to the people, XL
208. Resignation of, 281.
SMITH, GEN. SAMUEL,
1798, 22 August, VIII. 443
1801, 9 March, IX. 207
— 24 — — 226
1806, 4 May, X. 264
1823, 3 May, XII. 283
Alleged negotiation with, I.
392. Offered Secretaryship
of Navy, IX. 173.
SMITH, SAMUEL H.,
1814, 21 September, XI. 427
1821, 12 April, XII. 203
1823, 2 August, — 300
— 19 December, — 302
SMITH, THOMAS JEFFERSON,
1825, 21 February, XII. 405
SMITH, REV. WILLIAM,
1791, 19 February, VI. 205
SMITH, WILLIAM L., conduct of,
VII. 132. Speech of, VIII. 139.
Authorship of speech of, 141.
SMITH, WILLIAM STEPHENS,
1786, 22 October, V. 218
1787, 13 November, — 360
1788, 2 February, — 384
Abilities of, V. 2 6 1 . Mission of,
to Portugal, 345.
Smuggling: Embargo stimulates,
XI. 74-
"Snowden": Plantation of, I. 5.
Societies (see also Secret Societies") :
Forms of political, V. 255. In
terference of, in government,
XII. 232.
SOULES, FRANCOIS,
1786, 13 September, V. 184
Souls: Transmigration of, IX. 3 2 o.
South America (see also Spanish
America}: Revolt in, V. 75.
Jefferson obtains news of con
dition of countries in, 272,
Disturbances in, 404. Jeffer
son's hope that Spain will long
retain, 404. Conduct of U. S.
towards, XL 515. Struggle for
independence in, 516. Pro
posed name for republics of,
524. Governments of, will
develop into military despot
isms, XII. 63. Proposed
guarantee of, 64. Political
revolutions in, 68, 95. Laws
controlling intercourse with,
71. U. S. desires independence
of, 183. Fitness for self-govern
ment, 184. Contests in, 199.
Independence of, 297, 373.
Progress of revolutions in, 310.
SOUTH CAROLINA, GOVERNOR OF,
1787, 4 October, V. 354
1792, i April, VI. 459
1807, 20 January, X. 345
South Carolina: Favored by as
sumption, VI. 1 08. Mysterious
political conduct of, IX. 138.
Electoral vote of, 157. De
cisive vote of, in Presidential
election, 157.
"South Carolina," Frigate: Claim
relating to, V. 346, 354.
SPAFFORD, HORATIO GATES,
1816, 10 January,
SPAIN, CHARGE OF,
1801, 26 March,
SPAIN, COMMISSIONERS
U. S.,
1792, 25 January,
— 26 —
XL 506
IX. 232
OF, TO
— 9 July,
— i No
lovember, —
1793, 13 February,
— 1 1 July,
- 14 —
SPAIN, MINISTER OF, TO U. S.
1804, 15 September, X. 102
SPAIN, U. S. COMMISSIONERS TO,
VL 377
— 378
VII. 133
— 168
— 234
— 443
450
1792, 18 March,
— 24 April,
— 14 October,
— 3 November,
1793, 23 March,
— 31 May,
— 30 June,
VI. 409
— 450
VII. 158
— 172
— 267
— 348
424
Spain (see also Louisiana; Mis
sissippi, Navigation of} : Nego
tiations with, L 237; IV. 373;
V. 354; VI. 377, 378, 409; VIII.
290; X. 189, 287, 303. Inter
ference with Creek Indians, I.
322. Secret-service money
used in America, 337. Rela
tions with, 382, 386; X. 517;
XL 66; XII. 190. Refusal to
sell Florida, I. 389. War
threatened with, 395. Jeffer-
Thomas Jefferson
Spain — Continued.
son hopes that she will long
retain her South American
colonies, V. 404. Friction with,
concerning the Mississippi, 404.
Possible war with England,
VI. 84, 89, 90, in. Secret
agent to, 118. Course of the U.
S. towards, in 1790, 141.
Rendition of fugitive slaves by,
212, 226, 319, 445, 451, 459.
Aggressions of, on American
citizens, 213. Peace of U. S.
with, threatened, 214. Settle
ment of difficulties with, 222.
News from, 235; VII. 267. Pre
diction of war with, VI. 330;
Report on negotiation with, 348,
391. Note on negotiations with,
357. Outline of a treaty
with, 392. American commerce
with American colonies of, 394.
Outline of objects for negotia
tion with, 414. Uncertain con
duct of, VII. 136. Understand
ing with Great Britain, 136.
Incitement of Indians to war,
158, 349, 406, 408. Friction
with, over boundary, 173. U. S.
commerce with, 238. Conduct
of officers of, in Louisiana, 348.
Conduct of, in Louisiana, 358.
Mysterious conduct of, 361.
Friction with, 408, 415, 448;
X. 140. Unfriendly views of,
VII. 424. U. S. complaints
against, 429. Complaints of,
against U. S., 430, 450. Serious
complexion of negotiations
with, 444. Disrespect of Ameri
can press to king of, 450. Com
mercial decree of, VIII. 130.
Treaty with, 225. Friction with,
on Louisiana border, 360; IX.
274. Protests against ratifica
tion of Louisiana treaty, X. 50.
Refuses to settle Louisiana
boundaries, 168. Proposed
course towards, 174. Cabinet
decision on the dispute with,
179. Spoliations of, 198.
Special minister to, 202. Affairs
with, 222. Resolution concern
ing spoliations of, 238. Last
effort at settlement with, 243,
246. Special mission to, 243.
Military weakness of, in Amer
ica, 253. Quarrel between
special envoys to, 276. In
structions to envoys to, 287.
Preparations for war with, 288.
Probable war with, 323. Bicker
ings with, 339. Perfidy and in
justice of, 381. Importance of
friendship with, 454. Thrasonic
conduct of, 476. Difficulties
with, 489. Commercial decrees
of, XI. 19. U. S. friendship for
patriots of, 54. Friendly feel
ings towards, 55. Attitude of
U. S. towards, in relation to
South America, 515. Proposed
constitution of, 523. Non-rati
fication of treaty with, XII.
1 60. Land grants in Florida,
218. Imaginary reconciliation
with, 282. Relations of, with
Cuba, 297.
Spanish America (see also South
America): In good hands, V.
75. France's intention to
liberate, VII. 268. Status of
American commerce with, VIII.
108. Change in, XL 204.
Humboldt's book upon, 351.
Future independence of, 351,
o 358.
SPARKS, JARED,
1824, 4 February, XII. 334
Speculation, VI. 413, 472, 478,
490. Rise of, 186, 281, 308, 363,
408. Collapse of, 480. Influ
ence of, on legislation, VII. no.
Spelling Reform: Jefferson's views
on, XI. 310.
SPROWLE, MRS. ,
1785, S July, IV. 43 r
Squatters: III. 4.
Stamp Act: Resolutions of Vir
ginia on, I. 8. Influence of,
XII. 89.
Stamp Act of 1797, VIII. 348.
Repeal of, 379.
STANHOPE, CAPTAIN, insult to, V.
69.
STAPHORST (see Van Staphorsf).
STARKE, JOHN, death of, XII. 236,
239-
State, Department of: Civil service
in, VI. 31, 45, 52, 121, 174, 456.
552
The Writings of
State — Continued.
Arrangement of, 121. Appoint
ments in, VII. 145.
State, Secretary of: Offered to Jef
ferson, I. 157. Duties of, VI. 26.
Jefferson accepts office of, 27,
30. 35- 39» 58- Path of, not
strewed with flowers, 46. Drud
gery of office of, 305. Offered
to Johnson, VIII. 59. Possible
candidates for position of, 59.
State Governments: Tend to an ex
cess of liberty, VI. 350. The
best in the world, VIII. 481.
Difficult relations with national
government, X. 420. True bar
riers of liberty, XI. 187. Bene
fits of, 530.
States, Individual: Equal vote of,
I. 49; II. 305. Future new, IV.
436. Grumbling of old, 436.
Debts of, in 1784, V. 5.
Taxes in, 5. Controversies
between, under Confederation,
15. Discussion over new, 131.
Jefferson's disapproval of fed
eral veto power over legislation
of, 284. Rights of, over Indian
lands, VI. 301. Laws of, con
cerning loyalists, VII. 26. Di
vision of powers between na
tional government and, XI. 381.
States, Southern: British raids in,
V. 421. British debts not col
lectable in, VII. 69.
States, Western (see also Ordi
nances of 1784, 1787}: Judiciary
system for, IX. 100.
Steam: Whitford's theory concern
ing, V. 231. Boulton's views on,
234-
Steamboats: Rumsey's experi
ments with, VI. 19, 54. Com
pany for, VII. 344.
Steam Engine: Jefferson's interest
in, IX. 57.
STEPTOE, JAMES,
1782, 26 November, III. 304
STEUBEN, BARON,
1780, 31 December, III. 104
1781, 2 January, — no
— 4 — 115
— 7 — 116
— 7 — — 117
— 9 — — 118
1781, 13 January III. 124
— 19 February, — 176
— 20 — 179
— 24 — 184
— 7 March, — 203
— 10 — — 209
— 10 — — 212
— 10 April, — 245
— 22 — — 259
— 24 — — 262
— 27 — 264
Motion on, IV. 313.
STEVENS, EDWARD,
1780, 19 July, III. 30
— 3 September, — 44
— 12 — 50
— 15 — 53
— 26 November, — 85
STILES, EZRA,
1786, i September, V. 181
STOCKDALE, JOHN,
1787, i February, III. 330
— 27 — — 33i
— 14 August, — 335
STODDERT, BENJAMIN,
1801, 21 February, IX. 187
1809, 18 XI. 97
STORY, REV. ISAAC,
1801, 5 December, IX. 319
STORY, JOSEPH, influence of, in
repeal of embargo, XI. 143.
STRONG, CALEB,
1792, 4 January, I. 189
— 4 VI. 360
STROTHER, FRENCH,
Z797» 8 June, VIII. 302
STUART, ARCHIBALD,
1786, 25 January, V. 73
1791, 23 December, VI. 349
1792, 14 March, — 405
— 9 September, VII. 149
1793, 31 March, — 273
— 24 November, VIII. 76
1794, 26 January, — 137
1795, 18 April, — 168
1796, 3 January, — 212
1797, 4 — — 265
1798, 8 June, — 436
1799, 13 February, IX. 40
— 14 May, — 66
1801, 8 April, — 247
— 25 — — 248
1811, 8 August, XI. 210
— 14 November, — 211
1818, 28 May, XII. 96
— 8 September, IV. 31
Thomas Jefferson
553
STUART, JOHN,
1796, 10 November, VIII. 253
Suffrage, Universal: Jefferson's
views upon, IX. 142.
Sugar, Maple: Profit in, VI. 253.
SULLIVAN, JAMES,
1791, 31 July, VI. 300
1797, 9 February, VIII. 280
1805, 21 May, X. 144
1807, 19 June, — 420
Pamphlet of, VI. 300. Jeffer
son's confidence in, X. 145.
Summary View, II. 49; XI. 115,
116.
SUPREME COURT, JUDGES OF,
1793, 18 July, " VII. 4<i
Supreme Court (see also Judi
ciary): Proposition to submit
questions of neutrality to, VII.
452. Refuses to give opinion
on neutrality, 465. Action of
judges of, in relation to com
mon law, IX. 87. Republican-
ization of, XI. 140. Vacancies
in, 150.
SWAN, JAMES,
1789, 4 August, V. 485
SWARTWOUT, SAMUEL, testimony
concerning Burr, X. 268. Ar
rest of, 336.
SWEDEN, AMBASSADOR OF, AT
PARIS,
1786, 12 June, V. 123
Sweden: American commerce
with, V. 124. Status of Ameri
can commerce with, VIII. 107.
TALLEYRAND, relation to X Y Z
mission, VIII. 402, 405. Letter
of, IX. 59.
Tar, V. 296.^
Tariff: Discriminating, VIII. 117.
Project of, on wine, X. 413.
System of drawbacks under,
XI. 537. Dislike of, of 1824,
XII. 355-
TARLETON, B., genteel behavior
of, V. 419.
Taxation: Method under Con
federation discussed, I. 43; V.
36, 43, 61. System of, for Vir
ginia, IV. 382. Parliamentary
right of colonial, V. 187. Future
need of, 437. Sectional, VII.
195. Progressive tax proposed,
VIII. 196. Jefferson's proposi
tion concerning, 300. Post
ponement of certain Federal,
348, 356. A political medicine,
480. Proposed window, IX. 7.
Repeal of internal, recom
mended, 333. Jefferson's de
sire for repeal of, 394. System
of, in U. S., XI. 196. Power of
assessors of, 440. Principles of,
XII. 285.
TAYLOR, FRANCIS,
1781, 4 January, III. 113
TAYLOR, JOHN,
1794, i May, VIII. 145
1797, 23 December, — 348
1798, i June, — 430
— 26 November, - 479
1799, 24 January, IX. 13
1805, 6 X. 124
1816, 28 May, XI. 527
— 2i July, XII. 21
Pamphlet on bank by, VIII.
146, 151. Inquiry into the
Principles of our Government,
XI. 528. Construction Con
strued, XII. 176. Book by,
197. Testimonial to Con
struction C 'onstrued , 203. New
views of the Constitution, 341.
TAZEWELL, HENRY,
1795, 13 September, VIII. 190
1797, 1 6 January, — 270
1798, 27 - 361
Madison's advice on letter to,
VIII. 269. Death of, IX. 13.
Temperature: Effect of, on animal
life, III. 477. Change in, 481;
IV. 88.
TERN A NT, J. B., conversation
with, I. 207. Recall of, 273.
Named Minister to the U. S.,
VI. 247, 271. Reception of, 302,
305. Application in reference to
San Domingo, 331. Conduct of,
VII. 251. Friendship with
Hamilton, 251. Vacillating con
duct of, 311. Disappointment
of, 337-
Territorial Authority: Opinion
upon, VI. 1 66.
Territorial Government (see also
Ordinances of 1784, 1787}:
Scheme of, X. 14.
554
The Writings of
Territories: Letter concerning
Southern, VI. 356. Affairs in,
456. Project for exploring
Western, VII. 208.
TESSE, MADAME DE,
1813, 8 December, XI. 360
Texas: Will be a rich State of the
Union, XII. 160.
THACHER, GEORGE,
1824, 26 January, XII. 332
Third Term: Should not be per
mitted, X. 125.
THOMPSON, JAMES, Hamilton's
reply to, VIII. 321.
THOMSON, CHARLES,
1784, 21 May, III. 315
— 21 — IV. 362
— ii November, — 380
1785, 21 June, III. 319
1786, 17 December, V. 231
1787, 20 September, — 342
1808, ii January, XI. 6
— 25 December, — 83
1816, 9 January, — 498
1817, 29 — XII. 51
Translation of the Bible, XL 6,
83, 498. Jefferson's letter to,
XII. 42. Loss of memory by,
236.
THOMSON, WILLIAM,
1807, 26 September, X. 501
Threshing Machine, VIII. 13, 17.
THWEAT, ARCHIBALD,
1821, 19 January, XII. 196
— 24 December, — 197
TICKNOR, GEORGE,
1817, May (?) XII. 58
— 25 November, — 76
TILLEY, JEAN LE GARDEUR, CHE
VALIER DE,
1781, 25 February, III. 186
Tobacco, V. 99, 291, 439; VI. 284;
VII. 246. Sale of public, III. 14.
Trade of, with British, 245.
Jefferson 's negotiations in
France concerning, IV. 386.
Contract with Farmers Gen
eral concerning, 414. Trade,
470; V. 1 1 8, 137. Negotiations
with France concerning, IV.
484, 497. Proposition for fur
nishing Farmers General with,
508. Contract of Farmers Gen
eral for, V. 84. French con
tract with Morris concerning,
102,109,157. Miserable system
of consigning, 173. Price of,
235; VI. 193. Information con
cerning, V. 308. Prices of, at
Havre, 310. Poor outlook in
Europe for, 411. In France, VI.
247. Jefferson's crop of, 262;
VIII. 167. French decree con
cerning, VI. 275, 292, 312;
VIII. 372. Non-intercourse
bill with France particularly
aimed against, IX. 93, 121.
Culture of, generally aban
doned, XI. 247.
Toleration: Extent of, II. 261.
TOLOZON & BAQUEVILLE, case of,
VI. 149-
Tonnage Act: Proposed, VI. 219.
Tonnage Duties: Bill to increase,
VI. 59. Proposed American,
87. Report on, 175. Against
Great Britain, 217. French, 2 2 7.
Tories (see Loyalists).
Torpedoes: Value of, for defence,
X. 477-
TORRANCE, W. H.,
1815, ii June, XL 471
TOWLES, OLIVER,
1781, 14 April, III. 250
TRACY, A. C. V. C. DESTUTT DE,
181 1, 26 January, XL 181
1820, 26 December, XII. 181
Book by, XL 439, 447, 534;
XII. 105. Review of Montes
quieu, XL 447; XII. 48, 182.
Economic Politique, XII. 182.
Logique, 183.
TRACY, URIAH,
1806, January, X. 217
Author of letters of "Scipio,"
VIII. 357, 362, 364-
Trade (see also Commerce; Neu
tral Ships') : Colonial right to
freedom of, II. 68. Illicit, III.
155^. The carrying, IV. 449.
Jefferson's views upon, 469; V.
226, 438.
Treasury Department: Hamilton's
use of, for political purposes,
VII. 142. Maladministration
of, 216. Giles' resolutions
against, 220. Should not be al
lowed to enforce neutrality,
316. Reforms suggested in sys
tem of, IX. 359.
Thomas Jefferson
555
Treaties (see also Jay Treaty;
Great Britain, Treaty of 1783);
Jefferson opposed to European,
IV. 420. Power to make, under
Confederation, 420. Proposed
commercial , 421. Instruction
for European, 444. Negotia
tions for, 453. Supreme law of
land, VII. 60. Right of na
tions to suspend, or declare
void, 285, 301. How far termi
nable, 291. Opposition to
renewal of, VIII. 385, 387. Am
erican, with Europe: Principle
of free bottoms in, IX. 301.
Treaties of Commerce, I. 93; V.
io8;XII. 467.
Treaty Power: Under Confedera
tion, I. 86; V. 8. Under Con
stitution, VIII. 198, 230, 231,
232.
Tripoli: Terms to be granted to,
I. 382. Information concern
ing, 388. War with, 389; IX.
409; X. 192. Unfortunate ac
tion of American ministers con
cerning, X. 78.
TRIST, MRS. ELIZABETH,
1786, 15 December, V. 223
News of, IX. 126.
TRUMBULL, JOHN, Jefferson's ac
quaintance with, V. 156. Tal
ents of, 183. Paintings of, XII.
127.
TUCKER, ST. GEORGE,
1793, 10 September, VIII. 41
1797, 28 August, - 334
Opinion on Philips, II. 331.
Writes Probationary Odes,
VII. 422.
Tunis: Information concerning, I.
388. Relations with, 390.
Turkey, The: A native of America,
IX. 168.
Turpentine, V. 296.
TUSCANY, GRAND DUKE OF, possi
ble loan from, II. 308.
TYLER, JOHN,
1806, 26 April, X. 251
1810, 26 May, XI. 141
— 25 November, — 158
Jefferson urges appointment of,
to Supreme Court, XI. 140.
Typhus Fever: Treatment of, XII.
192.
UNGER, JOHN Louis DE,
1780, 30 November, III. 85
Unitarianism: Growth of, XII.
243-
United States (see also Debts; Fi
nance; Funds; Revenue; Taxa
tion}: Disunion feeling in, I.
340, 341. Union of, unlikely to
continue, 375. Arms for, II. 45.
Absence of beggary in, IV. 42.
English dwelling on anarchy
in, 454. General condition of,
457. Should they become com
mercial? 469. True policy of,
469. Tardy administration of
justice in, 487, 494. Trade with
France, 496; V. 226, 292. Co
lonial laws of, V. 3. Immigra
tion to, 6. Imports under Con
federation, 10. Alleged bank
ruptcy of, 12. National spirit in,
29. Settlement of, 35. Inherent
democracy of, 56. Population
of, 59. Size of, 63. A nest for
peopling all America, 75. Ex
ports of, 143. Imports of, 144.
People of, no longer to be called
Anglo-Americans, 165. French
aid to, in Revolution, 192.
Governments of, not immortal,
223. Tumults in, cause unfavor
able opinions in Europe, 252.
Need of educated men in public
affairs of, 298. Natural defects
of people in, 308. Growth of
sentiment in, in favor of
monarchical government, 320.
Change of sentiment in people
of, 385. Vibrating between too
much and too little govern
ment, 385. Happiness of people
of, 391. Government of, needed
bracing, 422. Great change in
people of, 471. Boundary ne
gotiations with Great Britain,
VI. 122. Friction with Spain,
214. Prosperous condition of,
261. Good public credit of, 297.
Opposed to war, VII. 281.
Should it declare French treat
ies void or suspended? 283,
301. Sympathy with France,
309. Treaty with Prussia, 314.
556
The Writings of
United States — Continued.
Changed politics of, VIII. 292.
Jefferson opposed to separation
of, 430. British party in, 447.
Ways and means of, IX. 7, 9,
14, 41. Principles which should
govern, 197. Radical change
in, between 1784 and 1790, 306.
Proper policy for, 403. Pro
posed policy for, 414. Separa
tion of interests of, from those
of Europe, X. 43. Question as
to permanence of, as one con
federacy, 71. Possible policy
of, 129. Undeveloped strength
of, 263. Excitement in, over
Chesapeake, equalled only by
that of Lexington, 460, 465,
466. An agricultural country,
XL 98, 502. Should not be a
great commercial country, 98.
Peace favored by people of,
207. How far governments of,
republican, 529. Union of, de
pends on Virginia and Pennsyl
vania, XII. 204. Outbreak of
fanaticism in, 271.
United States Army: Disbanded,
V. 14. Facts concerning pro
visional, VIII. 307. Rejection
of bill for, 315, 317. Creation
of, 411, 414, 419, 424. Correc
tion concerning, IX. 32. Pun
ishment of officers of, concerned
in Burr's plots, X. 378. Possi
ble necessity of making every
citizen a soldier, XL 426.
U.S. Government: New, has given
general satisfaction, VI. 220.
Observations upon, 300. Con
tentment of people under, 455.
Growing power of, VIII. 340,
377. Degeneration of, 481. In
terpreted into a monarchic
masquee, IX. 152. Mode of
correspondence with State ex
ecutives, 260. Differentiation
of State prerogatives from, 261.
Relation to State governments,
334; XL 381; XII. 300, 342.
Progress towards consolidation
of, XII. 301, 424. Usurpations
of, 424, 429. Should forcible
resistance be offered to? 425.
University, National: Project for,
X. 232, 318. Barlow's scheme
of, 53°-
UPSHUR, A., report on, II. 289.
UPTON, lands of, in New York, IV.
456.
UTLEY, VINE,
1819, 21 March, XII. 116
V
Vaccine: Condition of, IX. 345.
VAN BUREN, MARTIN,
1824, 29 June, XII. 357
VANMETER,
1781, 27 April, III. 2(53
VAN NESS, W. P., pamphlet by,
X. 104.
VAN RENSSELAER, S., failure of,
XL 271.
VAN STAPHORST, N. and J.,
I785, 30 July, IV. 442
— 25 October, — 470
1790, 28 February, VI. 32
Peril of, V. 350.
VAUGHAN, BENJAMIN,
1791, ii May, VI. 259
VAUGHAN, JOHN,
1825, 16 September, XII. 412
VENABLE, ABRAHAM,
1809, 23 January, XL 91
VERGENNES, COMTE DE, confer
ence with, IV. 481. Negotia
tions with, V. no. Health of,
252. Character of, 259. Death
of, 287. Prediction of, concern
ing U. S., VIII. 287.
"Veritas," authorship of letters
of, I. 279, 292.
VERMONT, GOVERNOR OF,
1792, 12 July, VII. 134
Vermont: Decision as to, IV. 436;
V. 6, 155. Report on admission
of, VI. 204. Appointments in,
208. Friction on Canadian
border of , VII. 134, 135. Valid
ity of election in, VIII. 269.
VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE U. S.,
.1807, 6 July, X. 448
Vice-President: Jefferson's elec
tion as, VIII. 269, 270. System
of notifying, 270. Belief that
Jefferson would not accept
office of, 271, 275, 280. Oath of
office of, 280.
Virgil's Tomb: Fraud respecting,
V. 432-
Thomas Jefferson
557
VIRGINIA DELEGATES
GRESS,
1780, 27 October,
— 17 November,
1781, 1 5 January,
— 18
— 26 —
— 15 March,
— 6 April,
1785, 12 July,
VIRGINIA, GOVERNOR OF,
1776, 16 July,
1779, 27 March,
1782, 13 April,
— 22 September,
1783, 18 July,
— ii November,
— 17 December,
— 24
— 31
1784, 1 6 January,
— i7
— 23
— 3 March,
— 18 —
— 2 April,
— 3° —
— 7 May,
— 7 —
— 20 August,
1785, 12 January,
— 1 6 June,
— 1 5 July,
1786, 24 January,
1793, ii March,
— 28 June,
1801, 24 November,
1802, 2 June,
1807, 29 —
— 8 July,
— 19 —
— 24 —
— 27 —
— 7 August,
— ii —
— 7 September,
— i November,
1812, 22 January,
VIRGINIA, SPEAKER OF x
OF DELEGATES OF,
1779, 18 June,
— 22 October,
— 29 —
— 30 —
— 23 December,
1780, 8 June,
IN
CON-
III
67
75
133
137
153
220
242
IV
437
r,
II
226
III
350
296
—
302
IV
1 68
—
174
—
184
—
203
—
207
—
219
—
221
—
222
—
255
—
272
—
294
—
345
—
35°
—
352
—
367
—
392
—
413
—
440
—
506
VII
258
IX.
3i5
—
373
X
432
—
433
—
434
—
435
—
437
—
438
—
440
—
443
—
444
XI.
IEH
222
OUSE
II.
384
—
470
—
473
—
474
—
498
III.
14
1780, 13 June III. 21
— 14 — — 22
— 17 November, — 77
— 23 — 80
— 24 — 81
— ii December, — 87
— 29 — 103
1781, i January, — 108
— 23 — — 149
— i March, — 190
— 3 — — 198
— 9 — — 208
— 10 — — 214
l6 221
— 10 May, — 274
— 28 — — 286
Virginia, Assembly of: Jefferson
elected to, I. 7. Meeting of
1769, 9. Resolution for Com.
of Correspondence, 10. Dis
solved, 10. Resolution for fast,
12; II. 41. Action on Lord
North's conciliatory proposi
tion, I. 16; II. 101. Organiza
tion of, I. 57. Jefferson
attends, 57. Jefferson's work
in, 57-78. Resolutions of
(1769), 465. Election of Con
gress delegates in, II. 198.
Drafts of bills for, 268-438.
Right to originate money bill
in, 310. Bill to pay members,
347. Jefferson's speech to, 371.
Proclamation convening, III.
148. Circular letter to, 149, 265.
Adjournment to Charlottes-
ville, 279, 281. Illegal acts by,
IV. 17, 30. Motion for, on na
tional capital, 319. Proceedings
of, 381. Petitions to, VIII. 322,
333. Madison's report for, IX.
113. Proposed declaration and
protest of, XII. 418.
Virginia, Boundaries of, I. 4; II.
224; III. 235, 244, 254; IV. 18,
104, 245, 266, 329; VII. 258;
VIII. 273.
Virginia, Capital of: Removal of,
I. 64, 115; II. 375; III. 18. At
Richmond, I. 72. Capitol for,
IV. 69, 505 ;V. 82; VI. 24.
Virginia Constitution: Jefferson's
drafts for, II. 158; IV. 147; VI.
351; VIII. 159; IX. I42; XII.
407.
558
The Writings of
Virginia, — Constitution of
Jefferson's objections to, II.
158-161; III. 319; IV. 17-30;
VII. 150; XII. 4-9, 352.
Outline of, IV. 1 7-2 1 . Infringe
ments of, 21-32; V. 30. Move
ment in favor of a new, IV. 145,
167; VI. 151; VII. 164. Pro
posed convention to amend,
IV. 383; VIII. 338; XII. 38-
But an ordinary act of the legis
lature, V. 4, 15. Need of new,
VI. 151, 350; XII. 351. Bill of
rights in, VI. 159. Suggested
amendments of, VIII. 222 ; XII.
3, 353. How far a republican
government, XL 530. Letters
upon, XII. 377. Drafted by
George Mason, 407. History of
preamble to, 407. Jefferson's
share in, 407.
Virginia, Conventions of: Of 1774,
I. 13, 15; II. 41, 49; IV. 22. In
structions to Congress dele
gates by, I. 14; II. 63. Of 1775,
I. 16; IV. 22. Motion in re New
York, II. 96. Motion concern
ing public lands, 97.
Virginia, Courts of: Establish
ment of, I. 57, 59. Reports of
cases argued in General, 453,
470; II. 1 6. Fees of General,
470; II. 38. Bill to establish
County, II. 286. Place for
holding General and Chancery,
323. The General, a nursery of
judges, 349. Description of , IV.
37. Description of Chancery,
473. Administration of justice
in, 494. County, XII. 25.
Virginia, Education in, I. 75, 258.
Bill to increase, II. 414. Jef
ferson's system of public, XL
143, 399. Plan of elementary,
449; XII. 17 1. Bill for, XII. 23.
Encouragement of, 58. General
system of, 77. Expense of pro
posed ward, 81. Contrast with
other States as to universities,
154. In danger of becoming the
Barbary of the Union, 170.
Mass of, prior to Revolution,
170.
Virginia, Invasion of, II. 498; III.
64, 68, 78, 81, 105, 108-238,
241—290; XII. i47» 47°- British
plundering in, IV. 495. Useless
depredations in, V. 242, 420.
Diary of Jefferson during, X.
154-
Virginia, Laws of: Jury, 1.59. Re
vised code of 1779, 67; II. 383;
IV. 47, 332, 467; V. 3, 47, I52,
228. Criminal, I. 68-69, 71, 74,
234; IV. 59. System of, IV. 37;
IX. 74-76. Description of Jef
ferson's collection of, VIII.
214; X. 148, 342.
Virginia, Loyalists of: Pardon to,
II. 324. Property of, 365, 375,
387, 448. Treatment of, IV. 72,
431.
Virginia, Militia of: Conduct of,
III. 44, 171, 177, 184, 208, 286.
Desertion of, III. 50, 241, 264.
Delinquent, 249, 257. Account
of, 492.
Virginia, Religion in, IV. 74. Es
tablished Church and, I. 61.
Dissenters and, 6 1 . Bill for free
dom of, 62, 71; II. 438; V. 145,
152, 168, 228. Laws in favor of ,
I. 319. Protests against assess
ments for, V. 78.
Virginia, Slavery in: History of , I.
59. Bill to end, 59. Bill relating
to, 76, 231. Case of, 470. Pro
posed abolition of, V. 70. Loss
of slaves in Cornwallis' raid,
421; VII. 47. Outbreak of
slaves in, IX. 145, 150. Desires
colonization of slaves, 316, 374,
385-
Virginia (see also British Debts}:
Company, I. 3. Maps of, 4; III.
323, 325, 33i, 345, 369; V. 219;
X. 147, 285. Stamp act in, I. 8.
Association of 1769, 9; II. n.
Fast of 1774, I. 11-13; II; 41*.
XII. 390. System of entail in,
I. 58, 68, 109. Citizenship in,
64. Destruction of aristocracy
of, 76. Jefferson elected Gover
nor of, 77; II. 371-372. Com
mittee of Correspondence of, I.
213; XL 511; XII. 119. Discon
tent at Federal Government in,
I. 251. Seal of, II. 229. Lands
of, 375, 497; HI- 3, 295; IV.
169, 243, 249, 255, 266; V. 7.
Thomas Jefferson
559
Virginia — Continued.
Bill to prevent invasions and
insurrections in, II. 295; III.
287. Republican government
generally accepted in, II. 306.
Enlargement of powers of ex
ecutive of, 321. Bill to establish
library in, 436. Insurrection in,
III. 68, 263, 266. Plants in,
400. Quadrupeds in, 408. Cli
mate of, 470. Population of,
484, 488. Indians in, 494.
Granting of, IV. 5. History,
early, 5. Government, 5, 7, 21,
95. Charter, 7. Unfair appor
tionment in, 18. Proposition
for Dictator, 30-35; XI. 408.
Poor in, IV. 41. Naturalization
in, 43, 48. Customs and man
ners in, 82. Manufactures of,
85. Productions of, 87. Ex
ports, of, 87. Histories of, 102.
State papers of, 104. Impost in,
144. Council of, 247. Arrange
ment for statue of Washington
for, 392, 414, 438. Arms for,
413." Debts to British mer
chants, V. 28; VII. 197. Value
of paper money of , V. 139. Sys
tem of, of conducting tobacco
trade with Great Britain, 173.
Lack of manufactories in, 409.
Outline of proceedings in
convention of 1788, 431. Anti-
Federalism of, 451, 453. Per
sonal news of, VI. 22, 59; VIII.
181. Payments to soldiers of,
VI. 65. Proportion of State
debts under assumption, 106,
1 08. Discontent of, at assump
tion, 154. Destruction of re
cords of, 256. Local news of,
258. Advantageous climate of,
265. Dislike of excise law in,
272. Population of, 303. Shrink
age of property in, 413. Loun
gers in, VII. 346. Disposition
of, 357. Supports general
government, 455. Personal
dislike of the Secretary of the
Treasury, 456. Duty of, to
cultivate friendship with Penn
sylvania, VIII. 273. Grand
jury proceedings in, 301. Politi
cal unsoundness of, 480. Con
gressional elections in, IX. 67,
69. Necessity for concerted
action with Kentucky, 77, 81.
Military preparations in, 206.
Undue proportion of appoint
ments from, in general govern
ment, 351. Result of election
in, 465. Jefferson's collection
of newspapers of, X. 149. Let
ters to governor of, concerning
Chesapeake outrage, 432-445.
Poor state of finances of, 459.
Loan of artillery to, 459.
Revolutionary government of,
XI. 222. System of voting in
Council of, 223. Embargo in,
233, 287. Social conditions of,
before the Revolution, 345.
Revolutionary legislation in,
346. Proposition for loan office
in, 401. Unequal representa
tion in, XII. 2 7 . Instructions to
Congressional delegation of,
concerning independence, 408.
History of lotteries in, 438.
, I. 93; II. 149;
V. 98, 301, 304; XI. 115. In
Virginia, Notes on, I. 93; II. 149
scriptions in copies of, III. 317.
Text of, 347; IV. 119. Printing
of, IV. 412. A confidential
communication, 413. Copies
sent, 418. Condition of MS.,
466. Translation of, V. 77, 79,
367. Copy sent to Wythe, 151.
Map for, 155. Corrections in,
238. Criticism of England in,
VI. 152. French edition of , 288.
Luther Martin's attack on,
VIII. 301, 352, 353, 390. Ap
pendix to, IX. 72. Modification
of opinion expressed in, XL
5°3- .
Virginia, University of: Jefferson's
plan for, VIII. 96, 102. Pro
posed, XII. 78. Needs of, 167.
Report of the visitors of, 169.
Difficulties of, 173. Buildings
of, 213. Lack of funds for, 263.
Progress of, 265, 272, 290, 328,
427. No theological school in,
272. Affairs of, 273. Jefferson's
last interest, 313, 408. Engage
ment of professors for, 427, 432.
Jefferson's share in, 4*47. Al
leged statements of Jefferson
The Writings of
Virginia — Continued.
1786,
16
August,
V.
165
concerning, 451. Refusal of
1788,
1 1
February,
—
388
further funds to, 455. Gift to,
I793»
8
May,
VII.
322
481.
WASHINGTON,
VOLNEY, 0. F., COMTE DE,
1779,
19
June,
II.
445
1806, ii February, X. 226
1 7
July,
—
452
Departure of, VIII. 429.
—
i
October,
—
464
VOLTAIRE, legacy of, to the king
of Prussia, IV. 410.
—
2
8
—
—
465
466
—
20
November,
—
488
W
—
i 6
December,
—
496
Wabash Prophets: Description of,
1780,
TO
February,
III.
9
XI. 236.
—
10
April,
—
12
Wales: Jeffersons from, I. 3.
WALKER, F., election of, VIII.
I I
2
June,
July,
27
162.
—
3
September,
—
43
WALKER, JOHN,
—
23
—
—
54
1781, 18 January, III. 115
—
26
—
—
56
II. 41-42, 44-
—
2 5
October,
—
66
WALL, MAJOR,
—
November,
—
83
1780, 21 December, III. 91
—
15
December,
—
88
WALSH, ROBERT,
1781,
i?
February,
—
173
1818, 4 December, XII. 106
—
o
May,
—
272
1820, 6 February, — 156
—
28
—
—
283
"Appeal of, from the judg
28
October,
—
293
ment of Great Britain," XII.
1783,
22
January,
IV.
124
156, 384-
1784,
6
March,
—
264
War: British method of conduct
15
March,
—
266
ing, II. 373, 447, 455; III. 251;
V. 68, 195 ; XI. 335. Transfer of
—
31
6
April,
—
293
295
power of, from executive to
—
16
—
323
legislature, VI. 11. American
1786,
November,
V.
220
sentiment opposed to, VII. 415.
1788,
2
May,
—
388
Jefferson's dislike of, VIII. 142.
—
4
December,
—
437
Rumor of ,147. Predilection of
1789,
:o
May,
—
473
Adams' Cabinet for, 288. Not
15
December,
VI.
27
America's weapon, 293. Con
1790,
14
February,
—
30
gressional power to declare,
I
April,
—
38
387, 410. Inexperience of U. S.
—
12
July.
—
90
in, 249. Effect of, on U. S.,
—
15
—
—
96
XI. 263.
—
6
August,
—
114
War of 1812: Declaration of, XI.
—
27
August,
—
141
239. Probable course of, 265.
—
9
December,
—
162
Unfit generals in, 271, 283, 284.
I79I>
2
April,
—
235
Military failures of, 357. Origin
—
I 7
—
—
243
and progress of, 364. Suggested
—
24
—
—
247
terms of peace, 432. Change of
—
I
May,
—
252
objects in, 436. Course of, 451,
—
8
—
—
254
458. Conclusion of peace, 453.
—
I r
—
—
261
Pamphlet on causes and con
—
5
June,
—
266
duct of, 464.
—
20
—
—
270
WARDEN, DAVID BAILEY,
—
30
July,
—
299
1820, 26 December, XII. 179
23
October,
—
3J7
WARVILLE, JEAN PIERRE BRISSOT
—
7
November,
—
DE,
—
8
—
—
321
Thomas Jefferson
561
WASHINGTON — Continued.
1791, 13 December, VI. 345
— 16 — 346
— 23 — 352
1792, 4 January, — 362
— 25 — 376
— 28 — 380
— 4 February, — 385
— 7 — 388
— 2 March, — 390
— 7 — — 391
— 445
445
— 455
— 477
— 486
— 487
VII
— 25 —
— 28 —
— 13 April,
— 1 6 May,
— 23 —
— 30 July, v J.J.. 135
— 9 September, — 136
— 18 — 153
— 17 October, — 165
— 2 November, — 169
- 3 — - 172
— 16 — 172
— 18 — 179
— i December, — 187
1793, i January, — 201
— 12 February, — 227
— 16
— 21 March,
— 7 April,
— 28 —
— 6 June,
1793, 28 June,
— ? July?
— 18 — -
227
— 239
— 265
~ 275
— 282
VII. 369
VII. 115
438
— 452
- 462
— 466
— 468
- 47 1
VIII. *
— 31 —
— 4 August,
— 18 —
"~ I I ' --- L
- 22 -
— ? ? — 10
— 15 September, — 45
— 3 October, — 52
— '? — 55
— 30 November, — 79
— 2 December, —
— ii
85
— 92
• 136
— 148
1794, 14 May,
1796, 19 June, — 245
Brevity of, I. 89. Offers Jeffer
son Secretaryship of State,
157. Character of, 164; XI.
375. Republican principles
of, I. 178; VI. 217. Federal
ist influence over, I. 184;
IX. 3. Jefferson's conversa
tion with, I. 192. Proposed
retirement of, 193, 228, 234,
247; VI. 487; VII. 154. Opin
ion of his general officers, I.
203. Lack of confidence in
French Revolution, 212. In
dignation of, at newspapers,
260, 274. Cabinet opinion
upon taking oath of office,
260. Opinion of militia of,
275. Alleged unpopularity
of, 294. Inclined to appeal
to people concerning Genet,
307. Loss of temper by, 307.
Regret at having accepted
second term, 310. Discussion
of message of, 325, 330.
Draft for message of, 331,
332; VIII. 79, 85. Relations
with Adams, I. 344; X. 32.
Religion of, I. 352. Requested
to come to Virginia's aid, III.
285. Tribute to, 459; IV. 125.
Proposed as Director, 30.
Resignation of, 202, 203. Ad
vocates improvement of Po
tomac, 269. Statue of, 392,
414, 438, 506; V. 81. In rela
tion to the Cincinnati, 51, 53 ;
XI. 122. Unlimited confi
dence reposed in, V. 402 ; VI.
493; VIII. 253, 265, 282, 431.
Will accept Presidency, V.
407. Jefferson's faith in, 458.
Sacrifice in accepting Presi
dency, 475. News of, VI. 40
Never promises office, 49.
Serious illness of, VI. 58, 69,
88, 285, 288. Public alarm
at illness of, 58. Order for
wines, 146. Movements of,
272; Importance of, in quell
ing party feeling, 493. Dis
sensions in Cabinet of, VII
137; XI. 138, 184, 185.
Amendment of proclamation
of, VII. 153. Reserve of,
concerning French Revolu
tion, 204. Desire of, to serve
the Lafayettes, 263-265. Ad
dress to, on neutrality, 336.
Ill-health of, 375. Affected
by attacks, 376. Support of,
as against Genet, 508; VIII.
7. Genet's threat to appeal
562
The Writings of
WASHINGTON — Continued.
from, 50. Genet's dislike of,
59. Endeavor to aid Lafay
ette, 78, 94. Desires to retain
Jefferson in Cabinet, 124.
Disapproval of secret socie
ties, 156. Speech of, on sup
pression of Whiskey Rebel
lion, 158. Rupture in rela
tions of, with Jefferson, VIII.
240. Speech of, 255. Desire
of, for peace, 266. Good luck
of, 268. Mazzei letter and,
333. Observance of birthday
of, 370, 379. Bonaparte a
possible imitator of , IX. 114.
Diplomatic rule established
by, 229. Refrains from nepo
tism ,238. Refuses to observe
death of Franklin, X. 32.
Tours of, 422. Proposition to
crown, XL 122. Political
opinions of, 279. Authorship
of farewell address of, XII.
253, 296. Position of Cabinet
of, as regards navy, 266. Ex
planation of adoption of
forms by, 363. Second in
auguration of, 365. Last
meeting with Jefferson, 369.
Washington, City of (see also
Capital, National) : Bill for pub
lic buildings in, VIII. 397. Con-
fessional appropriation for,
. 371. Capture of, XI. 423.
British destruction at, 427;
XII. 39. Responsibility for cap
ture of, XL 442. Proposed in
scription for capitol in, XII. 39.
Fiftieth anniversary of Amer
ican independence at, 476.
Waste: Law of, VII. 125.
WATERHOUSE, BENJAMIN,
1815, 13 October, XL 490
1818, 3 March, XII. 87
1819, 31 January, — 115
1822, 26 June, — 241
— 19 July, — 243
1825, 8 January, — 398
WAYLES, JOHN, I. 8. Advertise
ment of lands of, II. 40. Debt
of, V. 241, 249.
WAYLES, MARTHA (see JEFFER
SON, MARTHA).
WAYLES, R., II. 15.
WAYNE, ANTHONY, appointment
to command Indian expedition,
VI. 474. Misfortune to expedi
tion of, VIII. 72.
WEBSTER, DANIEL, visit to Monti-
cello, XII. 387. Memoranda of
Jefferson's conversation, 387.
WEBSTER, NOAH,
1790, 4 December, VI. 158
Copyrights for, 158. A mere
pedagogue, IX. 285.
WEBSTER, P., II. 439.
WEEDON, GEORGE,
1781, 21 March, III. 228
WEIGHTMAN, ROGER C.,
1826, 24 June, XII. 476
Weights and Measures: Living
ston's views on, VI. 188. Jeffer
son's report on, 287.
WELLS, SAMUEL ADAMS,
1819, 12 May, XII. 119
— 23 June, — 126
West, The: Jefferson's views con
cerning, V. 398. Excitement of,
over suspension of right of de
posit, IX. 416, 441 (?). Emi
gration to, X. 228.
Western States: Attempt to ex
clude slavery from, V. 65.
Change of politics in, XII. 430.
Western Territory: Division of, IV.
243, 244. Cession of, 249, 255,
280. Government for, 251,275,
345, 347. Companies inter
ested in, IX. 214.
Westham, Va.: Works at, II. 475;
III. 106, 116.
West Indies: American commerce
with, IV. 397, 403, 423. An en
deavor to open trade of French,
V. 438. French commerce with,
VI. 17. Supposed desire of U.
S. to obtain, 293. Negroes will
gain possession of, VII. 449.
West Indies, British: Status
of American commerce with,
VIII. 109.
West Indies, Danish: Status of
American commerce with, VI 1 1.
109.
West Indies, French: Slave war in,
VI. 225. Ill-humor of, 299.
U. S. guarantee of, VII. 283;
VIII. 142. Status of American
commerce with, VIII. 108.
Thomas Jefferson
563
Whale Oil: IV. 483; V. 290, 439-
VI. 284; VII. 246. Negotia
tions concerning, V. 116, 137.
Adams' interest in, 146.
Wheat: Culture of, IV. 88, 89.
Embargo on, II. 491. Failure of,
VI. 17; XI. 287. Cost of pro
ducing, VII. 119, 120. Price of,
197, 213, 263; VIII. 253. Prob
able high price of, VII. 312.
Poor market for, VIII. 138, 140.
Jefferson's proposition to allow
exportation of, XI. 273.
WHEATLEY, PHILLIS, IV. 53.
Whiskey: Injury done by, in
America, XI. 494; XII. 100.
Proposed additional tax on,
XII. 284.
Whiskey Rebellion: News of, VIII.
157. Jefferson's views of, 177.
WHITE, ALEXANDER,
1797, 10 September, VIII. 341
WHITFORD, theory of, of the
earth, V. 229, 231. Theory of,
concerning steam, 231.
WHITNEY, ELI,
1793, 16 November, VIII. 70
WILKINSON, JAMES,
1808, 24 June, XI. 35
1818, 25 — XII. 98
How far involved with Burr, I.
402. Appointment of, X.
264. Jefferson's opinion of,
264; XI. 218. Letters of, X.
398, 400, 405, 409. Docu
ments placed at the service
of, 499. Request for docu
ments by, XI. 35. Concern
in Burr's schemes, 35. Il
legal acts of, 1 48. Conduct of,
at New Orleans, 217.
William and Mary College: Reor-
fanization of, I. 75, 78; II. 426;
II. 33. Affairs at, I. 446; IV.
65, 69, 448. Characterization of,
IX. 96. "Sour grapes" of, XII.
116.
WILLIAMS, JONATHAN,
T796» 3 July, VIII. 249
Wilhamsburg, Va.: I. 8-15, 64,
447-
WILLIAMSON, HUGH,
1791, 13 November VI. 328
1792, i April, — 458
1798, ii February, VIII. 367
1 80 1, 10 January, IX. 167
WILLIS, FRANCIS,
1790, 13 April, VI. 45
WILSON, JAMES, speech on Con
federation, I. 47, 55.
WILSON, JOHN,
1813, 17 August, XI. 307
Wines: Tariff on, XII. 100.
WIRT, WILLIAM,
1811, 30 March, XI. 197
— 3 May, — 198
— 3 — — 201
1812, 12 April, — 226
1814, 14 August, — 400
1815, 12 May, — 410
— 5 August, — 410
1816, 4 September, XII. 32
— 29 — 36
— 8 October, — 36
— 12 November, — 34
1818, 5 January, — 79
1819, 27 June, — 129
Life of Patrick Henry by, XII.
32. Style of, 37.
WISTAR, CASPAR,
1803, 28 February, IX. 422
1807, 21 June, X. 423
WITHERSPOON, J., speech on Con
federation, I. 48, 51.
Women: Reasons against suffrage
for, XII. 1 6. Education of, 90.
WOODS, JOHN, History of the ad
ministration of John Adams by,
IX. 347.
WOODWARD, AUGUSTUS B.,
1825, 3 April,
WRAY, JACOB,
1781, 15 January,
WRIGHT, Miss FANNY,
1825, 7 August,
WYTHE, GEORGE,
1776, 27 July,
1778, i November,
1779, i March,
1786, 10 January,
— 13 August,
1787, 1 6 September,
1793, 27 April,
1796, 16 January,
1797, 22
1800, 28 February,
— 7 April,
Jefferson studies law with, I. 6.
Character of, 65. Share in
Revisal, 67: II. 383. Slavery
sentiments of, IV. 448. Praise
of, V. 322. Leaves William
XII.
407
III.
130
XII.
410
II.
159
—
218
—
393
—
349
///.
321
— —
323
V.
338
VII.
VIII.
214
— -
274
IX.
us
_ —
117
564 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson
WYTHE, GEORGE — Continued.
and Mary College, VI. 23
Publication of lectures of
XL 158.
X
X Y Z Mission of 1798-9, I. 349;
VIII. 296, 313, 391, 402, 405;
IX. 52, 55, 60, 62, 120. Ap
pointment of Gerry to, VIII.
313. News of, 358, 359. No
news from, 371, 373. Letters
from, 380. Excitement over,
386; IX. 203. Importance of
gaining time in, VIII. 386, 380.
Jefferson's views upon, 401.
Scandal concerning, 402. Am
azement caused by, 404. Des
patches of, 404, 405, 407.
Movements of members of,
435. Abatement of fever caused
by, 4.50; IX. ii. Suspicion con
cerning, 21. Recapitulation of,
needed, 27.
YANCEY, CHARLES,
1816, 6 January, XL 493
Yazoo Company, VI. 154, 250.
Petition of, 301. North Caro
lina grants to, VII. 102.
Yellow Fever: Outbreak of, IX.
146. Will discourage growth of
cities, 147. Facts concerning,
X. 96. Recommendations con
cerning, 1 86
YORK, DUKE OF, character of, V.
443-
YRUJO, CHEVALIER D', character
of, IX. 233.
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